The War on Drugs floats because we keep trying to sink it

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OPINION PIECE :

Patrik Ward is an economics student and member of the Adam Smith Society at the University of Tampa.

Abigail R. Hall is a senior fellow at the Independent Institute in Oakland, Calif., and an associate professor of economics at the University of Tampa.

What looks like an anti-drug measure may, in practice, be a show of power.
The recent U.S. strikes on alleged Venezuelan drug-traffickers in the Caribbean were framed as a necessary measure against transnational crime. Beyond their questionable legality, these measures risk deepening the very markets they seek to destroy. In attempting to sink traffickers at sea, the U.S. may have buoyed the economics of the drug trade.

In late October, U.S. naval forces carried out multiple strikes against vessels in the Caribbean suspected of transporting drugs linked to Venezuelan criminal networks. According to U.S. officials, the strikes sought to disrupt smuggling routes and weaken cartels. Venezuelan officials condemned the attacks as a violation of sovereignty.

Although U.S. leaders defended them as part of a broader campaign against narcotics trafficking, the timing and targets suggest a broader strategic move. Venezuela’s government remains deeply corrupt and internationally isolated, making it an easy symbol for demonstrating U.S. strength in the region. What looks like an anti-drug measure may, in practice, be a show of power—a bid to assert influence and signal strength, rather than a coordinated effort to reduce trafficking.

On a baseline level, a tougher stance on trafficking sounds like a beneficial policy. If the United States government raises the “punishment” for trafficking (i.e., killing traffickers on the open sea), smugglers may reconsider their choice.

However, illicit markets don’t mirror textbook logic. They adapt. By raising the risks, these strikes may have also raised the rewards, inflating prices, shifting routes and enriching the most dangerous agents.

This dynamic, common in financial markets, is often referred to as the “risk premium” — higher expected punishment leads traffickers to demand higher prices to compensate for the danger.

In the short run, some suppliers in the drug trade may exit the market. But those who stay are those most willing to take extreme risks or who already have the means to absorb them. In this case, cartels with deep pockets and little concern for collateral damage. Enforcement ends up selecting the most violent, not the most vulnerable.

As enforcement intensifies in one region, illegal activity doesn’t disappear — it relocates. This “balloon effect” means that squeezing the supposed drug trade in Venezuelan waters may simply push it toward alternative routes through Central America, the Caribbean or the West Coast. This doesn’t reduce the flow of drugs, but the geography of violence and corruption shifts, destabilizing communities far from the original target.

The economic effects don’t end there. As risk and costs climb, drug producers face incentives to cut corners and stretch profits by diluting drug purity. This generally takes the form of mixing cheaper — and often deadlier — additives like fentanyl. What begins as a “security measure abroad” can quickly spiral into a public-health crisis at home as domestic demand persists, and drug supply grows more potent and unpredictable.

These mechanisms reveal that when policy targets symptoms rather than the underlying causes or incentives, markets evolve faster than enforcement can adapt. The United States has spent decades trying to outgun an industry whose demand base is resilient and concentrated domestically. The real question isn’t whether to combat trafficking — it’s how. Every dollar spent on maritime strikes is a dollar not spent on reducing domestic demand, expanding treatment capacity or fostering economic alternatives in producer countries.

So, what can we do differently?

If the goal is to weaken trafficking networks, policymakers would do better to strike the cartels economically, not their boats. Forty years of interdictions — from the Caribbean to Plan Colombia — show that cutting supply routes rarely cuts supply. Research suggests that every dollar spent on treatment and prevention reduces drug consumption up to five times more than enforcement and interdiction spending.

Real deterrence starts at home. Expanding access to treatment, addressing poverty and mental health crises and targeting the financial pipelines that launder cartel profits strike demand and incentives directly. Cooperation with Latin American governments can then make enforcement smarter, not louder. The point isn’t to dominate the Caribbean — it’s to make drug trafficking a losing business model.

A purely militarized approach treats illicit markets as a law enforcement problem when it’s fundamentally an economic one. The logic of the market doesn’t vanish at sea — it simply resurfaces somewhere else.

Source: https://www.tampabay.com

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