National Crime Agency exposes increasing ketamine use in England amid surge in ‘drug cocktails’
Heroin/Methadone
Ketamine usage more than doubled in England last year amid the rising popularity of designer “drug cocktails”, The Telegraph can reveal.
The largest and most accurate study of its kind, conducted on behalf of the National Crime Agency (NCA), has exposed a dramatic rise in the popularity of the drug.
Almost 25 tonnes of ketamine were consumed in England last year, up from 10.6 tonnes in 2023.
The drug is now more popular than heroin, with the worst hotspots in Norwich, Liverpool, and Wakefield.
The findings are revealed in Home Office data, seen by The Telegraph, which will form part of the NCA’s annual threat assessment next week.
The agency, dubbed Britain’s FBI, will warn of a rise in the use of several recreational drugs in Britain, including a 10 per cent increase in cocaine.
The sharp increase in the prevalence of ketamine on Britain’s streets is thought to be driven by drug cocktails, including “pink cocaine” – a combination of ketamine and other substances taken by Liam Payne, the One Direction star, before his death last year.
Payne, who fell to his death from a hotel balcony in Argentina in October last year, had taken a mixture of methamphetamine, ketamine and MDMA along with crack cocaine and benzodiazepine before he died, a toxicology report found.

Mixing ketamine and other drugs can produce hallucinogenic effects, but presents a greater risk to partygoers because the substances can be laced with even stronger narcotics including fentanyl.
The Home Office sampled wastewater from 18 treatment plants across England and Scotland over three years to build the most accurate picture of drug consumption in Britain ever compiled.
The samples, which covered wastewater from more than a quarter of the population, were analysed and scaled up by scientists from Imperial College London.
Previous estimates were based on the quantity of drugs seized by police and self-reported drug surveys, which are less accurate.
The final report found that almost 100 tonnes of cocaine were consumed in England alone last year, up from 88 tonnes in 2023.
Liverpool and Newcastle were the heaviest consumers of cocaine. Usage peaked in London during Christmas, the Euro 2024 football tournament and the Eurovision song contest.
Adjusted for purity, quantities of cocaine consumed in England last year had an estimated street value of £7.7 billion.
That figure is almost double the NCA’s previous estimate and the equivalent of £100 spent on cocaine each year by every person in the country.
Over the same period, heroin consumption is estimated to have decreased by 11 per cent, from 25,300 kilograms in 2023 to 22,400 kilograms in 2024. The highest rates were measured in wastewater from Liverpool and Birmingham.
Experts have previously warned of the dangers of trendy designer drug cocktails, including pink cocaine and “Calvin Klein” or “CK”, which refers to a mixture of cocaine and ketamine.
The combination of drugs can make it more difficult for users to know what substances they have taken.
CK, which is growing in popularity in the UK, has been blamed for overdoses among young people in nightclubs.
It comes as in this week’s Crime and Policing Bill, the Government will propose banning “cuckooing” – when criminals seize a vulnerable person’s home and use it as a drug den or for other illegal activity.

Yvette Cooper, the Home Secretary, will also propose a new offence of child criminal exploitation, which is thought to affect around 14,500 children each year.
Under the new measures, people convicted of using children for crime, including county lines drug dealing, will face ten years in prison.
Ms Cooper said: “The exploitation of children and vulnerable people for criminal gain is sickening and it is vital we do everything in our power to eradicate it from our streets.
“As part of our Plan for Change, we are introducing these two offences to properly punish those who prey on them, ensure victims are properly protected and prevent these often-hidden crimes from occurring in the first place.
“These steps are vital in our efforts to stop the grooming and exploitation of children into criminal gangs, deliver on our pledge to halve knife crime in the next decade and work towards our overall mission to make our streets safer.”
Ministers and the NCA are also concerned about the rise of drug importers, who bring classified substances into the UK through weaker entry points and sell them to distributors around the country.
Source: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2025/02/21/true-scale-uk-illegal-drug-use/
INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY NDPA:
THIS ARTICLE IS INCLUDED FOR ITS INTERESTING DESCRIPTION OF THE CONSUMPTION ROOM PHILOSOPHY AND PRACTICE. NDPA HAS SEVERAL SERIOUS CONCERNS ABOUT SO-CALLED ‘CONSUMPTION ROOMS’ AND WOULD TAKE ISSUE WITH SOME OF THE CLAIMS MADE IN THIS ARTICLE, NOT LEAST THE HEADLINE CLAIM THAT THIS IS A ‘SAFE’ SITE … (SEE OTHER ARTICLES ON THE NDPA SITE), NEVERTHELESS, IT IS WORTH READING, IN ORDER TO BETTER UNDERSTAND THE ATTITUDE BEHIND THE PROVENANCE OF SUCH FACILITIES.
by Rebecca. L. Root – December 24, 2024 – SOURCE PRISM
At 8 a.m. on a Monday morning, most of the soft recliners in the waiting area of the three-story East Harlem overdose prevention center (OPC) are already occupied by those who have come to consume their first dose of the day. Whether it’s for fentanyl, heroin, or another drug, people of all ages trickle into the consumption room at OnPoint NYC, where mirrored cubicles line opposite sides of the room and a staff station sits in the middle with trays of needles, elastics, and wipes organized in rows.
A man, who looks to be in his late 30s, unwraps today’s first fix of what most likely is the opioid fentanyl, which staff say is the most common drug used here. He simultaneously chats with the staff who welcome each visitor with familiarity. The calm ambiance is occasionally punctuated with noise as the metal doors swing, allowing another person to enter.
OnPoint NYC, which opened in 2021 as the country’s first overdose prevention site, aims to be a judgment- and persecution-free space for drug users to safely consume. The idea of preventing people from dying of an overdose is a controversial one. Last year, former U.S. attorney for the southern district of New York Damian Williams told The New York Times that OnPoint’s methods were illegal and hinted at a shutdown, while New York Gov. Kathy Hochul is also opposed, having repeatedly said the centers violate federal and state laws, putting their future operations in the balance.
But amid the national opioid epidemic, drastic measures are needed. More than 100,000 people die each year from drug overdoses in the U.S., according to the National Center for Health Statistics. In November, President-elect Donald Trump announced plans to impose further tariffs on Chinese imports in an attempt to curb what he believes are fentanyl deliveries into the U.S. It follows calls in 2022 from President Joe Biden to increase funding in the budget to address the overdose epidemic, while in 2023 New York Times editors declared that the U.S. had lost the war on drugs.
“Every 90 minutes…four New Yorkers die [of an overdose],” said Sam Rivera, the executive director of OnPoint NYC.
Advocates for OPCs say having a sanitary and safe place to consume drugs diminishes the element of haste or need for discretion that might exist in a public place. This reduces the risk of an overdose, but should one occur, medically trained staff dressed in jeans and leather are ready to respond.
Despite the progress, the center, and the few others like it in the U.S., remain controversial. When a similar center was opened in San Francisco in 2022, a group of local mothers protested while others posited that creating safe spaces to consume drugs only increases drug use.
However, research found that following the opening of an OPC in San Francisco, there was no visible increase in drug use, and a Brown University study found no affiliation between the centers and increased crime.
Instead, Michel Kazatchkine, a commissioner of the Global Commission on Drug Policy (GCDP), which advocates for drug policies to be more humane and prioritize public and individual health, believes it is the current approach of criminalizing drug users that is the problem.
“The criminal justice approach has sent hundreds of thousands of people to prison with no benefit for these people and no benefit for the society and huge expenses involved,” said Kazatchkine, who is also the former executive director of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, France.
Over 1.16 million people each year are incarcerated in the U.S. on drug offenses, while globally, governments spend $100 billion annually on punitive drug policies. In spite of such policies, global drug use has risen from about 180 million people in 2002 to 292 million in 2022, according to a report by the GCDP.
In states like New York, the response to tackle the drug problem has predominantly been to fund the distribution of naloxone and fentanyl test strips, which can detect the presence of fentanyl in other drugs, explained Toni Smith, the New York state director at Drug Policy Alliance. The group works with grassroots groups to advance public health solutions to drug use. While such resources are critical, Smith emphasized that the state must offer a full range of life-saving tools and services. More OPCs, Smith believes, could save more lives.
The harm reduction quandary
Historically, the U.S. has pushed back on any initiatives under the harm reduction umbrella, Kazatchkine said. Harm reduction, according to the World Health Organization (WHO), focuses on offering a suite of interventions designed to minimize the negative impacts related to drug use. That could include providing people with clean needles and syringes, with naloxone, with HIV testing, or with access to opioid substitution therapy programs. OPCs—often referred to as safe consumption sites in Europe, where they are widely used—are not on the WHO’s list of recommended harm reduction interventions but are a harm reduction approach.
“The concept of harm reduction is acknowledging that people use drugs and that these people have risks, but it is prioritizing health approaches over criminalization,” Kazatchkine said. “Acknowledging that people use drugs, you acknowledge something that is prohibited under the law and actually under criminal law, so a government or an international entity finds itself in a very uncomfortable situation.”
“Many people would come in and be shocked…They open the door and think everybody’s just using drugs. They don’t expect this kind of structure and loving environment,” he said. “We’ve invited the governor for three years. [She] hasn’t been here once. But you’re going to sit around and tell us the program doesn’t work.”
Beyond a safe space for consumption
More than just a consumption space, the center offers a health clinic and, up a narrow staircase to a second floor, therapy rooms host complimentary holistic treatments such as reiki, massage, and sound baths. Rivera himself occasionally hosts one. All services, including health care, are free.
On this day, a woman sleeps deeply in a reclining chair as soft music tinkles in the background and candles burn in the corner; two others lie on massage tables awaiting their treatments. Shower facilities are available in another corner of the center, and an on-site psychologist offers mental health services in a bid to help tackle the underlying trauma behind the addiction. It’s “multidimensional” support to treat a problem that surpasses simply addiction but intersects with issues around housing, access to care, criminalization, food and nutrition, sleep, as well as structural racism, Smith said. And the services aren’t just for drug users but all local community members.
“Creating this community and this space around a loving environment is so impactful, and it changes the experience for folks who come in,” Rivera said.
In New York City, Rivera believes there have also been economic benefits. OnPoint’s data suggests a reduction in visits to the emergency room for overdoses that has relieved the burden on the health system and, Rivera said, potentially saved two New York City neighborhoods $45 million in less than three years.
More OPCs could benefit the U.S. and reduce the impact the drug crisis is having, said Kazatchkine, but amid what Rivera believes is a game of politics, whether that will happen remains to be seen. In the meantime, elsewhere in the U.S., people will shoot up in alleyways and parks, at increased risk of unnecessarily overdosing. But the reality, Rivera said, is that with OPCs, there’s the potential for no one to have to die this way again.
Source: https://www.nationofchange.org/2024/12/24/inside-the-countrys-first-official-safe-drug-consumption-site/
An update on the progress of national initiatives to address the opioid crisis.
Updated January 31, 2025 Reviewed by Jessica Schrader
- Key points:
- In 2016, drug experts mapped out solutions to the opioid epidemic.
- Several major initiatives subsequently were proposed and implemented.
- Many changes have had profound influences, reducing the impact of opioid use and saving lives.
In their 2016 New England Journal of Medicine article on opioids, Nora Volkow, M.D., director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) and A. Thomas McLellan, Ph.D., who served as deputy director of the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy during the Obama administration, reported on what was needed to combat the opioid epidemic.
They focused initially on opioid prescribing for pain. Pain experts resisted restrictions on opioids since they were the treatment of choice and addiction was only 3% to 8% for chronic pain and lower for acute pain. Pain patients develop a physical dependence on opioids, but few become addicts.
Volkow and McLellan were prescient in their statements/predictions nearly a decade ago. They acknowledged the need for opioids for managing chronic pain for some but pointed to overprescriptions in the 1990s and 2000s as a major driver of the opioid crisis. They discussed naloxone (Narcan) saving lives by reversing opioid overdoses. They advocated expanding access to medication-assisted treatment (methadone, buprenorphine) to treat opioid addiction, calling it an evidence-based strategy for reducing illicit drug use and deaths. They noted state prescription drug monitoring programs (PDMPs) could be enhanced to track prescribing patterns and minimize diversion.
Volkow and McLellan called for research to develop effective non-opioid pain treatments and reduce reliance on opioids. They also addressed stigma associated with pain management and addiction treatment, urging the medical community and policymakers to view these issues through an evidence-based lens rather than a cloud of blame/moral failure. Most of all, they called for integrating scientific advances into policy and practice and improving training for providers of pain management and addiction treatment.
Here’s my “report card” on how we’re doing, based on the major recommendations from these experts in 2016.
Balancing Pain Management and Developing New Pain Treatment with Addiction Prevention. Grade: C+
Real progress was made in preventing opioid addiction and overdose deaths. However, many chronic pain patients report inadequate relief now due to stricter prescribing practices, sometimes resulting in untreated/undertreated pain. This is a problem without easy answers. Dr. Volkow has emphasized an urgent need for non-opioid-based medications bypassing the brain’s reward pathways, reducing abuse potential. NIH’s Helping to End Addiction Long-term (HEAL) Initiative researched non-opioid pain medications and therapies. There are promising candidates, such as cebranopadol, suzetrigine (FDA approved 1/30/25), LEVI-04, and others in the pipeline. However, progress remains slow, and chronic pain patients face limited options.
Curbing Overprescription/Misuse. Grade: A-
Opioid prescribing rates nearly halved, from 81.3 prescriptions per 100 people in 2012 to 43.3 in 2023. Medical, pharmacy, and health professional education reversed years of over-prescription. All states have PDMPs to track opioid prescriptions, reducing over-prescription and diversion. Some overcorrections in prescribing (or rather, not prescribing) opioids led to some patients seeking illicit drugs (heroin or fentanyl), contributing to the overdose crisis.
Expanding Opioid Pain Prescription Guidelines. Grade: A-
The CDC says opioid prescriptions in the United States peaked in 2012, with a rate of 81.3 prescriptions per 100 persons. By 2023, this rate nearly halved to 43.3 prescriptions per 100. This major reduction reflects efforts to address the opioid epidemic through updated prescribing guidelines and increased awareness of opioid risks. The CDC Guidelines for Prescribing Opioids for Chronic Pain (2016) recommended limiting opioid prescriptions for chronic pain outside active cancer treatment, palliative care, and end-of-life care, emphasizing using the lowest effective dose of opioids and restricting opioid prescriptions for acute pain to three to seven days. However, some health care providers remain hesitant to prescribe any opioids, ever.
The SUPPORT Act (2018) required electronic prescribing for controlled substances under Medicare and imposed new requirements for education and monitoring. Medicare Part D Opioid Policies (2019) implemented stricter safety edits at the pharmacy level for high-dose opioid prescriptions and introduced limits on opioid-naive pain patients, such as a maximum of seven days for acute pain.
Naloxone and Medication-Assisted Treatment (MAT). Grade: B+
Naloxone (Narcan) is widely available now, and over-the-counter sales were approved, as has the longer-acting antagonist nalmefene. However, fentanyl, the predominant opioid abused today, is very strong and challenging naloxone reversal protocols. Nalmefene may help.
Access to MAT (buprenorphine, methadone) improved. Patients with OUDs can start on buprenorphine without having to see a physician in person. On the downside, existing treatments are old, and the best outcomes are with the oldest OUD treatment, methadone. Methadone should be available for prescription by office and clinic-based physicians. Without detox and residential care options, patients with polysubstance, alcohol, meth, or cocaine use disorders and psychiatric dual disorders have been difficult to treat .
Stigma. Grade: B
NIDA has led national efforts to destigmatize substance use disorders (SUDs), especially OUDs. Expanding federal and state reimbursement for buprenorphine and methadone, and expanding the number of OUD prescribers, have succeeded somewhat. Classification of addiction as a disease, working with ASAM, and supporting destigmatizing language have helped. However, stigma persists, discouraging patients from seeking care.
Chronic pain patients still report feeling judged. AA, NA, and other mutual help groups are ubiquitous and destigmatizing. Yet, social network fellowships have been underutilized. One 2016 national survey revealed three-quarters of primary care physicians were unwilling to have a person with opioid use disorder marry into their family, and two-thirds viewed people with OUD as dangerous. It is not clear this has changed.
Science-Driven Policy. Grade: A-
Federal and state policies increasingly rely on evidence-based recommendations, such as funding research in non-opioid treatments. This is a huge accomplishment.
Developing totally new approaches has lagged, but innovation and invention can be like that sometimes. Broadly and equitably supporting MATs has helped people with OUD access evidence-based treatments. In the absence of a cure, we have made limited progress in developing and implementing effective non-opioid therapies. However, the doctors’ original focus on leveraging science to guide policy, improve treatments, and address root causes of the opioid epidemic was spot on, saving lives.
Policy Initiatives Impacted Opioid Prescribing and Pain Management Shifts. Grade: B-
Balancing effective pain management with risks of opioid use remains challenging. Patients with pain are treated with a combination of alternative strategies and therapies, with mixed outcomes. In states where it is legal, cannabis is increasingly used as an alternative treatment for chronic pain—even though evidence of its efficacy is mixed and cannabis use disorders may emerge. Complementary and alternative treatments like acupuncture, chiropractic care, massage therapy, and yoga are gaining popularity. Alternative therapies can’t provide the same level of relief as opioids. Those with complex or severe pain feel marginalized by policies restricting opioids. Non-pharmacological therapies like physical therapy, acupuncture, or CBT may be expensive, time-intensive, or uncovered by insurance. Many patients report inadequate relief, difficulty accessing specialized therapies, and frustration with the healthcare system.
New Hope in the Lab
Yale researchers identified alternative compounds with therapeutic potential chemicals extracted from the cannabis plant. A recent study showed that certain cannabinoids reduced the activity of a protein central to pain signaling in the peripheral nervous system. The protein, Nav1.8, enables repetitive firing of those neurons, a key process in transmitting pain signals. Blocking Nav1.8, and muting its activity, has shown promise in reducing pain in clinical studies. Cannabigerol in particular has the potential to provide effective pain relief without opioid risks.
Summary
In the opioid death crisis, the first phase was dominated by prescription pain medication abuse. Volkow and McLellan outlined changes necessary to reverse the epidemic. While tremendous progress has been made in this decade, more needs to be done as users first switched from pain medications to heroin, then fentanyl, adding xylazine, and now speedballing or polydrug use. The investment in prevention efforts, such as the DEA’s “One Pill Can Kill”, should be expanded.
Source: https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/addiction-outlook/202501/opioid-crisis-grading-the-progress-of-national-initiatives
by DFAF.org
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Provided by GlobeNewswire
Millburn, NJ, Dec. 17, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Thousands of residents from New Jersey and throughout the country, including many health care professionals, are now better informed and prepared to act in the fight against the nationwide opioid crisis thanks to the Knock Out Opioid Abuse Day Learning Series.
The Learning Series’ monthly webinars drew more than 10,000 attendees in 2024, including participants from fields including health care, education and law enforcement, as well as prevention, treatment and recovery professionals Organized by the Partnership for a Drug-Free New Jersey (PDFNJ) in collaboration with the Opioid Education Foundation of America (OEFA) and the Office of Alternative and Community Responses (OACR), the series covers a broad range of topics, from prevention and recovery to trauma, stigma and building resilience in those working on the front lines.
“The attendance represent thousands of people who are now better equipped to make a difference,” said Angelo Valente, Executive Director of PDFNJ.
Beyond educating the general public about the opioid epidemic, the series provided tools and strategies specific to health care workers and other professionals in related fields to help them make informed decisions in their work. Participants earned more than 6,000 continuing education credits, a testament to the program’s commitment to empowering professionals to drive real-world change in their communities.
The Learning Series provided credits for various professions including physicians, dentists, nurses, nurse practitioners, pharmacists, optometrists, social workers, certified health education specialists and EMTs.
In 2024, the webinars brought together experts from various prestigious institutions and organizations, including the New Jersey State Police, the Veterans Affairs Administration, and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). These speakers, including Christopher M. Jones, Director of the Center for Substance Abuse Prevention at SAMHSA, shared practical solutions and cutting-edge research, ensuring participants left with insights that could be immediately applied in their communities.
“The Learning Series has grown steadily since it began in 2020, thanks to the incredible speakers and organizations that have shared their time and expertise,” Valente said. “Their contributions have made this series an invaluable resource for professionals in New Jersey and beyond, providing practical strategies and real-world insights to address the opioid crisis.”
The series also serves as part of the annual Knock Out Opioid Abuse Day initiative, held every October 6 to raise awareness about the risks of opioid misuse and educate residents and prescribers statewide. Its growth year over year underscores the need for evidence-based education and practical solutions to combat this epidemic.
The 2025 series will kick off at 11 a.m. on Thursday, January 30, 2025, with a webinar exploring the latest trends in the national opioid crisis. To learn more about Knock Out Opioid Abuse Day and for a schedule of webinars, please visit knockoutday.drugfreenj.org.
Source: https://www.morningstar.com/news/globe-newswire/9320021/2024-learning-series-drives-conversations-and-solutions-in-the-fight-against-opioid-misuse
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Best known for its statewide anti-drug advertising campaign, the Partnership for a Drug-Free New Jersey is a private not-for-profit coalition of professionals from the communications, corporate and government communities whose collective mission is to reduce demand for illicit drugs in New Jersey through media communication. To date, more than $200 million in broadcast time and print space has been donated to the Partnership’s New Jersey campaign, making it the largest public service advertising campaign in New Jersey’s history. Since its inception the Partnership has garnered 230 advertising and public relations awards from national, regional and statewide media organizations.
Updated: Jan. 03, 2025, 12:02 p.m.|
By Julie Washington, cleveland.com
CLEVELAND, Ohio — Do music therapy and acupuncture help patients manage pain without opioids? University Hospitals will use a nearly $1.5 million federal grant to find out.
The grant allows UH to develop an Alternatives to Opioids program that educates caregivers about how music therapy and acupuncture can be used to decrease the use of opioids in the emergency department, the hospital system recently announced. The program also includes outpatient follow-up.
The goal is to reduce the use of prescribed opioids in emergency departments, UH said.
“When prescribing opioids there is always the potential for abuse,” said Dr. Kiran Faryar, director of research in the department of emergency medicine. “Data shows both music therapy and acupuncture improve pain and anxiety for patients with short-term and long-term pain. This will be an evidence-based technique we can offer patients without the potential risk of substance use disorder.”
UH’s comprehensive approach to combating the opioid crisis comes as the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported that 2023 drug overdose deaths in the United States decreased 3% from 2022. It was the first annual decrease in drug overdose deaths since 2018, the CDC said.
The trend was also seen in Ohio.
The number of people who died of drug overdoses in Ohio was 4,452 in 2023, a 9% decrease from the previous year, according to the state’s latest unintentional drug overdose report.
This was the second consecutive year of a decrease in deaths in Ohio. In 2022, overdose deaths declined by 5%, state officials said. Early data for 2024 suggest unintentional drug overdose deaths are falling even further this year.
In November, the state announced that agencies across Ohio would split $68.7 million in grants to combat opioid use and overdoses. The state is distributing the federal funding, part of the fourth round of the State Opioid and Stimulant Response grants, to support local organizations that offer prevention, harm reduction, treatment, and long-term recovery services for Ohioans struggling with an opioid or stimulant use disorder, the state announced.
Julie Washington covers healthcare for cleveland.com.
Source: https://www.cleveland.com/metro/2025/01/can-music-therapy-replace-opioids-for-pain-university-hospitals-investigates-with-15m-federal-grant.html
CDC warns of carfentanil, an opioid that’s 100 times more potent than fentanyl
by Fox News – Published Dec. 10, 2024, 11:13 a.m. ET
Originally Published by Centers for Disease Control
Fentanyl has made headlines for driving overdose deaths, but the and Prevention (CDC) is warning of the rise of an even deadlier drug.
Last year, nearly 70% of all U.S. overdose deaths were attributed to illegally manufactured fentanyls (IMFs).
One of those was carfentanil, an altered version of fentanyl that is said to be 100 times more potent, the CDC warned in a Dec. 5 alert.
Deaths from carfentanil rose by more than 700% in the past year, according to the same source — there were 29 deadly overdoses between January and June 2023, and 238 in that same time frame in 2024.
This data came from the CDC’s State Unintentional Drug Overdose Reporting System (SUDORS).
The numbers could actually be higher, as the 2024 data is preliminary and not all overdose deaths have been reported, the agency noted.
Since an outbreak of carfentanil-linked deaths in 2016 and 2016, the drug had “largely disappeared” until this recent reemergence, the CDC noted.
Based on the increase in fatal overdoses, the CDC is calling for “rigorous monitoring” of carfentanil and other opioids more potent than fentanyl.
Fentanyl has made headlines for driving overdose deaths, but the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) is warning of the rise of an even deadlier drug.MOLEQL – stock.adobe.com
As with other illicit drugs, its “high profitability” likely drives its prevalence, according to Dr. Chris Tuell, clinical director of addiction services at the University of Cincinnati College of Medicine.
“Very small amounts can produce thousands of doses,” he told Fox News Digital.
“Synthetic opioids like carfentanil are relatively easy to manufacture in illicit labs,” Tuell went on. “Since the drug is a synthetic, it is easier to produce — unlike heroin, which is dependent on a plant like opium.”
Why is carfentanil so dangerous?
Carfentanil is 10,000 more times more potent than morphine and 100 times more potent than fentanyl, Tuell confirmed.
“Even a small amount can be fatal, as it can cause respiratory failure,” he said.
Last year, nearly 70% of all U.S. overdose deaths were attributed to illegally manufactured fentanyls (IMFs).Seth Harrison, The Journal News
One of the major concerns with carfentanil and fentanyl is that they are frequently mixed with other drugs, such as benzodiazepines, cocaine and opioids, which can lead to accidental overdoses, according to Tuell.
“Carfentanil can also resemble cocaine and heroin, so it blends right in with the other drugs,” he warned.
“Even a tiny amount can increase the potency of a drug mixture, leading to a stronger and longer-lasting high.”
Carfentanil often appeals to drug users who have a high tolerance to opioids because they seek a stronger substance, “making the drug attractive despite the risk,” Tuell noted.
How is the drug administered?
Carfentanil can be injected and is frequently mixed with other opioids or heroin, Tuell said. In a powder form, it can be inhaled.
“Inhaling the drug can be quickly risky because it can enter the bloodstream, resulting in an overdose,” Tuell warned. “This can happen intentionally or accidentally, as the drug can become easily airborne.”
Carfentanil can sometimes be in the form of “pressed pills” that resemble prescription medications, the expert said.
“Carfentanil can be lethal at the 2-milligram range depending on the route of administration,” he cautioned.
What parents should know
“Children are now the generation of artificial intelligence and deepfakes, as illicit drugs are posing like regular prescription medications,” Tuell cautioned.
To help protect kids from the dangers of illicit drugs, the expert emphasized the importance of open communication and education.
“Educate your child about the dangers and risks of drug use, including synthetic opioids like carfentanil,” he advised.
Parents should provide monitoring and supervision of their children, be aware of their social circles and limit unsupervised online activities, Tuell recommended.
“I also believe it is important that parents realize that 84% of individuals with a substance use disorder also have a co-occurring mental health issue,” he added.
Carfentanil often appeals to drug users who have a high tolerance to opioids because they seek a stronger substance, “making the drug attractive despite the risk,” Tuell noted.luchschenF – stock.adobe.com
“Seeking out mental health services for your child could help address the underlying issues that may have led to a substance use disorder.”
The CDC called for specific efforts in preventing deaths from illegally manufactured fentanyls, “such as maintaining and improving distribution of risk reduction tools, increasing access to and retention of treatment for substance use disorders, and preventing drug use initiation.”
Source: https://nypost.com/2024/12/10/us-news/cdc-warns-rise-in-opioid-thats-100-times-more-potent-than-fentanyl/
The findings are still valid as to why marijuana should not be rescheduled as determined in the Denial of Petition To Initiate Proceedings To Reschedule Marijuana, by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), 81 FR 53767-01(August 12, 2016)
Human Physiological and Psychological Effects of Marijuana
MARIJUANA AND MENTAL ILLNESS
Recent studies show a connection between marijuana use and mental illness. In 2017, the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) concluded after a review of over 10,000 peer-reviewed academic articles, that marijuana use is connected to mental health issues (like psychosis, social anxiety, and thoughts of suicide). [1]
A study discussed in an October 2017 Scientific American shows that people who had consumed marijuana before age 18 developed schizophrenia approximately 10 years earlier than others. The more marijuana you take – and the higher the potency – the greater the risk. [2]
A November 2017 report on a study found that marijuana use in youth is linked to bipolar symptoms in young adults. [3]
References
[1] Health Effects of Cannabis and Cannabinoids: Current State of Evidence and Recommendations for Research.
http://nationalacademies.org/hmd/~/media/Files/Report%20Files/2017/Cannabis-Health-Effects/Cannabis-chapter-highlights.pdf
[3] http://www.newswise.com/articles/view/685947/?sc=dwtn November 2017
THERE IS A LINK BETWEEN MARIJUANA USE AND OPIATE USE
Marijuana use is associated with an increased risk for substance use disorders. [1] Marijuana use appears to increase rather than decrease the risk of developing nonmedical prescription opioid use and opioid use disorder. [2] In 2017, the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) landmark report written by top scientists concluded after a review of over 10,000 peer-reviewed academic articles, that marijuana use is connected to progression to and dependence on other drugs, including studies showing connections to heroin use. [3]
New research suggests that marijuana users may be more likely than nonusers to misuse prescription opioids and develop prescription opioid use disorder. The investigators analyzed data from more than 43,000 American adults. The respondents who reported past-year marijuana use had 2.2 times higher odds than nonusers of meeting diagnostic criteria for prescription opioid use disorder. They also had 2.6 times greater odds of initiating prescription opioid misuse. [4]
References
[1] JAMA Psychiatry. 2016 Apr;73(4):388-95. doi: 10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2015.3229.
Cannabis Use and Risk of Psychiatric Disorders: Prospective Evidence From a US National Longitudinal Study. Blanco C1, Hasin DS2, Wall MM2, Flórez-Salamanca L3, Hoertel N4, Wang S2, Kerridge BT2, Olfson M2. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/26886046
Cadoni C, Pisanu A, Solinas M, Acquas E, Di Chiara G. Behavioural sensitization after repeated exposure to Delta 9-tetrahydrocannabinol and cross-sensitization with morphine. Psychopharmacology (Berl). 2001;158(3):259-266. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/11640927_Behavioral_sensitization_after_repeated_exposure_to_D9-tetrahydrocannabinol_and_cross-sensitization_with_morphine
[2] Cannabis Use and Risk of Prescription Opioid Use Disorder in the United States, Mark Olfson, M.D., M.P.H., Melanie M. Wall, Ph.D., Shang-Min Liu, M.S., Carlos Blanco, M.D., Ph.D. Published online: September 26, 2017at: https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.ajp.2017.17040413
[3] Health Effects of Cannabis and Cannabinoids: Current State of Evidence and Recommendations for Research. See: http://nationalacademies.org/hmd/~/media/Files/Report%20Files/2017/Cannabis-Health-Effects/Cannabis-chapter-highlights.pdf
MARIJUANA USE BEFORE, DURING OR AFTER PREGNANCY CAN CAUSE SERIOUS MEDICAL CONDITIONS
Prenatal marijuana use has been linked with:
1. Developmental and neurological disorders and learning deficits in children.
3. Premature birth, miscarriage, stillbirth.
4. An increased likelihood of a person using marijuana as a young adult.
5. The American Medical Association states that marijuana use may be linked with low birth weight, premature birth, behavioral and other problems in young children.
6. Birth defects and childhood cancer.
7. Reproductive toxicity affecting spermatogenesis which is the process of the formation of male gamete including meiosis and formation of sperm cells.
References
Volkow ND, Compton WM, Wargo EM. The risks of marijuana use during pregnancy. JAMA. 2017;317(2):129-130.
https://www.drugabuse.gov/publications/research-reports/marijuana/letter-director
Source: Email from Dave Evans to Drug Watch International April 2018
United Nations – Office on Drugs and Crime
PRESS RELEASE – Kabul / Vienna, 6 November 2024
Opium cultivation in Afghanistan in 2024 increased by an estimated 19 per cent year-on-year to cover 12,800 hectares, according to a new survey released by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) today.
The increase follows on a 95 per cent decrease in cultivation during the 2023 crop season, when the de-facto Authorities of Afghanistan enforced a ban that virtually eliminated poppy cultivation across much of the country. Despite the increase in 2024, opium poppy cultivation remains far below 2022, when an estimated 232,000 hectares were cultivated.
“With opium cultivation remaining at a low level in Afghanistan, we have the opportunity and responsibility to support Afghan farmers to develop sustainable sources of income free from illicit markets,” said Ghada Waly, Executive Director of UNODC. “The women and men of Afghanistan continue to face dire financial and humanitarian challenges, and alternative livelihoods are urgently needed.”
According to the survey findings, the geographic centre of opium cultivation has also shifted, from the south-western provinces – long the heart of Afghanistan’s opium cultivation up to and including 2023 – to the north-eastern provinces, where 59 per cent of cultivation occurred in 2024. This represents a sharp 381 per cent increase in these provinces over 2023.
Dry opium prices have stabilized to around US $730 per kilogram in the first half of 2024, up from a pre-ban average of US $100 per kilogram.
The high prices and dwindling opium stocks may encourage farmers to flout the ban, particularly in areas outside of traditional cultivation centers, including neighboring countries.
“This is important further evidence that opium cultivation has indeed been reduced, and this will be welcomed by Afghanistan’s neighbours, the region and the world,” said Roza Otunbayeva, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and head of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan.
“But this also requires us to recognize that rural communities across Afghanistan have been deprived of a key income source in addition to the many other pressures they are facing, and they desperately need international support if we want this transition to be sustainable,” Otunbayeva said.
Read the Afghanistan Drug Insights Volume 1 here.
Note to Editors: The remaining reports in the Afghanistan Drug Insights series will cover a range of topics related to the drug situation in Afghanistan, including opium production and rural development; the socioeconomic situation of farmers after the drugs ban; drug trafficking and potential opium stocks; and treatment availability and drug use.
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For further information please contact:
Sonya Yee
Chief, UNODC Advocacy Section
Mobile: (+43-699) 1459-4990
Email: unodc-press[at]un.org
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Source: https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/press/releases/2024/October/afghanistan_-opium-cultivation-increased-by-19-per-cent-in-second-year-of-drugs-ban–according-to-unodc.html
An overview of federal and state laws and legal issues impacting physicians, non-physician practitioners (NPPs), and health care facilities that treat patients with opioids for pain management and opioid use disorders (OUDs).
Practical Law Health Care
To help combat the ongoing opioid crisis, the federal government and many state governments have enacted statutes to help health care practitioners, including physicians, qualified NPPs, such as nurse practitioners and physician assistants (PAs), and health care facilities, respond to OUDs. These statutes establish protocols for handling pain management and OUDs, which address, among other things, treatment plans and the relationship between health care providers and patients.
This article highlights key federal and state legislation governing health care practitioners and facilities treating patients with opioids for pain management and OUDs, focusing on states with greater opioid misuse.
Source: https://www.reuters.com/practical-law-the-journal/legalindustry/opioid-crisis-issues-health-care-providers-2024-11-01/
Tuesday, July 30, 2024
Today, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services’ (HHS) Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) released the results of the 2023 National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH), which shows how people living in United States reported their experience with mental health conditions, substance use and pursuit of treatment. The 2023 NSDUH report includes selected estimates by race, ethnicity and age group. The report is accompanied by two infographics offering visually packaged highlight data as well as visual data by race and ethnicity.
“Each year, data from the annual NSDUH provides an opportunity to identify and address unmet healthcare needs across America. We’re pleased to see that more people received mental health treatment in 2023 than the previous year,” said Miriam E. Delphin-Rittmon, Ph.D., HHS Assistant Secretary for Mental Health and Substance Use and the leader of SAMHSA. “Also, to build upon increasing accessibility to data, this year’s release features two infographic reports: one focusing on race and ethnicity and one highlighting selected overall data.”
The 2023 NSDUH Report includes the following selected key findings.
Mental Health:
- Among adults aged 18 or older in 2023, 22.8% (or 58.7 million people) had any mental illness (AMI) in the past year.
- 4.5 million youth (ages 12 to 17) had a major depressive episode in the past year, of which nearly 1 in 5 also had a substance use disorder.
- Among adults aged 18 or older in 2023, 5.0% (or 12.8 million people) had serious thoughts of suicide, 1.4% (or 3.7 million people) made a suicide plan, and 0.6% (or 1.5 million people) attempted suicide in the past year.
- Multiracial adults aged 18 or older were more likely than adults in most other racial or ethnic groups to have AMI, serious mental illness (SMI), and serious thoughts of suicide.
- Estimates of suicidal thoughts and behaviors among adults in 2023 were comparable to 2022 and 2021.
Substance Use:
- In 2023, 3.1% of people (8.9 million) misused opioids in the past year, which is similar to 2022 and 2021 (3.2% and 8.9 million, 3.4% and 9.4 million respectively).
- Among the 134.7 million people aged 12 or older who currently used alcohol in 2023, 61.4 million people (or 45.6%) had engaged in binge drinking in the past month.
- Marijuana was the most commonly used illicit drug, with 21.8% of people aged 12 or older (or 61.8 million people) using it in the past year.
- American Indian or Alaska Native and Multiracial people were more likely than most other racial or ethnic groups to have used substances or to have had an SUD in the past year.
- In 2023, 9.4% of people aged 12 or older vaped nicotine in the past month, up from 8.3% in 2022.
- In the past year, more people initiated vaping (5.9 million people) compared to any other substance.
- Nicotine vaping estimates from 2021 are not comparable with estimates from 2022 and 2023.
Services and Recovery:
- 31.9% of adolescents aged 12 to 17 (or 8.3 million people) received mental health treatment in the past year, an increase of more than 500,000 from 2022.
- 23.0% of adults aged 18 or older (or 59.2 million people) received mental health treatment in the past year, an increase of 3.4 million from 2022.
- Among people aged 12 or older in 2023 who were classified as needing substance use treatment in the past year, about 1 in 4 (23.6% or 12.8 million people) received substance use treatment in the past year. People were classified as needing substance use treatment in the past year if they had a substance use disorder (SUD) or received substance use treatment in the past year.
- 30.5 million adults aged 18 or older (or 12.0%) perceived that they ever had a substance use problem. Among these adults, 73.1% (or 22.2 million people) considered themselves to be in recovery or to have recovered.
- 64.4 million adults aged 18 or older (or 25.3%) perceived that they ever had a mental health issue. Among these adults, 66.6% (or 42.7 million people) considered themselves to be in recovery or to have recovered.
- There were no racial ethnic differences among adults aged 18 or older in 2023 who perceived that they ever had a substance use problem or problem with their mental health who considered themselves to be in recovery or to have recovered from their drug or alcohol use problem or mental health issue.
About the National Survey on Drug Use and Health
Conducted by the federal government since 1971, the NSDUH is a primary source of statistical information on self-reported substance use and mental health of the U.S. civilian, noninstitutionalized population 12 or older. For the 2023 NSDUH national tables and some reports, statistical testing was conducted between estimates from different years (e.g., past month alcohol use in 2023 vs. the estimate in 2022). Where testing involved 3 years of comparable data for 2021 to 2023, pairwise testing was conducted between estimates in these years (i.e., 2021 vs. 2022, 2021 vs. 2023, and 2022 vs. 2023). Statistical tests for overall trends from the baseline year to the current year will not be conducted until four comparable NSDUH data points are available. The NSDUH measures include:
- Use of illegal drugs, prescription drugs, alcohol, and tobacco,
- Substance use disorder and substance use treatment,
- Major depressive episodes, suicidal thoughts and behaviors, and other symptoms of mental illness, mental health care, and
- Recovery from substance use and mental health disorders.
Addressing the nation’s mental health crisis and drug overdose epidemic is a top priority of the Biden-Harris Administration and are core pillars of the Administration’s Unity Agenda. The President’s Unity Agenda is operationalized through the HHS Overdose Prevention Strategy, the HHS Roadmap for Behavioral Health Integration, and the National Strategy for Suicide Prevention.
If you or someone you know is struggling or in crisis, help is available. Call or text 988 or chat at 988lifeline.org. To learn how to get support for mental health, drug or alcohol issues, visit FindSupport.gov. If ready to locate a treatment facility or provider, go directly to FindTreatment.gov or call 800-662-HELP (4357).
Overdose prevention services should be offered through HIV care
National Institute on Drug Abuse Director Nora Volkow explains the need to leverage the successes of HIV care to prevent overdose deaths. HIV and substance use are inextricably linked. An analysis of the New York City HIV surveillance registry found that in 2017, rates of overdose deaths for people with HIV were more than double overall overdose death rates for the city, but that 98% of those who died of overdose had been linked to HIV care after their HIV diagnosis and that more than three-quarters had been retained in care. This highlights an overlooked opportunity to save lives. Drug overdose claims more lives of people with HIV than HIV-related illness. Volkow says 81% of people who received an HIV diagnosis in 2019 in the U.S. were linked to HIV care within a month, 66% received care and 50% were retained in care. It is sometimes hard to reach people who use drugs with substance use treatment or harm reduction, but when people with HIV seek and receive treatment for HIV, it presents a promising opportunity to deliver addiction services. Delivering naloxone and overdose education in HIV care settings is a relatively easy way to prevent overdose deaths.
Source: We should leverage the successes of HIV care to prevent overdose mortality (National Institute on Drug Abuse)
Hemp legalization opened the door to intoxicating products
Lawmakers who backed hemp legalization in the 2018 Farm Bill expected the plant to be used for textiles and nonintoxicating supplements. They did not realize that, with some chemistry, hemp can get you high. People anywhere in the U.S. can use hemp-derived THC without breaking federal law. Hemp and marijuana are varieties of the same plant species. Marijuana is defined by its high content of delta-9 THC. Hemp contains very little delta-9 THC but can contain a large amount of CBD, a cannabinoid that does not get you high. The Controlled Substances Act explicitly outlawed both hemp and marijuana. The Farm Bill defines hemp in a way that allows the plant and products made with it as long as they contain less than 0.3% delta-9 THC, making it seemingly legal to convert CBD into delta-8 THC as long as the process started with a plant that contained less than 0.3% delta-9 THC. The Farm Bill also appears to authorize the creation of hemp-based delta-9 THC products as long as the total delta-9 content is 0.3% or less of the product’s dry weight. The hemp-derived cannabinoid industry is now worth billions of dollars, and hemp-derived intoxicants are available at vape shops and gas stations, but they are not regulated.
Source: Congress Accidentally Legalized Weed Six Years Ago (The Atlantic)
Federal news
Expanded access to methadone is needed
National Institute on Drug Abuse Director Nora Volkow highlights the need to expand access to methadone. Only a fraction of people who could benefit from medications for opioid use disorder receive them, due to a combination of structural and attitudinal barriers. In 2023, the federal government eliminated the waiver requirement for buprenorphine. This year, it changed methadone regulations to make permanent the increased take-home doses of methadone established during the COVID emergency, along with other provisions aimed to broaden access. Changes implemented during COVID have not been associated with adverse outcomes, and patients reported significant benefits. Recent trials of models of methadone dispensing in settings other than methadone clinics have not supported concerns that making methadone more widely available will lead to harms. Data suggest that counseling is not essential for reducing overdoses or retaining patients in care, though it can be beneficial for some. It will also be critical to pursue other ways that methadone can safely be made more available to a wider range of patients.
Source: Guest Editorial: To Address the Fentanyl Crisis, Greater Access to Methadone Is Needed (American Society of Addiction Medicine)
CDC defends overdose prevention work before House committee
Several top Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) officials testified before the House Energy and Commerce Committee to defend their agency’s programs. The hearing comes after House Republicans passed a budget that would cut CDC funding by 22%. Republicans claimed the agency has failed to fulfill its responsibilities and lost the public’s trust. Republicans accused the CDC of straying from its core mission of keeping the public healthy and said the agency is spending too much time on programs some GOP lawmakers deemed unnecessary or duplicative. The CDC program directors pushed back, citing work they deemed critical to public health. They emphasized three areas of focus – improving readiness and response to disease outbreaks, improving mental health and supporting young families. Allison Arwady, director of the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, which would be eliminated under the proposed funding bill, spoke about why the center’s work on overdose prevention is necessary.
Source: CDC Defense (Politico); CDC fields GOP criticism at E&C hearing (Politico)
Task force releases recommendations to protect youth from social media harms
The federal Kids Online Health and Safety Task Force released a report with recommendations and best practices for safer social media and online platform use for youth. The report provides a summary of the risks and benefits of social media on the health, safety and privacy of young people; best practices for parents and caregivers; recommended practices for industry; a research agenda; and suggested future work, including for the federal government. In collaboration with the Task Force, the Center of Excellence on Social Media and Youth Mental Health is launching a variety of new web content, including best practices resources; age-based handouts for parents that pediatricians and others can distribute at well-check visits; new clinical case examples for pediatricians and other clinicians demonstrating how to integrate conversations about media use into health consultations with teens; and expanded content for teens. The report outlines 10 recommended practices for online service providers.
Source: Kids Online Health and Safety Task Force Announces Recommendations and Best Practices for Safe Internet Use (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration)
FDA allows sale of tobacco-flavored Vuse e-cigarettes
The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) authorized sales of certain tobacco-flavored Vuse Alto e-cigarette products from R.J. Reynolds. Vuse is the top-selling e-cigarette brand in the country, comprising more than 40% of the market. The marketing authorization applies to six tobacco-flavored pods, which are sealed, prefilled and nonrefillable. Last year, the FDA banned the sale of Vuse Alto menthol and fruit-flavored e-cigarettes, citing increasing popularity among kids.
Source: FDA allows sale of best-selling tobacco e-cigarette Vuse (The Hill)
State and local news
Montana plans to install harm reduction vending machines
Montana health officials are considering a new strategy to make naloxone more accessible. Drawing on a pool of behavioral health funds set aside by lawmakers in 2023, health officials have proposed installing two dozen naloxone and fentanyl test strip vending machines around the state at behavioral health drop-in centers and service locations for homeless people. The $400,000 plan to build, stock and maintain 24 vending machines for a year has not yet been approved by the governor. Different versions of the harm reduction vending machine model are being tried in at least 33 states, becoming increasingly popular especially in places with hard-to-reach populations. Some local public health groups in Montana have already begun using vending machines to distribute free naloxone, drug testing strips and other supplies, using public grants or private philanthropy, but these would be the first vending machines in Montana being directly funded by the state.
Source: Montana’s Plan To Curb Opioid Overdoses Includes Vending Machines (KFF Health News)
Iowa providing $13 million to expand addiction treatment and recovery housing
Iowa Governor Reynolds announced that the state’s opioid treatment and recovery providers can begin applying for $13 million in grants to expand or improve facilities or develop sober living housing options. The funding opportunities were announced in May as part of a larger $17.5 million investment to help address the opioid crisis. The $10 million Iowa Opioid Treatment and Recovery Infrastructure Grant will assist opioid treatment and recovery providers with physical infrastructure and capacity building. The Iowa Recovery Housing Fund includes $3 million for grants for nonprofit organizations to develop sober recovery housing. The grants leverage federal American Rescue Plan Act funds. An additional $1.5 million will be used for programs focused on prevention, including a $1 million education initiative for health care providers to support opioid-alternative pain management and $500,000 for a comprehensive multimedia opioid overdose prevention campaign. The remaining $3 million will support the completion of a residential addiction treatment center for adolescents.
Source: Gov. Reynolds announces grant funding, education programs to support opioid prevention, treatment and recovery (Iowa Governor Kim Reynolds)
LAPPA releases model state laws to minimize harms of incarceration
The Legislative Analysis and Public Policy Association released two pieces of model state legislation. The first would require a state department of health and human services to apply for a Medicaid Reentry Section 1115 demonstration waiver to allow a state Medicaid program to cover pre-release services for Medicaid-eligible incarcerated individuals for up to 90 days prior to release and to require the department to conduct comprehensive monitoring and evaluation of the demonstration if the waiver is approved. The second is focused on reducing collateral consequences of conviction. It would establish a process for the identification, collection and publication of collateral consequences that impact individuals convicted of crimes; establish a process by which an individual can obtain a certificate of relief from certain collateral consequences before records are eligible to be sealed or expunged; establish mechanisms for the automatic sealing and expungement, as well as a process for petitioning; prohibit certain entities from inquiring into an individual’s criminal history; etc.
Source: Model Medicaid Reentry Section 1115 Demonstration Waiver Act; Model Relief from Collateral Consequences of Conviction Act (Legislative Analysis and Public Policy Association)
Other news in addiction policy
Mobile treatment vans can help expand methadone access
Some public health experts hope that mobile treatment programs will help increase access to methadone. Addiction experts say methadone is particularly important as the strength of street fentanyl has lessened the effectiveness of other medications and approaches for some. The mobile vans were approved by the federal government in 2021, lifting a moratorium on their use that had been in place since 2007. Their goal is to reach some of the millions of Americans with opioid use disorder that methadone clinics cannot. While the vans make treatment more accessible, the cost and ongoing restrictions limit the number of people that they can help, as well. Constructing and outfitting a methadone van costs about $375,000. They have to replicate the high-security environments of clinics, with a security guard, 360-degree cameras and a safe for the medication. There are now 42 vans registered nationally, though not all are operational yet.
Source: https://drugfree.org/drug-and-alcohol-news/policy-news-roundup-july-25-2024/
Biden’s drug czar is in West Virginia this week.
The number of drug overdoses in this country went down in 2023. But not enough.
Posted July 29, 2024 Reviewed by Michelle Quirk
Key points
- While overdoses from fentanyl went down in 2023, overdoses from cocaine and methamphetamine went up.
- Increased availability of Narcan, harm-reduction practices, and drug seizures likely decreased deaths.
- The best way to save lives and end the opioid epidemic is to prevent addiction in the first place.
With this tragic news just in, there are several important things to say about the drug overdose situation in this country.
The first is this: It is important that we don’t talk about the more than 107,000 overdose deaths in the United States last year like it’s just a statistic.
These are people’s lives that ended, people like you and me. People with friends and loved ones who cared about them, and who wanted them to succeed.
Evidence of an ongoing tragedy
This is where we are with the continuing drug epidemic, according to the recently released Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) data from 2023:
- 107,543 people died from drug overdose deaths compared to 111,029 in 2022. That is a 3 percent decline.
- 2023 witnessed the first annual decrease in five years (since 2018).
- Indiana, Kansas, Maine, and Nebraska each saw overdose deaths decrease by at least 15 percent. Note: We need to determine what’s working in those states, and replicate it elsewhere.
- Alaska, Oregon, and Washington each saw overdose deaths increase by at least 27 percent. Note: We need to determine what’s not working in those states, and figure out solutions including by sharing best practices from states with lower overdose rates.)
- While overdoses from fentanyl (the main driver of drug deaths) went down in 2023, overdoses from cocaine and methamphetamine went up.
Three developments that are helping to reduce deaths
1. Greater availability of Narcan: I’m a huge advocate for this overdose reversal drug, which is naloxone in nasal spray form. I have argued often that it should be as ubiquitous as the red-boxed automated external defibrillators (AEDs) you now see in malls, hotel lobbies, schools, airports, and workplaces.
The U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) took a big and meaningful step in that direction when it approved Narcan for over-the-counter use in March 2023. I have no doubt the increased availability of Narcan has helped bring the overdose numbers down, since Narcan targets opioids like fentanyl and heroin.
2. The stepping up of harm-reduction efforts: Harm reduction means reducing the health and safety dangers around drug use. The goal is to save lives and protect the health of people who use drugs through such measures as fentanyl test strips, overdose prevention sites, and sterilized injection equipment and services.
Harm reduction was a key plank of the White House’s 2022 National Drug Control Strategy aimed directly at the overdose epidemic. Countless harm-reduction efforts have gained traction at the local and state level as well. Again, this continued push may have helped bring down the overdose numbers last year.
3. Increased efforts around law enforcement drug seizures: Of the 107,543 people who overdosed in 2023, 74,702 (70 percent) of them did so after using the synthetic opioid fentanyl, which is many times more potent than heroin. For the first time in years, that number of deaths was lower than the year before.
Why? No doubt in part because 115 million pills containing fentanyl were seized by law enforcement in 2023. That compared to 71 million fentanyl-laced pills seized in 2022. These seizure efforts seem to be working, and they need to be stepped up even more.
Drug use prevention efforts must increase also
Ultimately, the best way to save lives, end the opioid epidemic, and halt the spread of substance use disorder is to stop people from becoming addicted in the first place.
The big news: Statistics show that drug use may be trending down among young people. Even delaying the onset of addiction can change the trajectory of the problem, says Nora Volkow, MD, director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse.
When asked recently about the lower number of overdose deaths last year, Volkow said: “Research has shown that delaying the start of substance use among young people, even by one year, can decrease substance use for the rest of their lives. We may be seeing this play out in real time [in 2023]. The trend is reassuring.”
Final thoughts on turning the tide of addiction
As the antismoking campaign that began in the 1960s showed us, massive and well-coordinated public health efforts can work.
Surgeon General warning labels, hard-hitting public service announcements, school-based programs—all of those had a cumulative effect on smoking habits in this country, especially among young people. Those efforts all targeted one thing: prevention.
We need to do much more of that in 2024 around opioids, methamphetamines, cocaine, and other lethal drugs. Lives depend on it.
Source: https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/use-your-brain/202407/a-closer-look-at-107543-lives-lost-to-drug-overdoses
This blog was also published in the American Society of Addiction Medicine (ASAM) Weekly on July 24, 2024.
Growing evidence suggests that methadone is as safe and effective as buprenorphine for patients who use fentanyl. In a 2020 naturalistic follow-up study, 53% of patients admitted to methadone treatment who tested positive for fentanyl at intake were still in treatment a year later, compared to 47% for patients who tested negative. Almost all (99%) of those retained in treatment achieved remission. An earlier study similarly found that 89% of patients who tested positive for fentanyl at methadone treatment intake and who remained in treatment at 6 months achieved abstinence.
Methadone may even be preferable for patients considered to be at high risk for leaving OUD treatment and overdosing on fentanyl. Comparative effectiveness evidence is emerging which shows that people with OUD in British Columbia given buprenorphine/naloxone when initiating treatment were 60% more likely to discontinue treatment than those who received methadone (1). More research is needed on optimal methadone dosing in patients with high opioid tolerance due to use of fentanyl, as well as on induction protocols for these patients. It is possible that escalation to a therapeutic dose may need to be more rapid.
It remains the case that only a fraction of people who could benefit from medication treatment for OUD (MOUD) receive it, due to a combination of structural and attitudinal barriers. A study using data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) from 2019—that is, pre-pandemic—found that only slightly more than a quarter (27.8%) of people who needed OUD treatment in the past year had received medication to treat their disorder. But a year into the pandemic, in 2021, the proportion had dropped to just 1 in 5.
Efforts have been made to expand access to MOUD. For instance, in 2021, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) advanced the most comprehensive Overdose Prevention Strategy to date. Under this strategy, in 2023, HHS eliminated the X-waiver requirement for buprenorphine. But in the fentanyl era, expanded access to methadone too is essential, although there are even greater attitudinal and structural barriers to overcome with this medication. People in methadone treatment, who must regularly visit an opioid treatment program (OTP), face stigma from their community and from providers. People in rural areas may have difficulty accessing or sticking with methadone treatment if they live far from an OTP.
SAMHSA’s changes to 42 CFR Part 8 (“Medications for the Treatment of Opioid Use Disorder”) on January 30, 2024 were another positive step taken under the HHS Overdose Prevention Strategy. The new rule makes permanent the increased take-home doses of methadone established in March 2020 during the COVID pandemic, along with other provisions aimed to broaden access like the ability to initiate methadone treatment via telehealth. Studies show that telehealth is associated with increased likelihood of receiving MOUD and that take-home doses increase treatment retention.
Those changes that were implemented during the COVID pandemic have not been associated with adverse outcomes. An analysis of CDC overdose death data from January 2019 to August 2021 found that the percentage of overdose deaths involving methadone relative to all drug overdose deaths declined from 4.5% to 3.2% in that period. Expanded methadone access also was not associated with significant changes in urine drug test results, emergency department visits, or increases in overdose deaths involving methadone. An analysis of reports to poison control centres found a small increase in intentional methadone exposures in the year following the loosening of federal methadone regulations, but no significant increases in exposure severity, hospitalizations, or deaths.
Patients themselves reported significant benefits from increased take-home methadone and other COVID-19 protocols. Patients at one California OTP in a small qualitative study reported increased autonomy and treatment engagement. Patients at three rural OTPs in Oregon reported increased self-efficacy, strengthened recovery, and reduced interpersonal conflict.
The U.S. still restricts methadone prescribing and dispensing more than most other countries, but worries over methadone’s safety and concerns about diversion have made some physicians and policymakers hesitant about policy changes that would further lower the guardrails around this medication. Methadone treatment, whether for OUD or pain, is not without risks. Some studies have found elevated rates of overdose during the induction and stabilization phase of maintenance treatment, potentially due to starting at too high a dose, escalating too rapidly, or drug interactions.
Although greatly increased prescribing of methadone to treat pain two decades ago was associated with diversion and a rise in methadone overdoses, overdoses declined after 2006, along with methadone’s use as an analgesic, even as its use for OUD increased. Most methadone overdoses are associated with diversion and, less often, prescription for chronic pain; currently, 70 percent of methadone overdoses involve other opioids (like fentanyl) or benzodiazepines.
Recent trials of models of methadone dispensing in pharmacies and models of care based in other settings than OTPs have not supported concerns that making methadone more widely available will lead to harms like overdose. In two feasibility studies, stably maintained patients from OTPs in Baltimore, Maryland and Raleigh, North Carolina who received their methadone from a local pharmacy found this model to be highly satisfactory, with no positive urine screens, adverse events, or safety issues. An older pilot study in New Mexico found that prescribing methadone in a doctor’s office and dispensing in a community pharmacy, as well as methadone treatment delivered by social workers, produced better outcomes than standard care in an OTP for a sample of stably maintained female methadone patients.
Critics of expanded access to methadone outside OTPs sometimes argue that the medication should not be offered without accompanying behavioural treatment. Data suggest that counselling is not essential. In wait-list studies, methadone treatment was effective at reducing opioid use on its own, and patients stayed in treatment. However, counselling may have benefits or even be indispensable for some patients to help them improve their psychosocial functioning and reduce other drug use. How to personalize the intensity and the level of support needed is a question that requires further investigation.
Over the past two decades, the opioid crisis has accelerated the integration of addiction care in the U.S. with mainstream medicine. Yet methadone, the oldest and still one of the most effective medications in our OUD treatment toolkit, remains siloed. In the current era of powerful synthetic opioids like fentanyl dominating the statistics on drug addiction and overdose, it is time to make this effective medication more accessible to all who could benefit. The recent rules making permanent the COVID-19 provisions are an essential step in the right direction, but it will be critical to pursue other ways that methadone can safely be made more available to a wider range of patients with OUD. Although more research would be of value, the initial evidence suggests that providing methadone outside of OTPs is feasible, acceptable, and leads to good outcomes.
Source: https://nida.nih.gov/about-nida/noras-blog/2024/07/to-address-the-fentanyl-crisis-greater-access-to-methadone-is-needed
Israel, now the largest per capita consumer of opioids, faces a rising crisis. Learn about the challenges, responses from health authorities, and the need for improved treatment and prevention.
The epidemic began about 25 years ago when drug and healthcare companies began to enthusiastically promote these very-addictive chemicals, claiming they were effective in relieving suffering and did not cause dependency.
A study published this past May by researchers at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health found that one out of every three Americans have lost someone – a relative or a friend – to an opioid or other drug overdose. The US National Institute on Drug Abuse found that more than 320,000 American children have lost parents from overdoses in the past decade, and the annual financial costs to the US of the opioid crisis is $1 trillion.
Incredibly, Israelis today are the largest consumers per capita in the world of opioids, and an untold number of them are addicted or have already died. No one knows the fatality figures here, as the causes of death are described as organ failures, seizures, heart attack or stroke – not listed by what really caused them.
Is this another example of a “misconception” – wishful thinking on the scale of the belief by the government, the IDF, and the security forces that Hamas would “behave” if regularly paid off with suitcases full of cash? Is Israel headed to where the US already is? Perhaps. What is clear is that our various health authorities now have to somehow clean up the opioid mess.
The scandal has been indirectly embarrassing for Israel because among the most notorious companies involved in the opioid disaster is the Sackler family, who own the Purdue Pharma company that manufactured and promoted the powerful and addictive opioid OxyContin and who are now drowning in huge lawsuits. Tel Aviv University’s Medical Faculty that was for decades known as the Sackler Faculty has deleted it from its name.
Last year, the Knesset Health Committee met to discuss the rise in opioid consumption here, with testimony from Ben-Gurion University of the Negev School of Public Health dean and leading epidemiologist Prof. Nadav Davidovitch, who is also the principal researcher and chairman of the Taub Center Health Policy Program. He stressed that inappropriate use of strong pain medications leads to addiction and other severe negative consequences and noted that while most of the rise in consumption is among patients of lower socioeconomic status, the well-off are also hooked. Davidovitch called for the launching of serious programs to treat addicted Israelis based on the experiences of other countries with the crisis.
Opioids attach themselves to opioid-receptor proteins on nerve cells in the brain, gut, spinal cord, and other parts of the body. This obstructs pain messages sent from the body through the spinal cord to the brain. While they can effectively relieve pain, they can be very addictive, especially when they are consumed for more than a few months to ease acute pain, out of habit, or from the patients’ feeling of pleasure (they make some users feel “high”). Patients who suddenly stop taking them can sometimes suffer from insomnia or jittery nerves, so it’s important to taper off before ultimately stopping to take them.
The Health Ministry was forced in 2022 to alter the labels on packaging of opioid drugs to warn about the danger of addiction after the High Court of Justice heard a petition by the Physicians for Human Rights-Israel and the patients’ rights organization Le’altar that claimed the ministry came under pressure from the pharmaceutical companies to oppose this. After ministry documents that showed doctors knew little about the addictions caused by opioids were made public by the petitioners, psychiatrist Dr. Paola Rosca – head of the ministry’s addictions department – told the court that the synthetic painkillers cause addiction. She has not denied the claim that the ministry was squeezed by the drug companies to oppose label changes.
No special prescription, no time limit, no supervision
In an interview with The Jerusalem Post, Prof. Pinhas Dannon – chief psychiatrist of the Herzog Medical Center in Jerusalem and a leading expert on opioid addiction – noted that anyone with a medical degree can prescribe synthetic painkillers to patients. “There is no special prescription, no time limit, no supervision,” he said.
“A person who undergoes surgery who might suffer from serious pain is often automatically given prescriptions for opioids – not just one but several,” Dannon revealed. “Nobody checks afterwards whether the patient took them, handed them over to others (for money or not), whether they took several kinds at once, or whether they stopped taking them. They are also prescribed by family physicians, orthopedists treating chronic back pain, urologists, and other doctors, not only by surgeons.”
Dannon, who runs a hospital clinic that tries to cure opioid addiction, said there are only about three psychiatric hospitals around the country that have small in-house departments to treat severely addicted patients. “Not all those addicted need inpatient treatment, but when we build our new psychiatry center, we would be able to provide such a service.”
Since opioids are relatively cheap and included in the basket of health services, the four public health funds that pay for and supply them have not paid much attention. Once a drug is in the basket, it isn’t removed or questioned. Only now, when threatened by lawsuits over dependency, have the health funds begun to take notice and try to promote reductions in use.
Dannon declared that the health funds, hospitals, and pharmacies must seriously supervise opioid use by tracking and be required by the ministry to report who is taking them, how much, what ages, and for how long. Opioids are meant for acute pain, not for a long period. “The Health Ministry puts out fires but is faulty in prevention and supervision,” he said.
A Canadian research team has just conducted a study at seven hospital emergency departments in Quebec and Ontario to determine the ideal quantity of prescription opioids to control pain in discharged patients and reduce unused opioids available for misuse.
They recommended that doctors could adapt prescribing quantity to the specific condition causing pain, based on estimates to alleviate pain in 80% of patients for two weeks, with the smallest quantity for kidney or abdominal pain (eight tablets) and the highest for back pain (21 tablets) or fractures (24 tablets), and add an expiry date for them. Since half of participants consumed even smaller quantities, pharmacists could provide half this quantity to further reduce unused opioids available for misuse.
No medical instruction on the Issue
Rosca, who was born in Italy where she studied medicine and came on aliyah in 1983, has worked in the ministry since 2000; in 2006, she became head of the addictions department.
“In Italy, every psychiatrist must learn about alcohol and other drug addictions including opioids,” she said. “Here, there is no mandatory course in any medical school on the subject. We tried to persuade the Israel Medical Association and its Scientific Council, which decides on curricula and specializations, but we didn’t succeed. Maybe now, in the face of the crisis, it will change its mind. We run optional courses as continuing medical education for physicians who are interested.”
Her department wanted pharmacists to provide electronic monitoring of opioid purchases, but “the Justice Ministry opposed it on the grounds that it would violate privacy. I wasn’t asked for my opinion.”
She concedes that the ministry lacks statistics on the number of addicted people, and Arabs have been excluded from estimates until now. “We’re doing a study with Jerusalem’s Myers-JDC-Brookdale Institute to find out how many. Some say one percent, some say five percent. We hope that by December, we will get more accurate figures. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, the ministry set up a committee on what to do about opioids, but its recommendations were never published, and there was no campaign,” Rosca recalled.
In 1988, the government established the statutory Anti-Drug Authority that was located in Jerusalem’s Givat Shaul neighborhood. It was active in fighting abuse and shared research with foreign experts, but seven years ago, its name was changed to the National Authority for Community Safety and became part of the Ministry for National Security, losing much of its budgets – and, according to observers, its effectiveness as well.
The Health Ministry used to be responsible for setting up and operating clinics for drug rehabilitation, but it handed this over in 1997 to a non-profit organization called the Israel Public Health Association, which employs numerous former ministry professionals. Its director-general, lawyer Yasmin Nachum, told the Post in an interview that the IPHA is very active in fighting drug addiction.
“Israel can’t deny anymore that we are in a worrisome opioid epidemic like that in the US: We are there,” he said. “We see patients every day. Some used to take heroin and other street drugs, but with the easy access and low price, they have switched to opioids. If they are hospitalized for an operation and don’t use all the prescriptions they are given, they sell them to others. We want to have representation in every hospital to warn doctors and patients.”
Of a staff of 1,100, the IPHA has 170 professionals – narcotics experts, social workers, occupational therapists, and others working with 3,000 addicted patients every day. Its other activities include mental health, ensuring safety of food and water, and rehabilitation.
Stopping after six months
“We work in full cooperation with the ministry,” Nachum said. “Our approach is that when opioids are taken for pain for as long as six months, it’s the time to stop taking them. The doctors provide addicted patients with a drug called buprenorphine, sold under the brand name Subutex, which is used to treat opioid-use disorder, acute pain, and chronic pain.”
Buprenorphine is a mixed opioid agonist and antagonist. That means it has some of the effects of opioids but also blocks some of their effects. Before the patient can take it under direct observation, he must have moderate opioid-withdrawal symptoms. The drug relieves withdrawal symptoms from other opioids and induces some euphoria, but it also blocks the efficacy of many other opioids including heroin, to create an effect.
Buprenorphine levels in the blood stay consistent throughout the month. Nachum said the replacement drug is relatively safe, with some side effects, but fortunately, there is no danger of an overdose.
NARCAN (NALOXDONE) is another prescription drug used by some professionals to fight addiction. Not in Israel’s basket of health services, it blocks the effects of opioids by temporarily reversing them, helping the patient to breathe again and wake up from an overdose. While it has saved countless lives, new and more powerful opioids keep appearing, and first responders are finding it increasingly difficult to revive people with it.
Now, US researchers have found an approach that could extend naloxone’s lifesaving power, even in the face of continually more dangerous opioids by using potential drugs that make naloxone more potent and longer lasting. Naloxone is a lifesaver, but it’s not a miracle drug; it has limitations, the team said.
After the Nova massacre on October 7, when significant numbers of participants who were murdered were high on drugs, the IPHA received a huge number of calls. In December, Nachum decided to open a hotline run by professionals about addiction that has been called monthly by some 300 people. “We also hold lectures for pain doctors, family physicians, and others who are interested, because there has been so little awareness.”
All agree that the opioid crisis has been seriously neglected here and that if it is not dealt with seriously and in joint efforts headed by healthcare authorities, it will snowball and add to Israel’s current physical and psychological damage.
Source: https://www.jpost.com/health-and-wellness/article-811126
More than 110 experts gathered on 17 April 2024 in an effort to strengthen regional initiatives for combatting illicit trafficking in opiates originating in Afghanistan at the Expert Working Group of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime’s (UNODC) Paris Pact Initiative hosted by the OSCE. The Paris Pact initiative is an international coalition for combatting illicit trafficking in opiates originating in Afghanistan.
Participants discussed the latest trends and the impact of the opium ban introduced in 2022 by the de facto authority in Afghanistan. They also explored ways to improve law enforcement networks for countering the threat of drugs from Afghanistan, build counter-narcotics capacity through training and other assistance, address financial aspects of drug-related crimes, promote regional co-operation and better understand the links between drug trafficking and other forms of organized crime.
“The importance of cross-border co-operation in counter-narcotic operations takes on heightened significance, particularly in the challenging context of Afghanistan. As the discussions at this Expert Working Group meeting underscore, collaborative efforts play a vital role in the global fight against the illicit drug trade,” said Jean-Luc Lemahieu, Director of the UNODC Division for Policy Analysis and Public Affairs.
Collaboration is at the heart of the Paris Pact, said Riku Lehtovuori, UNODC’s Paris Pact Initiative Coordinator. “Over the years, the representatives of Paris Pact partners have worked together to provide updated recommendations across all four thematic pillars of the Paris Pact, drawing from the principles outlined in the Vienna Declaration adopted in 2012.” The four pillars focus on enhancing co-operation for regional initiatives, detecting and blocking drug-related financial flows, prevention related to manufacturing of opiates, and reduction of drug abuse and dependency.
“The threat of smuggling opiates and synthetic drugs from Afghanistan is very serious. The world drug problem remains a major challenge for the international community, threatening security and undermining human, economic and social development in many regions of the world,” said Alena Kupchyna, Co-ordinator of OSCE’s Activities to Address Transnational Threats. She underscored how the OSCE continues working closely with its participating States in Central Asia to address the security impact of the situation in Afghanistan, including through an OSCE cross-dimensional project, run in close co-ordination with UNODC, on enhancing youth crime and drug use prevention through education on legality and awareness campaigns addressing threats of organized crime and corruption.
Source: https://www.osce.org/secretariat/566953 April 2024
Associate Professor | Department Chair | Director, Forensic Science Research Center
Department of Criminal Justice, California State University
The opioid epidemic is a public health and safety emergency that is killing thousands and destroying the quality of life for hundreds of thousands of Americans and those who care about them. Fentanyl and other opioids affect all age ranges, ethnicities, and communities, including our most vulnerable population, children. Producing fentanyl is increasingly cheap, costing pennies for a fatal dose, with the opioid intentionally or unintentionally mixed with common illicit street drugs and pressed into counterfeit pills. Fentanyl is odorless and tasteless, making it nearly untraceable when mixed with other drugs. Extremely small doses of fentanyl, roughly equivalent to a few grains of salt, can be fatal, while carfentanil, a large animal tranquilizer, is 100 times more potent than fentanyl and fatal at an even smaller amount.
The Biden-Harris Administration should do even more to fund opioid-related prevention, treatment, eradication, and interdiction efforts to save lives in the United States. The 2022 Executive Order to Address the Opioid Epidemic and Support Recovery awarded $1.5 billion to states and territories to expand treatment access, enhance services in rural communities, and fund law enforcement efforts. In his 2023 State of the Union address, President Biden highlighted reducing opioid overdoses as part of his bipartisan Unity Agenda, pledging to disrupt trafficking and sales of fentanyl and focus on prevention and harm reduction. Despite extensive funding, opioid-related overdoses have not significantly decreased, showing that a different strategy is needed to save lives.
Opioid-related deaths have been estimated cost the U.S. nearly $4 trillion over the past seven years—not including the human aspect of the deaths. The cost of fatal overdoses was determined to be $550 billion in 2017. The cost of the opioid epidemic in 2020 alone was an estimated $1.5 trillion, up 37% from 2017. About two-thirds of the cost was due to the value of lives lost and opioid use disorder, with $35 billion spent on healthcare and opioid-related treatments and about $15 billion spent on criminal justice involvement. In 2017, per capita costs of opioid use disorder and opioid toxicity-related deaths were as high as $7247, with the cost per case of opioid use disorder over $221,000. With inflation in November 2023 at $1.26 compared to $1 in 2017, not including increases in healthcare costs and the significant increase in drug toxicity-related deaths, the total rate of $693 billion is likely significantly understated for fatal overdoses in 2023. Even with extensive funding, opioid-related deaths continue to rise.
With fatal opioid-related deaths being underreported, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) must take a primary role in real-time surveillance of opioid-related fatal and non-fatal overdoses by funding expanded toxicology testing, training first responder and medicolegal professionals, and ensuring compliance with data submission. The Department of Justice (DOJ) should support enforcement efforts to reduce drug toxicity-related morbidity and mortality, with the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and the Department of the Treasury (TREAS) assisting with enforcement and sanctions, to prevent future overdoses. Key recommendations for reducing opioid-related morbidity and mortality include:
- Funding research to determine the efficacy of current efforts in opioid misuse reduction and prevention.
- Modernizing data systems and surveillance to provide real-time information.
- Increasing overdose awareness, prevention education, and availability of naloxone.
- Improve training of first responders and medicolegal death investigators.
- Funding rapid and thorough toxicology testing in emergency departments and coroner/medical examiner agencies.
- Enhancing prevention and enforcement efforts.
Challenge And Opportunity
Opioids are a class of drugs, including pain relievers that can be illegally prescribed and the illicit drug heroin. There are three defined waves of the opioid crisis, starting in the early 1990s as physicians increasingly prescribed opioids for pain control. The uptick in prescriptions stemmed from pharmaceutical companies promising physicians that these medications had low addiction rates and medical professionals adding pain levels being added to objective vital signs for treatment. From 1999 to 2010, prescription opioid sales quadrupled—and opioid-related deaths doubled. During this time frame when the relationship between drug abuse and misuse was linked to opioids, a significant push was made to limit physicians from prescribing opioids. This contributed to the second wave of the epidemic, when heroin abuse increased as former opioid patients sought relief. Heroin-related deaths increased 286% from 2002 to 2013, with about 80% of heroin users acknowledging that they misused prescription opioids before using heroin. The third wave of the opioid crisis came in 2013 with an increase in illegally manufactured fentanyl, a synthetic opioid used to treat severe pain that is up to 100 times stronger than morphine, and carfentanil, which is 100 times more potent than fentanyl.
In 2022, nearly 110,000 people in the United States died from drug toxicity, with about 75% of the deaths involving opioids. In 2021, six times as many people died from drug overdoses as in 1999, with a 16% increase from 2020 to 2021 alone. While heroin-related deaths decreased by over 30% from 2020 to 2021, opioid-related deaths increased by 15%, with synthetic opioid-involved deaths like fentanyl increasing by over 22%. Over 700,000 people have died of opioid-related drug toxicity since 1999, and since 2021 45 people have died every day from a prescription opioid overdose. Opioid-related deaths have increased tenfold since 1999, with no signs of slowing down. The District of Columbia declared a public emergency in November 2023 to draw more attention to the opioid crisis.
In 2023, we are at the precipice of the fourth wave of the crisis, as synthetic opioids like fentanyl are combined with a stimulant, commonly methamphetamine. Speedballs have been common for decades, using stimulants to counterbalance the fatigue that occurs with opiates. The fatal combination of fentanyl and a stimulant was responsible for just 0.6% of overdose deaths in 2010 but 32.3% of opioid deaths in 2021, an over fifty-fold increase in 12 years. Fentanyl, originally used in end-of-life and cancer care, is commonly manufactured in Mexico with precursor chemicals from China. Fentanyl is also commonly added to pressed pills made to look like legitimate prescription medications. In the first nine months of 2023, the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) seized over 62 million counterfeit pills and nearly five tons of powdered fentanyl, which equates to over 287 million fatal doses. These staggering seizure numbers do not include local law enforcement efforts, with the New York City Police Department recovering 13 kilos of fentanyl in the Bronx, enough powder to kill 6.5 million people.
The ease of creating and trafficking fentanyl and similar opioids has led to an epidemic in the United States. Currently, fentanyl can be made for pennies and sold for as little as 40 cents in Washington State. The ease of availability has led to deaths in our most vulnerable population—children. Between June and September 2023, there were three fatal overdoses of children five years and younger in Portland, OR. In a high-profile case in New York City, investigators found a kilogram of fentanyl powder in a day care facility after a 1-year-old died and three others became critically ill.
The Biden Administration has responding to the crisis in part by placing sanctions against and indicting executives in Chinese companies for manufacturing and distributing precursor chemicals, which are commonly sold to Mexican drug cartels to create fentanyl. The drug is then trafficked into the United States for sale and use. There are also concerns about fentanyl being used as a weapon of mass destruction, similar to the anthrax concerns in the early 2000s.
The daily concerns of opioid overdoses have plagued public health and law enforcement professionals for years. In Seattle, WA, alone, there are 15 non-fatal overdoses daily, straining the emergency medical systems. There were nearly 5,000 non-fatal overdoses in the first seven months of 2023 in King County, WA, an increase of 70% compared to 2022. In a landmark decision, in March 2023 the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approved naloxone, a drug to reverse the effects of opioid overdoses, as an over-the-counter nasal spray in an attempt to reduce overdose deaths. Naloxone nasal spray was initially approved for prescription use only in 2015 , significantly limiting access to first responders and available to high-risk patients when prescribed opioids. In New York, physicians have been required to prescribe naloxone to patients at risk of overdose since 2022. Although naloxone is now available without a prescription, access is still limited by price, with one dose costing as much as $65, and some people requiring more than one dose to reverse the overdose. Citing budget concerns, Governor Newsom vetoed California’s proposed AB 1060, which would have limited the cost of naloxone to $10 per dose. Fentanyl testing strips that can be used to test substances for the presence of fentanyl before use show promise in preventing unwanted fentanyl-adulterated overdoses. The Expanding Nationwide Access to Test Strips Act, which was introduced to the Senate in July 2023, would decriminalize the testing strips as an inexpensive way to reduce overdose while following evidence-based harm-reduction theories.
Illicit drugs are also one of the top threats to national security. Law enforcement agencies are dealing with a triple epidemic of gun violence, the opioid crisis, and critical staffing levels. Crime prevention is tied directly to increased police staffing, with lower staffing limiting crime control tactics, such as using interagency task forces, to focus on a specific crime problem. Police are at the forefront of the opioid crisis, expected to provide an emergency response to potential overdoses and ensure public safety while disrupting and investigating drug-related crimes. Phoenix Police Department seized over 500,000 fentanyl pills in June 2023 as part of Operation Summer Shield, showing law enforcement’s central role in fighting the opioid crisis. DHS created a comprehensive interdiction plan to reduce the national and international supply of opioids, working with the private sector to decrease drugs brought into the United States and increasing task forces to focus on drug traffickers.
Prosecutors are starting to charge drug dealers and parents of children exposed to fentanyl in their residences in fatal overdose cases. In an unprecedented action, Attorney General Merrick Garland recently charged Mexican cartel members with trafficking fentanyl and indicting Chinese companies and their executives for creating and selling precursor chemicals. In November 2023, sanctions were placed against the Sinaloa cartel and four firms from Mexico suspected of drug trafficking to the United States, removing their ability to legally access the American banking system. Despite this work, criminal justice-related efforts alone are not reducing overdoses and deaths, showing a need for a multifaceted approach to save lives.
While these numbers of opioid overdoses are appalling, they are likely underreported. Accurate reporting of fatal overdoses varies dramatically across the country, with the lack of training of medicolegal death investigators to recognize potential drug toxicity-related deaths, coupled with the shortage of forensic pathologists and the high costs of toxicology testing, leading to inaccurate cause of death information. The data ecosystem is changing, with agencies and their valuable data remaining disjointed and unable to communicate across systems. A new model could be found in the CDC’s Data Modernization Initiative, which tracked millions of COVID-19 cases across all states and districts, including data from emergency departments and medicolegal offices. This robust initiative to modernize data transfer and accessibility could be transformative for public health. The electronic case reporting system and strong surveillance systems that are now in place can be used for other public health outbreaks, although they have not been institutionalized for the opioid epidemic.
Toxicology testing can take upwards of 8–10 weeks to receive, then weeks more for interpretation and final reporting of the cause of death. The CDC’s State Unintentional Drug Overdose Reporting System receives data from 47 states from death certificates and coroner/medical examiner reports. Even with the CDC’s extensive efforts, the data-sharing is voluntary, and submission is rarely timely enough for tracking real-time outbreaks of overdoses and newly emerging drugs. The increase of novel psychoactive substances, including the addition of the animal tranquilizer xylazineto other drugs, is commonly not included in toxicology panels, leaving early fatal drug interactions undetected and slowing notification of emerging drugs regionally. The data from medicolegal reports is extremely valuable for interdisciplinary overdose fatality review teams at the regional level that bring together healthcare, social services, criminal justice, and medicolegal personnel to review deaths and determine potential intervention points. Overdose fatality review teams can use the data to inform prevention efforts, as has been successful with infant sleeping position recommendations formed through infant mortality review teams.
Plan Of Action
Reducing opioid misuse and saving lives requires a multi-stage, multi-agency approach. This includes expanding real-time opioid surveillance efforts; funding for overdose awareness, prevention, and education; and improved training of first responders and medicolegal personnel on recognizing, responding to, and reporting overdoses. Nationwide, improved toxicology testing and reporting is essential for accurate reporting of overdose-involved drugs and determining the efficacy of efforts to combat the opioid epidemic.
Recommendation 1. Fund research to determine the efficacy of current efforts in opioid misuse reduction and prevention.
DOJ should provide grant funding for researchers to outline all known current efforts of opioid misuse reduction and prevention by law enforcement, public health, community programs, and other agencies. The efforts, including the use of suboxone and methadone, should be evaluated to determine if they follow evidence-based practices, how the programs are funded, and their known effect on the community. The findings should be shared widely and without paywalls with practitioners, researchers, and government agencies to hone their future work to known successful efforts and to be used as a foundation for future evidence-based, innovative program implementation.
Recommendation 2. Modernize data systems and surveillance to provide real-time information.
City, county, regional, and state first responder agencies work across different platforms, as do social service agencies, hospitals, private physicians, clinics, and medicolegal offices. A single fatal drug toxicity-related death has associated reports from a law enforcement officer, fire department personnel, emergency medical services, an emergency department, and a medicolegal agency. Additional reports and information are sought from hospitals and clinics, prior treating clinicians, and social service agencies. Even if all of these reports can be obtained, data received and reviewed is not real-time and not accessible across all of the systems.
Medicolegal agencies are arguably the most underprepared for data and surveillance modernization. Only 43% of medicolegal agencies had a computerized case management system in 2018, which was an increase from 31% in 2004. Outside of county or state property, only 75% of medicolegal personnel had internet access from personal devices. The lack of computerized case management systems and limited access to the internet can greatly hinder case reporting and providing timely information to public health and other reporting agencies.
With the availability and use of naloxone by private persons, the Public Naloxone Administration Dashboard from the National EMS Information System (NEMSIS) should be supported and expanded to include community member administration of naloxone. The emergency medical services data can be aligned with the anonymous upload of when, where, and basic demographics for the recipient of naloxone, which can also be made accessible to emergency departments and medicolegal death investigation agencies. While the database likely will not be used for all naloxone administrations, it can provide hot spot information and notify social services of potential areas for intervention and assistance. The database should be tied to the first responder/hospital/medicolegal database to assist in robust surveillance of the opioid epidemic.
Recommendation 3. Increase overdose awareness, prevention education, and availability of naloxone.
Awareness of the likelihood of poisoning and potential death from the use of fentanyl or counterfeit pills is key in prevention. The DEA declared August 21 National Fentanyl Prevention and Awareness Day to increase knowledge of the dangers of fentanyl, with the Senate adopting a resolution to formally recognize the day in 2023. Many states have opioid and fentanyl prevention tactics on their public health websites, and the CDC has educational campaigns designed to reach young adults, though the education needs to be specifically sought out. Funding should be made available to community organizations and city/county governments to create public awareness campaigns about fentanyl and opioid usage, including billboards, television and streaming ads, and highly visible spaces like buses and grocery carts.
ED allows evidence-based prevention programs in school settings to assist in reducing risk factors associated with drug use and misuse. The San Diego Board of Supervisors approved a proposal to add education focused on fentanyl awareness after 12 juveniles died of fentanyl toxicity in 2021. The district attorney supported the education and sought funding to sponsor drug and alcohol training on school campuses. Schools in Arlington, VA, note the rise in overdoses but recognize that preventative education, when present, is insufficient. ED should create prevention programs at grade-appropriate levels that can be adapted for use in classrooms nationwide.
With the legalization of over-the-counter naloxone, funding is needed to provide subsidized or free access to this life-saving medication. Powerful fentanyl analogs require higher doses of naloxone to reverse the toxicity, commonly requiring multiple naloxone administrations, which may not be available to an intervening community member. The State of Washington’s Department of Public Health offers free naloxone kits by mail and at certain pharmacies and community organizations, while Santa Clara University in California has a vending machine that distributes naloxone for free. While naloxone reverses the effects of opioids for a short period, once it wears off, there is a risk of a secondary overdose from the initial ingestion of the opioid, which is why seeking medical attention after an overdose is paramount to survival. Increasing access to naloxone in highly accessible locations—and via mail for more rural locations—can save lives. Naloxone access and basic training on signs of an opioid overdose may increase recognition of opioid misuse and empower the community to provide immediate, lifesaving action.
However, there are concerns that naloxone may end up in a shortage. With its over-the-counter access, naloxone may still be unavailable for those who need it most due to cost (approximately $20 per dose) or access to pharmacies. There is a national push for increasing naloxone distribution, though there are concerns of precursor shortages that will limit or halt production of naloxone. Governmental support of naloxone manufacturing and distribution can assist with meeting demand and ensuring sustainability in the supply chain.
Recommendation 4. Improve training of first responders and medicolegal death investigators.
Most first responders receive training on recognizing signs and symptoms of a potential overdose, and emergency medical and firefighting personnel generally receive additional training for providing medical treatment for those who are under the influence. To avoid exposure to fentanyl, potentially causing a deadly situation for the first responder, additional training is needed about what to do during exposure and how to safely provide naloxone or other medical care. DEA’s safety guide for fentanyl specifically outlines a history of inconsistent and misinformation about fentanyl exposure and treatment. Creating an evidence-based training program that can be distributed virtually and allow first responders to earn continuing education credit can decrease exposure incidents and increase care and responsiveness for those who have overdosed.
While the focus is rightfully placed on first responders as the frontline of the opioid epidemic, medicolegal death investigators also serve a vital function at the intersection of public health and criminal justice. As the professionals who respond to scenes to investigate the circumstances (including cause and manner) surrounding death, medicolegal death investigators must be able to recognize signs of drug toxicity. Training is needed to provide foundational knowledge on deciphering evidence of potential overdose-related deaths, photographing scenes and evidence to share with forensic pathologists, and memorializing the findings to provide an accurate manner of death. Causes of death, as determined by forensic pathologists, need appropriate postmortem examinations and toxicology testing for accuracy, incorporated with standardized wording for death certificates to reflect the drugs contributing to the death. Statistics on drug-related deaths collected by the CDC and public health departments nationwide rely on accurate death certificates to determine trends.
The CDC created the Collaborating Office for Medical Examiners and Coroners (COMEC) in 2022 to provide public health support for medicolegal death investigation professionals. COMEC coordinates health surveillance efforts in the medicolegal community and champions quality investigations and accurate certification of death. The CDC offers free virtual, asynchronous training for investigating and certifying drug toxicity deaths, though the program is not well known or advertised, and there is no ability to ask questions of professionals to aid in understanding the content. Funding is needed to provide no-cost, live instruction, preferably in person, to medicolegal offices, as well as continuing education hours and thorough training on investigating potential drug toxicity-related deaths and accurately certifying death certificates.
Cumulatively, the roughly 2,000 medicolegal death investigation agencies nationwide investigated more than 600,000 deaths in 2018, running on an average budget of $470,000 per agency. Of these agencies, less than 45% had a computerized case management system, which can significantly delay data sharing with public health and allied agencies and reduce reporting accuracy, and only 75% had access to the internet outside of their personally owned devices. Funding is needed to modernize and extend the infrastructure for medicolegal agencies to allow basic functions such as computerized case management systems and internet access, similar to grant funding from the National Network of Public Health Institutes.
Recommendation 5. Fund rapid and thorough toxicology testing in emergency departments and coroner/medical examiner agencies.
Rapid, accurate toxicology testing in an emergency department setting can be the difference between life and death treatment for a patient. Urine toxicology testing is fast, economical, and can be done at the bedside, though it cannot quantify the amount of drug and is not inclusive for emerging drugs. Funding for enhanced accurate toxicology testing in hospitals with emergency departments, including for novel psychoactive substances and opioid analogs, is necessary to provide critical information to attending physicians in a timely manner to allow reversal agents or other vital medical care to be performed.
With the limited resources medicolegal death investigation agencies have nationally and the average cost of $3000 per autopsy performed, administrators need to triage which deaths receive toxicology testing and how in-depth the testing will be. Advanced panels, including ever-changing novel psychoactive substances, are costly and can result in inaccurate cause of death reporting if not performed routinely. Funding should be provided to medicolegal death investigating agencies to subsidize toxicology testing costs to provide the most accurate drugs involved in the death. Accurate cause of death reporting will allow for timely public health surveillance to determine trends and surges of specific drugs. Precise cause of death information and detailed death investigations can significantly contribute to regional multidisciplinary overdose fatality review task forces that can identify potential intervention points to strengthen services and create evidence to build future life-saving action plans.
Recommendation 6. Enhance prevention and enforcement efforts.
DOJ should fund municipal and state law enforcement grants to use evidence-based practices to prevent and enforce drug-related crimes. Grant applications should include a review of the National Institute of Justice’s CrimeSolutions.gov practices in determining potential effectiveness or using foundational knowledge to build innovative, region-specific efforts. The funding should be through competitive grants, requiring an analysis of local trends and efforts and a detailed evaluation and research dissemination plan. Competitive grant funding should also be available for community groups and programs focusing on prevention and access to naloxone.
An often overlooked area of prevention is for justice-involved individuals who enter jail or prison with substance use disorders. Approximately 65% of prisoners in the United States have a substance abuse order, and an additional 20% of prisoners were under the influence of drugs or alcohol when they committed their crime. About 15% of the incarcerated population was formally diagnosed with an opioid use disorder. Medications are available to assist with opioid use disorder treatments that can reduce relapses and post-incarceration toxicity-related deaths, though less than 15% of correctional systems offer medication-assisted opioid use treatments. Extensive case management coupled with trained professionals to prescribe medication-assisted treatment can help reduce opioid-related relapses and overdoses when justice-involved individuals are released to their communities, with the potential to reduce recidivism if treatment is maintained.
DEA should lead local and state law enforcement training on recognizing drug trends, creating regional taskforces for data-sharing and enforcement focus, and organizing drug takeback days. Removing unused prescription medications from homes can reduce overdoses and remove access to unauthorized users, including children and adolescents. Funding to increase collection sites, assist in the expensive process of properly destroying drugs, and advertising takeback days and locations can reduce the amount of available prescription medications that can result in an overdose.
DHS, TREAS, and DOS should expand their current efforts in international trafficking investigations, create additional sanctions against businesses and individuals illegally selling precursor chemicals, and collaborate with countries to universally reduce drug production.
Budget Proposal
A budget of $800 million is proposed to evaluate the current efficacy of drug prevention and enforcement efforts, fund prevention and enforcement efforts, improve training for first responders and medicolegal death investigators, increase rapid and accurate toxicology testing in emergency and medicolegal settings, and enhance collaboration between law enforcement agencies. The foundational research on the efficacy of current enforcement, preventative efforts, and surveillance should receive $25 million, with findings transparently available and shared with practitioners, lawmakers, and community members to hone current practices.
DOJ should receive $375 million to fund grants; collaborative enforcement efforts between local, state, and federal agencies; preventative strategies and programs; training for first responders; and safe drug disposal programs.
CDC should receive $250 million to fund the training of medicolegal death investigators to recognize and appropriately document potential drug toxicity-related deaths, modernize data and reporting systems to assist with accurate surveillance, and provide improved toxicology testing options to emergency departments and medicolegal offices to assist with appropriate diagnoses. Funding should also be used to enhance current data collection efforts with the Overdose to Action program34 by encouraging timely submissions, simplifying the submission process, and helping create or support overdose fatality review teams to determine potential intervention points.
ED should receive $75 million to develop curricula for K-12 and colleges to raise awareness of the dangers of opioids and prevent usage. The curriculum should be made publicly available for access by parents, community groups, and other organizations to increase its usage and reach as many people as possible.
BOP should receive $25 million to provide opioid use disorder medication-assisted treatments by trained clinicians and extensive case management to assist in reducing post-incarceration relapse and drug toxicity-related deaths. The policies, procedures, and steps to create medication-assisted programming should be shared with state corrections departments and county jails to build into their programming to expand use in carceral settings and assist in reducing drug toxicity-related deaths at all incarceration levels.
DOS, DHS, and TREAS should jointly receive $50 million to strengthen their current international investigations and collaborations to stop drug trafficking, the manufacture and sales of precursors, and combating organized crime’s association with the illegal drug markets.
Conclusion
Opioid-related overdoses and deaths continue to needlessly and negatively affect society, with parents burying children, sometimes infants, in an unnatural order. With the low cost of fentanyl production and the high return on investment, fentanyl is commonly added to illicit drugs and counterfeit, real-looking prescription pills. Opioid addiction and fatal overdoses affect all genders, races, ethnicities, and socioeconomic statuses, with no end to this deadly path in sight. Combining public health surveillance with enforcement actions, preventative education, and innovative programming is the most promising framework for saving lives nationally.
Foreword
The National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) is pleased to publish in its Research Monograph series the proceedings of the 48th Annual Scientific Meeting of the Committee on Problems of Drug Dependence, Inc. (CPDD). This meeting was held at Tahoe City, Nevada, in June 1986.
The scientific community working in the drug abuse area was saddened by the untimely death of one of its very productive and active leaders: Joseph Cochin, M.D., Ph.D. Joe was a talented scientist who was greatly admired by his students and colleagues. For the past five years, Joe had served as the Executive Secretary of the CPDD. This monograph includes papers from a symposium on “Mechanisms of Opioid Tolerance and Dependence,” dedicated to his memory. These papers were presented by many of his friends and colleagues, who took the opportunity to express their high esteem for Joe.
The CPDD is an independent organization of internationally recognized experts in a variety of disciplines related to drug addiction. NIDA and the CPDD share many interests and concerns in developing knowledge that will reduce the destructive effects of abused drugs on the individual and society. The CPDD is unique in bringing together annually at a single scientific meeting an outstanding group of basic and clinical investigators working in the field of drug dependence. This year, as usual, the monograph presents an excellent collection of papers. It also contains progress reports of the abuse liability testing program funded by NIDA and carried out in conjunction with the CPDD.
This program continues to represent an example of a highly successful government/private sector cooperative effort. I am sure that members of the scientific community and other interested readers will find this volume to be a valuable “state-of-the art” summary of the latest research into the biological, behavioral, and chemical bases of drug abuse.
Charles R. Schuster, Ph.D.
Director
National Institute on Drug Abuse
For the full contents, please go to:
Source: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=ien.35557000188076&seq=11 This version September 2023
US DRUG CZAR EXPLAINS CAUSES AND RSDT TOOL TO PREVENT TEEN DRUG USE AND OVERDOSE DEATH INTERVIEW WITH U.S. DRUG CZAR JOHN WALTERS
Introduction: In response to recent news of a huge increase in drug overdose deaths and arrests for drug trafficking among Fairfax County youths, Fox News TV5 reporter Sherri Ly interviewed U.S. Drug Czar John Walters for his expert views on the cause and potential cure for these horrific family tragedies. Following is a transcript of that half-hour interview with minor editing for clarity and emphasis added. The full original interview is available through the 11/26/08 Fox5 News broadcast video available at link:
WALTERS: Well, as this case shows, while we’ve had overall drug use go down, we still have too many young people losing their lives to drugs, either through overdoses, or addiction getting their lives off track. So there’s a danger. We’ve made progress, and we have tools in place that can help us make more progress, but we have to use them.
Q 1: You meet with some of these parents whose children have overdosed. What do they tell you, and what do you tell them?
WALTERS: It’s the hardest part of my job; meeting with parents who’ve lost a child. Obviously they would give anything to go back, and have a chance to pull that child back from the dangerous path they were on. There are no words that can ease their grief. That’s something you just pray that God can give them comfort. But the most striking thing they say to me though is they want other parents to know, to act. And I think this is a common thing that these terrible lessons should teach us.
Many times, unfortunately, parents see signs: a change in friends, sometimes they find drugs; sometimes they see their child must be intoxicated in some way or the other. Because it’s so frightening, because sometimes they’re ashamed – they hope it’s a phase, they hope it goes away – they try to take some half measures. Sometimes they confront their child, and their child tells them – as believably as they ever can – that it’s the first time. I think what we need help with is to tell people; one, it’s never the first time. The probability is low that parents would actually recognize these signs – even when it gets visible enough to them – because children that get involved in drugs do everything they can to hide it. It’s never the first time. It’s never the second time. Parents need to act, and they need to act quickly. And the sorrow of these grieving parents is, if anything, most frequently focused on telling other parents, “Don’t wait: do anything to get your child back from the drugs.”
Secondly, I think it’s important to remember that one of the forces that are at play here is that it’s their friends. It’s not some dark, off-putting stranger – it’s boyfriends, girlfriends. I think that was probably a factor in this case. And it’s also the power and addictive properties of the drug. So your love is now being tested, and the things you’ve given your child to live by are being pulled away from them on the basis of young love and some of the most addictive substances on earth. That’s why you have to act more strongly. You can’t count on the old forces to bring them back to safety and health.
Q 2: When we talk about heroin – which is what we saw in this Fairfax County drug ring, alleged drug ring – what are the risks, as far as heroin’s concerned? I understand it can be more lethal, because a lot of people don’t know what they’re dealing with?
WALTERS: Well it’s also more lethal because one, the drug obviously can produce cardiac and respiratory arrest. It’s a toxic substance that is very dangerous. It’s also the case that narcotics, like heroin – even painkillers like OxyContin, hydrocodone, which have also been a problem – are something that the human body gets used to. So what you can frequently get on the street is a purity that is really blended for people who are addicted and have been long time addicted. So a person who is a new user or a naïve user can more easily be overdosed, because the quantities are made for people whose bodies have adjusted to higher purities, and are seeking that effect that only the higher purity will give them in this circumstance. So it’s particularly dangerous for new users. But we also have to remember, it almost never starts with heroin. Heroin is the culmination here. I think some of the – and I’ve only seen press stories on this — some of these young people may have gotten involved as early as middle school.
We have tools so that we don’t have to lose another young woman like this– or young men. We now have the ability to use Random Student Drug Testing (RSDT) because the Supreme Court has, in the last five years, made a decision that says it can’t be used to punish. It’s used confidentially with parents. We have thousands of schools now doing it since the president announced the federal government’s willingness to fund these programs in 2004. And many schools are doing it on their own. Random testing can do for our children what it’s done in the military, what it’s done in the transportation safety industry– significantly reduce drug use.
First, it is a powerful reason not to start. “I get tested, I don’t have to start.” We have to remember, it’s for prevention and not a “gotcha!” But it’s a powerful reason for kids to say, even when a boyfriend or girlfriend says come and do this with me, “I can’t do it, I get tested. I still like you, I still want to be your friend; I still want you to like me, but I just can’t do this,” which is very, very powerful and important. And second, if drug use is detected the child can be referred to treatment if needed.
Q 3: Is the peer pressure just that much that without having an excuse, that kids are using drugs and getting hooked?
WALTERS: Well one of the other unpleasant parts of my job is I visit a lot of young people in treatment; teenagers, sometimes as young as 14, 15, but also 16, 17, 18. It is not uncommon for me to hear from them, “I came from a good family. My parents and my school made clear what the dangers were of drugs. I was stupid. I was with my boyfriend (or girlfriend) and somebody said hey, let’s go do this. And I started, and before I knew it, I was more susceptible.”
We have to also understand the science, which has told us that adolescents continue to have brain development up through age 20-25. And their brains are more susceptible to changes that we can now image from these drugs. So it’s not like they’re mini-adults. They’re not mini-adults. They’re the particularly fragile and susceptible age group, because they don’t have either the experience or the mental development of adults. That’s why they get into trouble, that’s why it happens so fast to them, that’s why it’s so hard for them to see the ramifications.
So what does RSDT do? It finds kids early– if prevention fails. And it allows us to intervene, and it doesn’t make the parent alone in the process. Sometimes parents don’t confront kids because kids blackmail them and say “I’m going to do it anyway, I’m going to run away from home.” The testing brings the community together and says we’re not going to lose another child. We’re going to do the testing in high school – if necessary, in middle school. We’re going to wrap our community arms around that family, and get those children help. We’re going to keep them in school, not wait for them to drop out. And we’re certainly not going to allow this to progress until they die.
Q 4: And in a sense, if you catch somebody early, since you’re saying the way teenagers seem to get into drug use is a friend introduces it to a friend, and then next thing you know, you have a whole circle of friends doing it. Are you essentially drying that up at the beginning, before it gets out of hand?
WALTERS: That is the very critical point. It’s not only helping every child that gets tested be safer, it means that the number of young people in the peer group, in the school, in the community that can transfer this dangerous behavior to their friends shrinks. This is communicated like a disease, except it’s not a germ or a bacillus. It’s one child who’s doing this giving it behaviorally to their friends, and using their friendship as the poison carrier here. It’s like they’re the apple and the poison is inside the apple. And they trade on their friendship to get them to use. They trade on the fact that people want acceptance, especially at the age of adolescence. So what you do is you break that down, and you make those relationships less prone to have the poison of drugs or even underage drinking linked to them. And of course we also lose a lot of kids because of impaired driving.
Q 5: And how does the drug testing program work, then, in schools– the schools that do have it. Is it completely confidential? Are you going to call the police the minute you find a student who’s tested positive for heroin or marijuana or any other illicit drug?
WALTERS: That’s what is great about having a Supreme Court decision. It is settled – random testing programs cannot be used to punish, to call law enforcement; they have to be confidential. So we have a uniform law across the land. And what the schools that are doing RSDT are seeing is that it’s an enormous benefit to schools for a relatively small cost. Depending on where you are in the country, the screening test is $10-40. It’s less than what you’re going to pay for music downloads in one month for most teenage kids in most parents’ lives. And it protects them from some of the worst things that can happen to them during adolescence. Not only dying behind the wheel, but overdose death and addiction.
Schools that have done RSDT have faced some controversy; so you have to sit down and talk to people; parents, the media, young people. You have to engage the community resources. You’re going to find some kids and families that do have treatment needs. But with RSDT you bring the needed treatment to the kids.
I tell, a lot of times, community leaders – mayors and superintendents, school board members – that if you want to send less kids into the criminal justice system and the juvenile justice system, drug test — whether you’re in a suburban area or in an urban area.
What does the testing do? It takes away what we know is an accelerant to self-destructive behavior: crime, fighting in school, bringing a weapon, joining a gang. We have all kinds of irrefutable evidence now – multiple studies showing drugs and drinking at a young age accelerate those things, make them worse, make them more violent, as well as increasing their risks of overdose deaths and driving under the influence. So drug testing makes all those things get better. And it’s a small investment to make everything else we do work better.
Again, drug testing is not a substitute for drug education or good parenting or paying attention to healthy options for your kid. It just makes all those things work better.
Q 6: And I know you’ve heard this argument before, but isn’t that big brother? Aren’t there parents out there who say to you, “I’m the parent: why are you going to test my child for drugs in school; that’s my job?”
WALTERS: I think that is the critical misunderstanding that we are slowly beginning to change by the science that tells us substance abuse is a disease. It’s a disease that gets started by using the drug, and then it becomes a thing that rewires our brain and makes us dependent. So instead of thinking of this as something that is a moral failing, we have to understand that this is a disease that we can use the kind of tools for public health – screening and interventions – to help reduce it.
Look, let me give you the counter example. It’s really not big brother. It’s more like tuberculosis. Schools in our area require children to be tested for tuberculosis before they come to school. Why do they do that? Because we know one, they will get sicker if they have tuberculosis and it’s not treated. And we can treat them, and we want to treat them. And two, they will spread that disease to other children because of the nature of the contact they will have with them and spreading the infectious agent. The same thing happens with substance abuse. Young people get sicker if they continue to use. And they spread this to their peers. They’re not secretive among their peers about it; they encourage them to use them with them. Again, it’s not spread by a bacillus, but it’s spread by behavior.
If we take seriously the fact that this is a disease and stop thinking of it as something big brother does because it’s a moral decision that somebody else is making, we can save more lives. And I think the science is slowly telling us that we need to be able to treat this in our families, for adults and young people. We have public health tools that we’ve used for other diseases that are very powerful here, like screening – and that’s really what the random testing is. We’re trying to get more screening in the health care system. So when you get a check up, when you bring your child to a pediatrician, we screen for substance abuse and underage drinking. Because we know we can treat this, and we know that we can make the whole problem smaller when we do.
Q 7: You have said there were about 4,000 schools across the country now that are doing this random drug testing. What can we see in the numbers since the Supreme Court ruling in 2002, as far as drug use in those schools, and drug use in the general population?
WALTERS: Well, what a number of those schools have had is of course a look at the harm from student drug and alcohol use. Some of them have put screening into place, random testing, because they’ve had a terrible accident; an overdose death; death behind the wheel. What’s great is when school districts do this, or individual schools do this, without having to have a tragedy that triggers it. But if you have a tragedy, I like to tell people, you don’t have to have another one. The horrible thing about a tragic event is that most people realize those are not the only kids that are at risk.
There are more kids at risk, obviously, in our communities in the Washington, DC area where this young woman died. We know there’s obviously more children who are at risk of using in middle school and high school. The fact is those children don’t have to die. We cannot bring this young lady back. Everybody knows that. But we can make sure others don’t follow her. And the way we can do that is to find, through screening, who’s really using. And then let’s get them to stop – let’s work with their families, and let’s make sure we don’t start another generation of death. So what you see in these areas is an opportunity to really change the dynamic for the better.
Q 8: Now, although nationally drug use among our youth is going down – what does it say to you – when I look at the numbers specific to Virginia, the most recent that I could find tells me that 3% of 12th graders, over their lifetime, have used a drug like heroin? What does it say to you? To me, that sounds like a lot.
WALTERS: Yeah, and it’s absolutely true. I think the problem here is that when you tell people we are taking efforts that are making progress nationwide, they jump to the conclusion that that means that we don’t have a problem anymore. We need to continue to make this disease smaller. It afflicts our young people. It obviously also afflicts adults, but this is a problem that starts during adolescence — and pre-adolescence in some cases — in the United States. We can make this smaller. We not only have the tools of better prevention but also better awareness and more recognition of addiction as a disease. We need to make that still broader. We need to use random testing. If we want to continue to make this smaller, and make it smaller in a permanent way, random testing is the most powerful tool we can use in schools.
We want screening in the health care system. We have more of that going on through both insurance company reimbursement and public reimbursement through Medicare and Medicaid for those who come into the public pay system. That needs to grow. It needs to grow into Virginia, it’s already being looked at in DC; it needs to grow into Maryland and the other states that don’t have it. We are pushing that, and it’s relatively new, but it’s consistent with what we’re seeing – the science and the power of screening across the board.
We need to continue to look at this problem in terms of also continuing to push on supply. We’re working to reduce the poisons coming into our communities, which is not the opposite of demand; that we have to choose one or the other. They work together. Keeping kids away from drugs and keeping drugs away from kids work together. And where we see that working more effectively, we’ll save more lives. So again, we’ve seen that a balanced approached works, real efforts work, but we need to follow through. And the fact that you still have too many kids at risk is an urgent need. Today, you have kids that could be, again, victims that you have to unfortunately tell about on tonight’s news, that we can save. It’s not a matter we don’t know how to do this. It’s a matter of we need to take what we know and make it reality as rapidly as possible.
Q 9: Where are these drugs coming from? Where’s the heroin that these kids allegedly got coming from?
WALTERS: We do testing about the drugs to figure out sources for drugs like heroin. Principally, the heroin in the United States today has come from two sources. Less of it’s coming out of Colombia. Colombia used to be a source of supply on the East Coast, but the Colombian government, as a part of our engagement with them on drugs, has radically reduced the cultivation of poppy and the output of heroin. There still is some, but it’s dramatically down from what it was even about five years ago. Most of the rest of the heroin in the United States comes from Mexico. And the Mexican government, of course, is engaged in a historic effort to attack the cartels. You see this in the violence the cartels have had as a reaction. So we have promising signs. There are dangerous and difficult tasks ahead, but we can follow through on that as well.
Most of the heroin in the world comes from Afghanistan; 90% of it. And we are working there, of course, as a part of our effort against the Taliban and the forces of terror and Al Qaeda, to shrink that. The good news is that last year we had a 20% decline in cultivation and a 30% decline in output there. Most of that does not come here, fortunately. But it has been funding the terrorists. It’s been drained out of most of the north and the east of the country. It’s focused on the area where we have the greatest violence today, in the southwest. We’re working now – you see Secretary Gates talking to the NATO allies about bringing the counter-insurgency effort together with the counter-narcotics effort to attack both of these cancers in Afghanistan. We have a chance to change heroin availability in the world in a durable way by being successful in Afghanistan. We’ve started that path in a positive way. Again, it’s a matter of following through as rapidly as possible.
Q 10: Greg Lannes, the father of the girl in Fairfax County who died, told me that one of his main efforts, as you imagined, was to let people know that those drugs, they’re coming from where it is produced, outside our country; that they’re getting all the way down to the street level and into our neighborhoods– something that people don’t realize. So when you hear that they busted a ring of essentially teenagers who have been dealing, using and buying heroin, what does that say to you as the man in charge of combating drugs in our country?
WALTERS: Well again, we have tools that can make this smaller. But we have to use those tools. And we have multiple participants here. Yes we need to educate. And we need to make sure that parents know they need to talk to their children, even when their children look healthy and have come from a great home. Drugs – we’ve learned, I think, over the last 25 years or more, drugs affect everybody; rich or poor, middle class, lower class or upper class. Every family’s been touched by this, in my experience, by alcohol or drugs. They know that reality– we don’t need to teach them that.
What we need to teach them is the tools that we have that they can help accelerate use of. Again, I think – there is no question in my mind that had this young woman been in a school, middle school or high school that had random testing – since that’s where this apparently started, based on the information I’ve seen in the press – she would not be dead today. So again, we can’t go back and bring her to life. But we can put into place the kind of screening that makes the good will and obvious love that she got from her parents, the obvious good intentions that I can’t help but believe were a part of what happened in the school, the opportunities that the community has to have a lot of resources that she didn’t get when she needed them. And now she’s dead. Again, we can stop this: we just have to make sure we implement that knowledge in the reality of more of our kids as fast as possible.
Q 11: Should anyone be surprised by this case? And that such a hardcore drug like heroin is being used by young people?
WALTERS: We should never stop being surprised when a young person dies. They shouldn’t die. They shouldn’t die at that young age, and we should always demand of ourselves, even while we know that’s sometimes going to happen today, that every death is a death too many. I think that it is very important not to say we’re going to accept a certain level. Never accept this. Never! That’s my attitude, and I know that’s the president’s attitude as well here. Never accept that heroin’s going to get into the lives of our teenagers. Never accept that our children are going to be able to use and not be protected. It’s our job to protect them. They have a role, also, obviously in helping to protect themselves. But we need to give them the tools that will help protect them.
When I talk to children and young adults in high school or college, they know what’s going on among their peers. And in some ways, when you get them alone and they feel they can talk candidly, they tell us they don’t understand why we, as adults who say this is serious, don’t act. They know that we see children who are intoxicated; they know that we must see signs of this, because as kid’s lives get more out of control, they show signs of it. They want to know why we don’t act.
We can use the tools of screening, and we can use the occasion of a horrible event like this to bring the community together and say it’s time for us to use the shock and the sorrow for something positive in the future. I haven’t met a parent of a child who’s been lost who doesn’t say I just want to use this now for something positive. And that’s understandable, and I think we ought to honor that wish.
Q 12: Well, I guess I’m not asking should we accept that this is in our schools, but is it naïve for people not to understand or realize that these hardcore drugs are in our schools, and in our communities, and in our neighborhoods.
WALTERS: Yeah. Where it is naïve, I think, is to not recognize the extent and access that young people have to drugs and alcohol. I think we sometimes think that because they come from a home where this isn’t a part of their lives now, that it’s not ever going to be part of their lives. Look, your viewers should go on the computer. Type marijuana into the Google search engine and see how many sites encourage them to use marijuana, how to get marijuana, how to grow marijuana, the great fun of marijuana. Go on YouTube and type in marijuana, and see how many videos come up using marijuana, joking around about marijuana. And then when you start showing one, of course the system is designed to show you similar things. Type in heroin. See what kind of sites come up, and see what kind of videos come up on these sites. Young people spend more time on these sites than they do, frequently, watching television. Remember, there is somebody telling your children things about drugs. And if it’s not you, the chances are they’re telling them things that are false and dangerous. So there is a kind of naiveté about what the young peoples’ world, as it presents itself to them, tells them about these substances. It minimizes the danger, it suggests that it’s something that you can do to be more independent, not be a kid anymore.
We, from my generation — because I’m a baby boomer — unfortunately have had an association of growing up in America with the rebellion that’s been associated with drug use. That’s been very dangerous, and we’ve lost a lot of lives. We have to remember that it’s alive and well, and has become part of the technological sources of information that young people have. I also see young people in treatment centers who got in a chat room and somebody offered them drugs or offered them to come and buy them alcohol and flattered them, and got them involved in incredibly self-destructive behavior. The computer brings every predator and every dangerous influence into your own child’s home – into their bedroom in some cases, if that’s where that computer exists. You wouldn’t let your kids go out and play in the park with drug dealers. If you have a computer and it’s not supervised, those drug dealers are in that computer. Remember that. And they’re only a couple of keystrokes away from your child.
Q 13: And you talk about the YouTube and the computers and all those things. What about just the overall societal image? Because we have this whole image with heroin, of heroin chic. How much does that contribute to the drug use, and how difficult does it make your job, when a drug is being made out to be cool in society by famous people?
WALTERS: There are still some elements of that. It was more prominent a number of years ago. I would say you see less of that now glamorized in the entertainment industry, or among people who are celebrities in and out of entertainment. You see more cases of real harm. But it’s still out there. The one place that I think is replacing that, just to get people ahead of the game here, is prescription pharmaceuticals. Those have been marketed to kids on the internet as a safe high. They falsely suggest that you can overcome the danger of an overdose because you can predict precisely the dosage of OxyContin, hydrocodone, Vicodin. And there are sites that suggest what combination of drugs to use. We’ve seen prescription drug use as the one counter example of a category of drug use going up among teens. We’re trying to work on that as well, but that’s something that’s in your own home, because many people get these substances for legitimate medical care. Young people are going to the medicine cabinet of family or friends, taking a few pills out and using those. And those are as powerful as heroin, they’re synthetic opioids, and they have been a source of overdose deaths.
So let’s not forget – while this Fairfax example reminds us of the issues of heroin chic and of the heroin that’s in our communities, the new large problem today is a similar dangerous substance in pill form in our own medicine cabinets. Barrier to access is zero. They don’t have to find a drug dealer; they just go find the medicine cabinet. They don’t have to pay a dime for it because they just take it and they share that with their friends. We need to remember, that’s another dimension here. Keep these substances out of reach – under our control when we have them in our home. Throw them away when we’re done with them. Make sure we talk to kids about pills. Because people, again, are telling them that’s the place to go to avoid overdose death, is to take a pill.
Q 14: When you see a lot of these celebrities checking in and out of rehab, does it sort of glamorize it for kids? And teach them hey, you can use, you can check into rehab, you can come back, you can – you know. Is there a mixed message there?
WALTERS: There is. Some young people interpret it the way you describe; of it’s something you do and you can get away with it by going into rehab. We do a lot of research on young people’s attitudes for purposes of helping shape prevention programs in the media, as well as in schools and for parents. We do a lot with providing material to parents. I would say that compared to where we’ve been in the last 15 or 20 years, there’s less glamorization today.
I think we should also remember the positive, because we reinforce that. A lot of young people – obviously not all or we wouldn’t have this death – believe that taking drugs makes you a loser. They’ve seen that a lot of those celebrities are showing their careers going down the toilet because they can’t get away from the pills and the drugs and the alcohol. And I think they see that even among some of their peers. That’s a good thing. We should reinforce that as parents: teaching our kids that drug and alcohol use may be falsely presented to you as something you do that would make you popular, make you seem like you should have more status in society generally. But actually, look at a lot of these people; they’ve had enormous opportunities, enormous gifts, and they can’t stop themselves from throwing them away. And they may not stop themselves from throwing away their lives.
I think you could use these events as a teachable moment. It can go two ways. Help your child understand what the truth is here. And I tell young people – and I think parents have to start this more directly – this is the way this is going to come to you: Somebody you really, really want to like you; somebody you really, really like; someone you may even love — or think you love — they’re going to say come and do this with me. If you can’t find any other reason to not do this with them, say, “Before we do this, let’s go to a treatment center. Let’s go talk to people who stood where we stood and said it’s not going to happen to me.” If everybody, when they got the chance to start, thought of an addict or somebody who was dead, they wouldn’t start. The fact is that does not enter their mind.
Many people in treatment centers understand that part of the task of recovery is helping other people avoid this. So they’re willing to talk about it. In fact, that’s part of their path of staying clean and sober, which not many kids are going to be able to do on their own. But it makes them think that what presents itself as something overwhelmingly attractive has behind it a horrible dimension, for their friends as well as for themselves. And more and more, I think kids understand this.
We can use the science of this as a disease, and the experience of many families. Remember, uncle Joe didn’t used to be like this. Especially Thanksgiving, when we have families getting together and all of a sudden mom’s going to get loaded and become ugly in the corner. We also have to remember we have an obligation to reach out to those people, and to get them help. We can treat them. Nobody gets sober, in my experience, by themselves. They have to take responsibility. But you have to overcome the pushback, and addiction and alcoholism have, as a part of the disease, denial. When you tell somebody they have a problem, they get angry with you. They don’t say hey thanks, I want your help. They don’t hit bottom and become nice. That’s a myth. They need to be grabbed and encouraged and pushed. Almost everybody in treatment is coerced – by a family member, by an employer, sometimes by the criminal justice system.
So remember that, when you find your child using and they want to lie to you up down and sideways saying, “It’s the first time I’ve ever done it.” No, no, no, no, no, that’s the drugs talking. That shows you, if anything, you have a bigger problem than you realized and you need to reach out, get some professional help. But don’t wait!
Source: National Institute of Citizen Anti-drug Policy (NICAP)
DeForest Rathbone, Chairman, Great Falls, Virginia, 703-759-2215, DZR@prodigy.net
A new report from Montreal public health indicates a new drug that’s stronger than fentanyl has hit the city’s streets.
MONTREAL — A new drug that is even more powerful than fentanyl is circulating on Montreal’s streets, according to public health officials.
Isotonitazene, a chemically manufactured opioid, has killed at least one person in Montreal. Jean-Francois Mary of harm reduction organization Cactus Montreal said similar drugs are often made in illegal labs, where cross-contamination and dosage size are risky variables.
Mary said he believes part of the solution the problem posed by opioids is legalization.
“People die because drug traffickers have had to divert into substances that are more portent and more profitable, but this potency kills,” he said. “Look in the pharmacy, there are very dangerous substances that are prescribes, they are given and people sometimes abuse them. But we don’t have so many deaths from because the quantity is controlled. Even when people abuse them, they can know how much they took.”
He said illegally-made pills don’t let users know how much Isotonitazene or fentanyl they’re ingesting.
Montreal public health seized 2,000 astonishment pills in August and is advising users that naloxone can be used to reverse the effects of an overdose.
Naloxone kits are available at most pharmacies. Anyone calling 911 to report an overdose has immunity from simple drug possession charges under the Good Samaritans Rescuing Overdose Victims Act.
Source: New drug on Montreal’s streets even more potent than fentanyl: public health | CTV News November 2020
The rise in prescription opioid and heroin abuse creates countless problems for healthcare professionals, law enforcement, the drug abusers themselves and society as a whole. It’s a complex issue that continues to claim lives. Unfortunately, Fentanyl, a painkiller 100 times more powerful than morphine, is showing up on the streets disguised as other drugs, such as Norco and Xanax. The results are an increase in fatal overdoses.
Problems with fentanyl are not new. As recently as last year, we wrote about the dangers of fentanyl when it is mixed with heroin, and Dr. A.R. Mohammad, the founder of Inspire Malibu, did a recent interview with FOX 11 News in Los Angeles regarding the rise in fentanyl on the streets. What is new, however, are reports of synthetic fentanyl, likely manufactured in illegal labs in the states, China and Mexico, sold under different drug names to unsuspecting users.
In March of this year, Sacramento County, California, saw six deaths and 22 overdoses as a result of fentanyl peddled as Norco, which is supposed to be a mix of acetaminophen and hydrocodone. “In reality, they’re taking fentanyl, which is much, much, much more potent,” Laura McCasland, a spokeswoman for the Department of Health and Human Services, told The New York Times.
Legally manufactured fentanyl is an injectable opioid often administered before surgeries. It also comes in a time release lozenge or patch for patients coping with severe chronic pain from conditions like pancreatic, metastatic and colon cancer.
Fentanyl is so strong, fast-acting and creates such a high tolerance, many patients find that other opiates no longer work for them. This is also one of the reasons that fentanyl is so addictive.
With abuse and addiction to fentanyl, quitting “cold turkey” can cause severe withdrawal.
What are the Withdrawal Symptoms of Fentanyl?
- Fast heart rate and rapid breathing
- Muscle, joint and back pain
- Insomnia, yawning and restlessness
- Sweating and chills
- Runny nose and eyes
- Anxiety, depression and irritability
- Lethargy and weakness
- Vomiting, nausea, diarrhea, loss of appetite and stomach cramps
Even a tiny amount of fentanyl can be deadly. The president of the American Society of Anesthesiologists, J.P. Abenstein, told National Public Radio, “What happens is people stop breathing on it. The more narcotic you take, the less your body has an urge to breath.”
Abenstein added that people who don’t know how much to take will easily overdose. This no doubt also applies to users who aren’t even aware they’re taking the dangerous opiate when it’s sold under another name or mixed with heroin.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reported that of the estimated 28,000 people who died from opioid overdoses in 2014, almost 6,000 of those deaths were fentanyl related.
The agency also suggests that states make Naloxone (Narcan), an overdose-reversal drug, more widely available in hospitals and ambulances to prevent deaths.
Abstinence from illicit drug use is the only guaranteed way to avoid an accidental overdose on fentanyl. Addiction, however, changes the brain’s chemistry and drives those affected to make decisions and behave in a manner that continues to put them at risk.
Source: https://www.inspiremalibu.com/blog/drug-addiction/fentanyl-hits-the-streets-disguised-as-xanax-and-norco/ 19th June 2019
The study by Sadananda et al published in the current issue of the IJMR highlights the neurophysiological basis of altered cognition in subjects with opioid addiction. The study demonstrated aberrant network activity between the default mode network (DMN) and fronto-parietal attentional network (FAN) as a major cause for working memory deficits in drug addiction. Working memory is an important to retain the cognitive information essential for goal directed behaviours. Human beings are endowed with an efficient cognitive faculty of working memory, essential for efficient functioning of the executive network system of the brain. As working memory is the key to carry out any cognitive process involving attention, volition, planning, goal directed behaviour, etc., consciousness is linked largely to working memory processing. The importance of integrating neuroscience knowledge especially the executive functions of human brain in leadership has been taught in neuro-leadership programs as a mean to maximize the human capabilities, productivity, creativity, leadership, wellness, positive attitude.
Aberrant network activities and structural deficits in brain areas of executive functioning impede most of our intellect including mental flexibility, novel problem solving, behavioural inhibition, memory, learning, planning, judgement, emotion regulation, self-control and other social functioning. Deficits in working memory and attention owing to reduced fronto-parietal network (FPN) activity is reported in schizophrenia, autism, attention deficit hyperactive disorder (ADHD) and anxiety disorders. Opioid addiction is reported to impede such dynamicity of the executive system leading to a wide range of deficits in cognition. Opioid addiction alters the network integrity between DMN and FPN networks and weakens the cognitive information processing in cognitively challenging paradigms. Dysfunctional dynamics of DMN activity is believed to contribute to impaired self-awareness, negative emotions and addiction related ruminations. Aberrant DMN activity and reduced medial prefrontal cortical functions are common neural phenotypes of cognitive deficits in conditions like mental illness, drug addiction, sleep deprivation and neurodegenerative disorders. People with substance use disorders develop mental illnesses as a serious comorbidity that in turn, leads to severe behavioural impairments at the social, emotional and cognitive domains. Chronic sleep deprivation associated with drug addiction and substance abuse is another predisposing factor that worsen the behavioural impairments. Over all, drug addiction, substance abuse and the subsequent maladaptive behaviours including mental illness and sleep deprivation trigger a complex set of network instability in the domains of cognition and affect. The euphoria and hallucinating experience of drugs of abuse would soon lead to psychological distress and to cognitive and emotional behavioural impairments due to the disruption of various top down and bottom-up network dynamics.
Substance use disorders are an imminent socio-economic burden and have become a major public health concern worldwide. Despite knowing the harmful effects and consequences of drug use, reports say that the youth especially the adolescents have a tendency to continue the habit. There is a need to have effective measures in place such as educational programmes to improve the self-efficacy of parents and family members to help their children to develop the right behavioural attitude, enhance the capacity building in teachers to strengthen the self-esteem and wellness of students to organize substance use control awareness programmes in coordination with NGOs at educational institutions, involvement of television and other visual and social media platforms to organise substance abuse control programmes and for interactive opportunity for children/youth with educators, researchers and professionals, organization of knowledge dissemination programmes to the public/schools/colleges to highlight the adverse effects of drug abuse on mental health and cognition. Introduction to such knowledge sharing platforms such as the Virtual Knowledge Network (VKN) at NIMHANS, Bengaluru, provide interactive skill building opportunities to safeguard them from substance abuse and addiction. People should have easy access to such services and rehabilitation centers. Various behavioural intervention strategies such as cognitive retraining, psychotherapy, yoga therapy, mindfulness-based intervention programmes etc. are reported to improve cognitive abilities, regulation of negative emotions and restoration of motivational behaviours. A study on single night exposure to olfactory aversive conditioning during sleep helped to quit addiction to cigarette smoking temporarily. Such studies highlight the possibility of learning new behaviours during sleep and its positive impact on wake associated behaviours. Such approaches are quite useful, easily testable and cost-effective. Thanks to the incredible phenomenon of adult brain plasticity, it is possible to re-establish social intelligence, prosocial motivation among people with substance abuse.
Source: Drug addiction – How it hijacks our cognition & consciousness – PMC (nih.gov) October 2021
Opioids have become a full-blown national crisis of epidemic proportions, killing 130 people each day. Drug overdose is now the number-one cause of death for Americans under 50. One doctor at the top of her game—who knew the risks better than anyone—almost became another statistic.
Alison ran around her palatial six-bedroom house in Georgia on a crisp January night in 2016, preparing to depart the next day for a family ski trip in Colorado. She washed dishes, tidied counters, put in several loads of laundry, and crossed items off her packing list. Whenever she found a moment alone—every 45 minutes or so—she retrieved the syringe containing sufentanil she’d tucked inside the Ugg boots she wore around her house, pulled a makeshift tourniquet out of her hooded sweatshirt, found a usable vein, and plunged the needle into her arm, delivering one tenth of a milliliter of the most powerful opioid available for use in humans.
That night, as Alison hustled her house into order, she shot up in her 13-year-old daughter’s closet (she once used her ballet-shoe laces as a tourniquet), her oldest son’s bathroom (he was away at college), the kitchen pantry (she sometimes kept vials inside boxes of dry pasta), the laundry room (her favorite place to use), the bathroom (her least favorite), and the stairway leading up to the second floor, where she could gauge if family members were getting close.
By the end of the night, she had polished off two milliliters, an amount that could kill an average-size adult if given in a single dose. Sufentanil is an opioid painkiller five to seven times more potent than fentanyl—another powerful opioid—at the time of peak effect and 4,521 times more powerful than morphine, but Alison wasn’t intimidated. As an anesthesiologist, she’d spent her entire professional life delivering such substances to patients during surgery.
What Alison didn’t know then was that in just over two months, her whole world would come crashing down. She had no idea that three nurses would grow wise to the ways she was stealing drugs from the hospital. Or that she’d spend 90 days at an in-treatment center, followed by a five-year monitoring program for physicians. All she was thinking about that night was that her drugs of choice, sufentanil and fentanyl, made her happy at a time when her work demands were overwhelming and her second marriage was falling apart. “It was immediate; everything just chilled out. For me, it felt like when you have a really good glass of wine and you’re like, ‘Ahhh,’ ” says Alison, now 46. “During that time, that was the only thing I looked forward to. That was really the only thing that was good in a day of life for me.”
Before she started abusing opioids six months earlier, Alison had never used a drug recreationally other than a puff of marijuana during high school. (She didn’t like it.) She enjoyed a glass of red wine with dinner once or twice a month but hadn’t ever thought of using the substances she injected into patients all day, every day. “I’d been in anesthesia for 18 years, and it never even tempted me,” she says. “I never wondered what it felt like. It did not enter my mind.”
Alison was raised in a small town in Tennessee, the third youngest of seven children born to strict, conservative Christian parents. Her father is a physicist who liked to pose math questions at the dinner table (“In a group of 27 kids, there are 13 more girls than boys. How many girls and boys are there? Go!”), and her mother is a stay-at-home mom. For vacation, “we didn’t go to the beach or Disney World; we went to a place with a telescope or a planetarium,” says Alison, recalling one trip in which they piled in a station wagon and drove to South Dakota to watch an eclipse.
Today, three siblings are physicians, one worked for the CIA, and another chaired a university department. Alison likes to joke that she’s the underachiever in the family, and though she deserves no such title, the lifelong pressure she felt to outperform her siblings took a toll. “I was raised in a family where the lowest thing that was allowed was perfection,” she says. “I felt like I needed to do more, always. That was a big thing that came up in treatment—that my ‘good enough’ wasn’t good enough.” She had an eating disorder as a young teen and remembers dropping 30 pounds from her petite frame one summer by consuming only iceberg lettuce and fat-free French dressing. She says she felt like a failure because a younger sister weighed 15 pounds less.
One of Alison’s older brothers taught her square roots when she was two years old. (“It was like his little dog and pony trick to show me off to his friends,” says Alison, laughing.) She took up the violin at age four and started piano lessons when she was six. She skipped first and seventh grades and completed high school in three years, graduating days after she turned 16. She finished college in three years too and enrolled in medical school in California at 19. A wunderkind, yes, but she wonders now about the damage racing through her youth caused. “Perfectionism is horrible,” Alison says. “I know that I didn’t develop good coping mechanisms. Some of my treatment team thinks I got stunted.”
Medical school was the first time Alison had to study in her life. She chose to specialize in anesthesia because of how tangible it was. “I liked how when someone’s blood pressure is high, you give them medicine and it goes down,” she says. “That immediate gratification.” She married a man she met while she was in medical school when she was 22 and had her first son one month before graduation. (Her second son was born during her residency.)
Three years of her medical schooling were paid for by the Navy (“With my dad being a teacher and me being one of seven kids, there was no money,” she explains), so after finishing her residency, she paid the military back with three years of service, during which she was stationed at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center in Bethesda, Maryland. True to form, Alison was not just any anesthesiologist in the Navy, she was the one asked to do the anesthesia for a president (“A huge honor,” she says) and a high-ranking senator. (She was called in from maternity leave after giving birth to her daughter at the surgeon’s request.)
Alison left the Navy in 2003 and moved to Georgia, about an hour from where she grew up. She and her husband wanted to raise their kids in the South, and she was eager for a slower pace. The years of schooling and success with three young children had been hard on her marriage. “I fell in love with my kids immediately, and I let the marriage slip,” Alison explains. “I put my kids before my husband.”
Source: An Opioid Addict Who Was Also a Top Doctor Shares Her Story of Recovery | Marie Claire February 2019
Fullerton, California, police officer Jae Song conducts a field sobriety test on a driver suspected of driving while impaired by marijuana. A growing number of drugged drivers have been killed in crashes. Bill Alkofer/The Orange County Register/SCNG via AP
As legal marijuana spreads and the opioid epidemic rages on, the number of drugged drivers killed in car crashes is rising dramatically, according to a report released today.
Forty-four percent of fatally injured drivers tested for drugs had positive results in 2016, the Governors Highway Safety Association found, up more than 50 percent compared with a decade ago. More than half the drivers tested positive for marijuana, opioids or a combination of the two.
“These are big-deal drugs. They are used a lot,” said Jim Hedlund, an Ithaca, New York-based traffic safety consultant who conducted the highway safety group’s study. “People should not be driving while they’re impaired by anything and these two drugs can impair you.”
Nine states and Washington, D.C., allow marijuana to be sold for recreational and medical use, and 21 others allow it to be sold for medical use. Opioid addiction and overdoses have become a national crisis, with an estimated 115 deaths a day.
States are struggling to get a handle on drugged driving. Traffic safety experts say that while it’s easy for police to test drivers for alcohol impairment using a breathalyzer, it’s much harder to detect and screen them for drug impairment.
There is no nationally accepted method for testing drivers, and the number of drugs to test for is large. Different drugs also have different effects on drivers. And there is no definitive data linking drugged driving to crashes.
“With alcohol, we have 30 years of research looking at the relationship between how much alcohol is in a person’s blood and the odds they will cause a traffic crash,” said Jake Nelson, AAA’s traffic safety director. “For drugs, that relationship is not known.”
Another problem is that drivers often are using more than one drug at once. The new study found that about half of drivers who died and tested positive for drugs in 2016 were found to have two or more drugs in their system.
Alcohol is also part of the mix, the report found: About half the dead drivers who tested positive for alcohol also tested positive for drugs.
Drug Testing Varies
More than 37,000 people died in vehicle crashes in 2016, up 5.6 percent from the previous year, according to the National Transportation Highway Safety Administration.
Using fatality data from the federal agency, Hedlund, the governors’ highway safety group’s consultant, found that 54 percent of fatally injured drivers that year were tested for drugs and alcohol. Of those who had drugs in their system, 38 percent tested positive for marijuana, 16 percent for opioids and 4 percent for both. The remaining 42 percent tested positive for a variety of legal and illegal drugs, such as cocaine and Xanax.
That means more than 5,300 drivers who died in fatal crashes in 2016 tested positive for drugs, Hedlund said. Those numbers don’t include all drivers killed in crashes or those who drove impaired but didn’t have a crash.
Driver drug testing varies from state to state. States don’t all test for the same drugs or use the same testing methods.
“A lot of the tools we developed for alcohol don’t work for drugs,” said Russ Martin, government relations director for the highway safety group. “We don’t have as clear a method for every officer to conduct roadside tests.”
Police who stop drivers they think are impaired typically use standard sobriety tests, such as asking the person to walk heel to toe and stand on one leg. That works well for alcohol testing, as does breathing into a breathalyzer, which measures the blood alcohol level.
But these standard sobriety tests don’t work for drugs, which can only be detected by testing blood, urine or saliva. Even then, finding the presence of a drug doesn’t necessarily mean the person is impaired.
With marijuana, for example, metabolites can stay in the body for weeks, long after impairment has ended, making it difficult to determine when the person used the drug.
States have dealt with drugged driving in different ways. In every state it is illegal to drive under the influence of drugs, but some have created zero tolerance laws for some drugs, whereas others have set certain limits for marijuana or some other drugs.
That creates another challenge because policymakers are trying to make changes that aren’t necessarily based on research, said Richard Romer, AAA’s state relations manager.
“The presence of marijuana doesn’t necessarily mean impairment,” Romer said. “You could be releasing drivers who are dangerous and imprisoning people who are not impaired.”
State Statistics
In Colorado, the first state to legalize recreational marijuana, there were 51 fatalities in 2016 that involved drivers with THC blood levels above the state’s legal limit, according to the state department of transportation. THC is the main active ingredient in marijuana, and causes the euphoria associated with the drug.
An online survey in April by the department found that 69 percent of pot users said they had driven under the influence of marijuana at least once in the past year and 27 percent said they drove high almost daily. Many recreational users said they didn’t think it affected their ability to drive safely.
In Washington state, a 2016 report by the AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety found that fatal crashes of drivers who recently used marijuana doubled after the state legalized it.
The governors’ highway safety group is recommending that states offer advanced training to a majority of patrol officers about how to recognize drugged drivers at the roadside.
Officers in some states already are using a battery of roadside tests that focus on physiological symptoms, such as involuntary eye twitches, pulse rate and muscle tone, to determine whether a driver is impaired by drugs. And at the police station, some officers trained as drug examiners do a more extensive series of tests to identify the type of drug.
The safety group also wants states to launch a campaign to educate the public about how drugs can impair driving and work with doctors and pharmacists to make patients aware of the risks of driving while using prescription medications such as opioids.
And it is calling on states and the federal government to compile better data on drugged driving, including testing all drivers killed in crashes for drugs and alcohol.
“Not every driver in a fatal crash is tested. And plenty of drivers out there haven’t crashed and haven’t been tested,” Martin said. “We have good reason to believe there are more drug-impaired drivers out there than the data shows.”
Source: Drugged Driving Deaths Spike With Spread of Legal Marijuana, Opioid Abuse – Stateline May 2018
At the center of America’s deadly opioid epidemic, non-pharmaceutical fentanyl appears to be finding its way into illegal stimulants that are sold on the street, such as cocaine. Adulteration with fentanyl is considered a key reason why cocaine’s death toll is escalating. Cocaine and fentanyl are proving to be a lethal combination – cocaine-related death rates have increased according to national survey data. This has important emergency response and harm reduction implications as well—naloxone might reverse such overdoses if administered in time. A recent study by Nolan et. al. assessed the role of opioids, particularly fentanyl, in the increase in cocaine-involved overdose deaths from 2015 to 2016 and found these substances to account for most of this increase.
Fentanyl and Cocaine
Fentanyl is a synthetic, short-acting opioid that is 50 to 100 times more powerful than morphine and increasingly associated with a heightened risk of fatal overdose. The combination of heroin and cocaine, also known as “speedballing,” was popular in the 1970s. Recently, there has been an uptick in cocaine being adulterated with other powerful substances like the synthetic opioid fentanyl. Unlike in the intentional combination of cocaine with other substances in the 70s, many modern users are not aware that their cocaine may be mixed with another substance, leaving them vulnerable to an accidental overdose.
Cocaine deaths have moved up to the second most common substance present in fatal overdoses—after opioids. Before 2015, fentanyl was involved in fewer than 5% of all overdose deaths each year. This rate increased to 16% in 2015 and continues to rise. At the beginning of 2016, 37% of cocaine-related overdose deaths in New York City involved fentanyl. By the end of the year, fentanyl was involved in almost half of all overdose deaths in NYC. Since then, several US cities have reported similar outbreaks of overdose fatalities involving fentanyl combined with heroin or cocaine. The combination of fentanyl and cocaine has been a considerable driver of the rising death toll since 2015, and opioid-naive cocaine users are at an especially high risk of unintentional opioid overdose.
Why is Fentanyl Appearing in Cocaine?
One theory is that the adulteration is an accident and occurs by residual fentanyl being present in the same space and on the same surfaces where cocaine is being processed. Another theory is that the increasing presence of fentanyl in cocaine concerns cost and supply. Drug cartels can add other cheaper drugs and medications as fillers to stretch out their product.1 By adding fentanyl they may also be producing a more potent and addictive product to expand their market. This, however, is risky since even a small amount of fentanyl can result in death. The Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) explains that even 2 milligrams of fentanyl, about the size of a grain of rice, can be deadly to an adult. In light of that fact, it’s distinctly possible that street-level illicit drug dealers do not have insight into the contents of their product and are unknowingly selling cocaine adulterated with fentanyl.
Present Study
Data in this study was acquired from death certificates from the New York City Bureau of Vital Statistics and toxicology results from the New York City Office of the Chief Medical Examiner. Age-adjusted rates per 100,000 residents were calculated for 6-month intervals from 2010 to 2016.
Results suggested that individuals using cocaine in New York City were vulnerable to a greater risk of a fatal overdose due to the increasing presence of fentanyl in the city’s drug supply. In fact, 90% of the increase in cocaine overdose fatalities from 2010 to 2016 also involved fentanyl.
Public Health Challenges
This study highlighted some public health challenges caused by fentanyl-adulterated cocaine:
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First responders and those present at the scene of a cocaine overdose may consider administering Naloxone even if the patient denied using opioids.
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Fentanyl is very dangerous and powerful and dramatically increases the risk of lethal overdose.
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Opioid-naïve individuals that have been using fentanyl-free cocaine lack a potentially life-saving tolerance for opioids. Adding fentanyl to their drug of choice puts this group at an even higher risk of fatal overdose.
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Opioid-naïve cocaine users are typically not targeted by current harm reduction strategies and public messages concerning opioid overdose. A lack of education and access to critical resources, including naloxone —the lifesaving overdose reversal drug— render this population more vulnerable to a fatal overdose.
Looking to the Future
As the issue continues to get worse — 19,000 of the 42,000 reported opioid overdose deaths in 2016 were related to fentanyl — the authors of the study emphasize the importance of overdose prevention intervention for cocaine users, with a strong emphasis on access to naloxone and information about fentanyl.
Future prevention efforts must be widened to include cocaine users, especially those who are opioid-naïve, to prevent more fatal overdoses. Cocaine overdose awareness, treatment for dependence, and relapse prevention must be prioritized in a comprehensive response to addiction that puts us on a better path forward and ensures that this country does not repeat past mistakes by implementing substance-centric policy and education efforts.
Citation
Nolan, M. L., Shamasunder, S., Colon-Berezin, C., Kunins, H. V., & Paone, D. (2019). Increased presence of fentanyl in cocaine-involved fatal overdoses: implications for prevention. Journal of Urban Health, 1-6.
Source: Fentanyl-adulterated Cocaine: Strategies to Address the New Normal (addictionpolicy.org) Updated October 16th 2022
Abstract
Opioid use disorder is a highly disabling psychiatric disorder, and is associated with both significant functional disruption and risk for negative health outcomes such as infectious disease and fatal overdose. Even among those who receive evidence-based pharmacotherapy for opioid use disorder, many drop out of treatment or relapse, highlighting the importance of novel treatment strategies for this population. Over 60% of those with opioid use disorder also meet diagnostic criteria for an anxiety disorder; however, efficacious treatments for this common co-occurrence have not be established. This manuscript describes the rationale and methods for a behavioral treatment development study designed to develop and test an integrated cognitive-behavioral therapy for those with co-occurring opioid use disorder and anxiety disorders.
The aims of the study are (1) to develop and pilot test a new manualized cognitive behavioral therapy for co-occurring opioid use disorder and anxiety disorders, (2) to test the efficacy of this treatment relative to an active comparison treatment that targets opioid use disorder alone, and (3) to investigate the role of stress reactivity in both prognosis and recovery from opioid use disorder and anxiety disorders. Our overarching aim is to investigate whether this new treatment improves both anxiety and opioid use disorder outcomes relative to standard treatment. Identifying optimal treatment strategies for this population are needed to improve outcomes among those with this highly disabling and life-threatening disorder.
Source: Development of an integrated cognitive behavioral therapy for anxiety and opioid use disorder: Study protocol and methods – PubMed (nih.gov) July 2017
NEARLY 800 babies were born suffering the effects of their mother’s drug addiction in the past three years in Scotland – with experts warning the true toll is likely to be higher.
New figures show 774 babies were recorded as affected by addiction or suffering withdrawal symptoms from drugs between 2014 and 2017.
The drugs pass from mother to foetus through the bloodstream, resulting in babies suffering a range of withdrawal symptoms after birth and developmental delays in childhood.
Consultant neonatologist Dr Helen Mactier, honorary secretary of the British Association of Perinatal Medicine, said there was a “hidden” number of women who took drugs in pregnancy and varying definitions of drug misuse in pregnancy which meant figures were likely to be an underestimate.
She said: “The problem largely in Scotland is opioid withdrawal – heroin and methadone.
“The baby withdraws from these substances and they are very irritable, cross, unhappy children who can be quite difficult to feed until they finally get over the withdrawal.”
Dr Mactier said at birth the babies were usually small, and had small heads and visual problems. She added there is evidence they suffer developmental delays in early childhood.
The figures, revealed in a written parliamentary answer, show an increase of 80% in cases from the three-year period from 2006-9, when 427 babies were born with the condition.
However, it said the data over time should be treated with caution as there has been an improvement in recording drug misuse.
The highest numbers over the past three years were recorded in Grampian, which had 169 cases. Glasgow had 137 cases, while Tayside recorded 90, Lanarkshire 78 and Lothian 72.
Numbers have been dropping since 2011-14, when a peak of 1,073 cases were recorded.
Dr Mactier, who works at Glasgow’s Princess Royal Maternity Hospital, said having to treat babies born addicted to drugs was becoming less common in recent years.
She said: “The numbers are coming down, but we are not sure why. It is partly because women who use drugs intravenously tend to be older, so are becoming too old to have children.”
However, she pointed out one controversial area was stabilising pregnant addicts on heroin substitutes such as methadone.
She added: “That may be good for the mum, to keep her more stable and out of criminality. It is not entirely clear if that is safe for the babies, so we need more research.”
Scottish Conservative health spokesman Miles Briggs, who obtained the figures, said: “It’s a national tragedy that we see such numbers of babies being born requiring drug dependency support – we need to see action to help prevent this harm occurring.”
Martin Crewe, director of Barnardo’s Scotland, said: “We know how important it is for children to get a good start in life. We would like to see no babies born requiring drug dependency support.”
Source: https://www.sundaypost.com/fp/hundreds-of-babies-suffering-because-of-mums-drug-addiction October 2018
Importance Opioid-dependent patients often use the emergency department (ED) for medical care.
Objective To test the efficacy of 3 interventions for opioid dependence: (1) screening and referral to treatment (referral); (2) screening, brief intervention, and facilitated referral to community-based treatment services (brief intervention); and (3) screening, brief intervention, ED-initiated treatment with buprenorphine/naloxone, and referral to primary care for 10-week follow-up (buprenorphine).
Design, Setting, and Participants A randomized clinical trial involving 329 opioid-dependent patients who were treated at an urban teaching hospital ED from April 7, 2009, through June 25, 2013.
Interventions After screening, 104 patients were randomized to the referral group, 111 to the brief intervention group, and 114 to the buprenorphine treatment group.
Main Outcomes and Measures Enrollment in and receiving addiction treatment 30 days after randomization was the primary outcome. Self-reported days of illicit opioid use, urine testing for illicit opioids, human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) risk, and use of addiction treatment services were the secondary outcomes.
Results Seventy-eight percent of patients in the buprenorphine group (89 of 114 [95% CI, 70%-85%]) vs 37% in the referral group (38 of 102 [95% CI, 28%-47%]) and 45% in the brief intervention group (50 of 111 [95% CI, 36%-54%]) were engaged in addiction treatment on the 30th day after randomization (P < .001). The buprenorphine group reduced the number of days of illicit opioid use per week from 5.4 days (95% CI, 5.1-5.7) to 0.9 days (95% CI, 0.5-1.3) vs a reduction from 5.4 days (95% CI, 5.1-5.7) to 2.3 days (95% CI, 1.7-3.0) in the referral group and from 5.6 days (95% CI, 5.3-5.9) to 2.4 days (95% CI, 1.8-3.0) in the brief intervention group (P < .001 for both time and intervention effects; P = .02 for the interaction effect). The rates of urine samples that tested negative for opioids did not differ statistically across groups, with 53.8% (95% CI, 42%-65%) in the referral group, 42.9% (95% CI, 31%-55%) in the brief intervention group, and 57.6% (95% CI, 47%-68%) in the buprenorphine group (P = .17). There were no statistically significant differences in HIV risk across groups (P = .66). Eleven percent of patients in the buprenorphine group (95% CI, 6%-19%) used inpatient addiction treatment services, whereas 37% in the referral group (95% CI, 27%-48%) and 35% in the brief intervention group (95% CI, 25%-37%) used inpatient addiction treatment services (P < .001).
Conclusions and Relevance Among opioid-dependent patients, ED-initiated buprenorphine treatment vs brief intervention and referral significantly increased engagement in addiction treatment, reduced self-reported illicit opioid use, and decreased use of inpatient addiction treatment services but did not significantly decrease the rates of urine samples that tested positive for opioids or of HIV risk. These findings require replication in other centers before widespread adoption.
Trial Registration clinicaltrials.gov Identifier: NCT00913770
Source: Emergency Department–Initiated Buprenorphine/Naloxone Treatment for Opioid Dependence: A Randomized Clinical Trial | Emergency Medicine | JAMA | JAMA Network April 2015
Abstract
Background
Ecological research suggests that increased access to cannabis may facilitate reductions in opioid use and harms, and medical cannabis patients describe the substitution of opioids with cannabis for pain management. However, there is a lack of research using individual-level data to explore this question. We aimed to investigate the longitudinal association between frequency of cannabis use and illicit opioid use among people who use drugs (PWUD) experiencing chronic pain.
Methods and findings
This study included data from people in 2 prospective cohorts of PWUD in Vancouver, Canada, who reported major or persistent pain from June 1, 2014, to December 1, 2017 (n = 1,152). We used descriptive statistics to examine reasons for cannabis use and a multivariable generalized linear mixed-effects model to estimate the relationship between daily (once or more per day) cannabis use and daily illicit opioid use. There were 424 (36.8%) women in the study, and the median age at baseline was 49.3 years (IQR 42.3–54.9). In total, 455 (40%) reported daily illicit opioid use, and 410 (36%) reported daily cannabis use during at least one 6-month follow-up period. The most commonly reported therapeutic reasons for cannabis use were pain (36%), sleep (35%), stress (31%), and nausea (30%). After adjusting for demographic characteristics, substance use, and health-related factors, daily cannabis use was associated with significantly lower odds of daily illicit opioid use (adjusted odds ratio 0.50, 95% CI 0.34–0.74, p < 0.001). Limitations of the study included self-reported measures of substance use and chronic pain, and a lack of data for cannabis preparations, dosages, and modes of administration.
Conclusions
We observed an independent negative association between frequent cannabis use and frequent illicit opioid use among PWUD with chronic pain. These findings provide longitudinal observational evidence that cannabis may serve as an adjunct to or substitute for illicit opioid use among PWUD with chronic pain.
Author summary
Why was this study done?
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High numbers of people who use (illicit) drugs (PWUD) experience chronic pain, and previous research shows that illicit use of opioids (e.g., heroin use, non-prescribed use of painkillers) is a common pain management strategy in this population.
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Previous research has suggested that some patients might substitute opioids (i.e., prescription painkillers) with cannabis (i.e., marijuana) to treat pain.
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Research into cannabis as a potential substitute for illicit opioids among PWUD is needed given the high risk of opioid overdose in this population.
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We conducted this study to understand if cannabis use is related to illicit opioid use among PWUD who report living with chronic pain in Vancouver, Canada, where cannabis is abundant and the rate of opioid overdose is at an all-time high.
What did the researchers do and find?
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Using data from 2 large studies of PWUD in Vancouver, Canada, we analyzed information from 1,152 PWUD who were interviewed at least once and reported chronic pain at some point between June 2014 and December 2017.
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We used statistical modelling to estimate the odds of daily opioid use for (1) daily and (2) occasional users of cannabis relative to non-users of cannabis, holding other factors (e.g., sex, race, age, use of other drugs, pain severity) equal.
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For participants who reported cannabis use, we also analyzed their responses to a question about why they were using cannabis (e.g., for intoxication, for pain relief)
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We found that people who used cannabis every day had about 50% lower odds of using illicit opioids every day compared to cannabis non-users. People who reported occasional use of cannabis were not more or less likely than non-users to use illicit opioids on a daily basis. Daily cannabis users were more likely than occasional cannabis users to report a number of therapeutic uses of cannabis including for pain, nausea, and sleep.
What do these findings mean?
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Although more experimental research (e.g., randomized controlled trial of cannabis coupled with low-dose opioids to treat chronic pain among PWUD) is needed, these findings suggest that some PWUD with pain might be using cannabis as a strategy to alleviate pain and/or reduce opioid use.
Introduction
Opioid-related morbidity and mortality continue to rise across Canada and the United States. In many regions, including Vancouver, Canada—where drug overdoses were declared a public health emergency in 2016—the emergence of synthetic opioids (e.g., fentanyl) in illicit drug markets has sparked an unprecedented surge in death. The overdose crisis is also the culmination of shifting opioid usage trends (i.e., from initiating opioids via heroin to initiating with pharmaceutical opioids) that can be traced back, in part, to the over-prescription of pharmaceutical opioids for chronic non-cancer pain.
Despite this trend of liberal opioid prescribing, certain marginalized populations experiencing high rates of pain, including people who use drugs (PWUD), lack access to adequate pain management through the healthcare system. Under- or untreated pain in this population can promote higher-risk substance use, as patients may seek illicit opioids (i.e., unregulated heroin or counterfeit/diverted pharmaceutical opioids) to manage pain. In Vancouver, this practice poses a particularly high risk of accidental overdose, as estimates show that almost 90% of drugs sold as heroin are contaminated with synthetic opioids, such as fentanyl. Another less-examined pain self-management strategy among PWUD is the use of cannabis. Unlike illicit opioids and illicit stimulants, the cannabis supply (unregulated or regulated) has not been contaminated with fentanyl, and cannabis is not known to pose a direct risk of fatal overdose. As a result, cannabis has been embraced by some, including emerging community-based harm reduction initiatives in Vancouver, as a possible substitute for opioids in the non-medical management of pain and opioid withdrawal. Further, clinical evidence supports the use of cannabis or cannabinoid-based medications for the treatment of certain types of chronic non-cancer pain (e.g., neuropathic pain).
As more jurisdictions across North America introduce legal frameworks for medical or non-medical cannabis use, ecological studies have provided evidence to suggest that states providing access to legal cannabis experience population-level reductions in opioid use, opioid dependence, and fatal overdose. However, these state-level trends do not necessarily represent changes within individuals, highlighting a critical need to conduct individual-level research to better understand whether cannabis use is associated with reduced use of opioids and risk of opioid-related harms, particularly among individuals with pain. Of particular interest is a possible opioid-sparing effect of cannabis, whereby a smaller dose of opioids provides equivalent analgesia to a larger dose when paired with cannabis. Although this effect has been identified in pre-clinical studies, much of the current research in humans is limited to patient reports of reductions in the use of prescription drugs (including opioids) as a result of cannabis use. However, a recent study among patients on long-term prescription opioid therapy produced evidence to counter the narrative that cannabis use leads to meaningful reductions in opioid prescriptions or dose. These divergent findings confirm an ongoing need to understand this complex issue. To date, there is a lack of research from real-world settings exploring the opioid-sparing potential of cannabis among high-risk individuals who may be engaging in frequent illicit opioid use to manage pain. We therefore sought to examine whether frequency of cannabis use was related to frequency of illicit opioid use among PWUD who report living with chronic pain in Vancouver, Canada, the setting of an ongoing opioid overdose crisis.
Methods
Study sample
Data for this study were derived from 2 ongoing open prospective cohort studies of PWUD in Vancouver, Canada. The Vancouver Injection Drug Users Study (VIDUS) consists of HIV-negative people who use injection drugs. The AIDS Care Cohort to evaluate Exposure to Survival Services (ACCESS) consists of people living with HIV who use drugs. The current study, nested within these cohorts, was designed as part of a larger doctoral research project (SL) examining cannabis use and access among PWUD in the context of changing cannabis policy and the ongoing opioid overdose crisis. The analysis plan for this study is provided in S1 Text. This study is reported as per the Strengthening the Reporting of Observational Studies in Epidemiology (STROBE) guidelines for cohort studies (S1 Checklist).
Recruitment for the cohort studies has been ongoing since 1996 (VIDUS) and 2005 (ACCESS) through extensive street outreach in various areas across Vancouver’s downtown core, including the Downtown Eastside (DTES), a low-income neighbourhood with an open illicit drug market and widespread marginalization and criminalization. To be eligible for VIDUS, participants must report injecting drugs in the previous 30 days at enrolment. To be eligible for ACCESS, participants must report using an illicit drug (other than or in addition to cannabis, which was a controlled substance under Canadian law until October 17, 2018) in the previous 30 days at enrolment. For both cohorts, HIV serostatus is confirmed through serology. Other eligibility requirements include being aged 18 years or older, residing in the Metro Vancouver Regional District, and providing written informed consent. Aside from HIV-disease-specific assessments, all study instruments and follow-up procedures are harmonized between the 2 studies to facilitate combined data analysis and interpretation.
At study enrolment, participants complete an interviewer-administered baseline questionnaire. Every 6 months thereafter, participants are eligible to complete a follow-up questionnaire. The questionnaires elicit information on socio-demographic characteristics, lifetime (baseline) and past-6-month (baseline, follow-up) patterns of substance use, risk behaviours, healthcare utilization, social and structural exposures, and other health-related factors. Nurses collect blood samples for HIV testing (VIDUS) or HIV clinical monitoring (ACCESS) and hepatitis C virus serology, providing referrals to appropriate healthcare services as needed. Participants are provided a Can$40 honorarium for their participation at each study visit.
Ethics statement
Ethics approval for this study was granted by the University of British Columbia/Providence Health Care Research Ethics Board (VIDUS: H14-01396; ACCESS: H05-50233). Written informed consent was obtained from all study participants.
Measures
To examine the use of illicit opioids and cannabis for possible ad hoc management of pain among PWUD, we restricted the study sample to individuals experiencing major or persistent pain. Beginning in follow-up period 17 (i.e., June 2014), the following question was added to the study questionnaire: “In the last 6 months, have you had any major or persistent pain (other than minor headaches, sprains, etc.)?” We included all observations from participants beginning at the first follow-up interview in which they reported chronic pain. For example, a participant who responded “no” to the pain question at follow-up 17 and “yes” at follow-up 18 would be included beginning at follow-up 18. For the purpose of these analyses, this first follow-up period with a pain report is considered the “baseline” interview.
The outcome of interest was frequent use of illicit opioids, defined as reporting daily (once or more per day) non-medical use of heroin or pharmaceutical opioids (diverted, counterfeit, or not-as-prescribed use) by injection or non-injection (i.e., smoking, snorting, or oral administration) in the previous 6 months. This outcome was captured through 4 different multipart questions based on class of opioid (i.e., heroin and pharmaceutical opioids) and mode of administration (i.e., injection and non-injection). For example, at each 6-month period, injection heroin use was assessed through the question: “In the last 6 months, when you were using, which of the following injecting drugs did you use, and how often did you use them?” Respondents were provided a list of commonly injected drugs, including heroin, and were asked to estimate their average frequency of injection in the past 6 months according to the following classifications: <1/month, 1–3/month, 1/week, 2–3/week, ≥1/day. An identical question for non-injection drugs assessed the frequency of non-injection heroin use. Pharmaceutical opioid injection was assessed through the question “In the past 6 months, have you injected any of the following prescription opioids? If so, how often did you inject them?” Participants were provided a list of pharmaceutical opioids with corresponding pictures for ease of identification. The question was repeated for non-injection use of pharmaceutical opioids, and the frequency categories were identical to those listed above. Using frequency categorizations from these 4 questions, participants who endorsed past-6-month daily injection or non-injection of heroin or pharmaceutical opioids were coded as “1” for the outcome (i.e., daily illicit opioid use) for that follow-up period. The main independent variable was cannabis use, captured through the question “In the last 6 months, have you used marijuana (either medical or non-medical) for any reason (e.g., to treat a medical condition or for a non-medical reason, like getting high)?” Those who responded “yes” were also asked to estimate their average past-6-month frequency of use according to the frequency categories described above. Frequency was further categorized as “daily” (i.e., ≥1/day), “occasional” (i.e., <1/month, 1–3/month, 1/week, 2–3/week), and “none” (no cannabis use; reference category). Sections of the questionnaire used for sample restriction and main variable building are provided in S2 Text.
We also considered several socio-demographic, substance use, and health-related factors with the potential to confound the association between cannabis use and illicit opioid use. Secondary socio-demographic variables included in this analysis were sex (male versus female), race (white versus other), age (in years), employment (yes versus no), incarceration (yes versus no), homelessness (yes versus no), and residence in the DTES neighbourhood (yes versus no). We considered the following substance use patterns: daily crack or cocaine use (yes versus no), daily methamphetamine use (yes versus no), and daily alcohol consumption (yes versus no). Health-related factors that were hypothesized to bias the association between cannabis and opioid use were enrolment in opioid agonist treatment (i.e., methadone or buprenorphine/naloxone; yes versus no), HIV serostatus (HIV-positive versus HIV-negative), prescription for pain (including prescription opioids; yes versus no), and average past-week pain level (mild–moderate, severe, or none). The pain variable was self-reported using a pain scale ranging from 0 (no pain) to 10 (worse possible pain). We used 3 as the cut-point for mild–moderate pain and 7 as the cut-point for moderate–severe pain. Although there is no universal standard for pain categorization, these cut-points are common and have been validated in other pain populations. Due to low cell count for mild pain (scores 1–3), we collapsed this variable with moderate pain (4–6) to create the mild–moderate category. With the exception of sex and race, all variables are time-updated and refer to behaviours and exposures in the 6-month period preceding the interview. All variables except HIV status were derived through self-report. As data for the present study were derived from 2 large cohort studies with broader objectives of monitoring changing health and substance use patterns in the community, the study participants and interviewers were blinded to the objective of this particular study.
Statistical analysis
We explored differences in characteristics at baseline according to daily cannabis use status (versus occasional/none) using chi-squared tests for categorical variables and Wilcoxon rank-sum tests for continuous variables. Then, we estimated bivariable associations between each independent variable and the outcome, daily illicit opioid use, using generalized linear mixed-effects models (GLMMs) with a logit-link function to account for repeated measures within individuals over time. Next, we built a multivariable GLMM to estimate the adjusted association between frequency of cannabis use and illicit opioid use. We used the least absolute shrinkage and selection operator (LASSO) approach to determine which variables to include in the multivariable model. This method uses a tuning parameter to penalize the model based on the absolute value of the magnitude of coefficients (i.e., L1 regularization), shrinking some coefficients down to 0 (i.e., indicating their removal from the multivariable GLMM). Four-fold cross-validation was used to determine the optimal value of the tuning parameter. GLMMs were estimated using complete cases (98.6%–100% of observations for bivariable estimates; 99.0% of observations for multivariable estimates).
In the most recent follow-up period (June 1, 2017, to December 1, 2017), participants who reported any cannabis use in the previous 6-month period were eligible for the follow-up question: “Why did you use it?” Respondents could select multiple options from a list of answers or offer an alternative reason under “Other”. These data were analyzed descriptively, and differences between at least daily and less than daily cannabis users were analyzed using a chi-squared test, or Fisher’s test for small cell counts.
All analyses were performed in RStudio (version 1.1.456; R Foundation for Statistical Computing, Vienna, Austria). All p-values are 2-sided.
Results
Between June 1, 2014, and December 1, 2017, 1,489 participants completed at least 1 study visit and were considered potentially eligible for these analyses. Of them, 13 participants were removed due to missing data on the fixed variable for race (n = 9), no response to the pain question (n = 1), or multiple interviews during a single follow-up period (n = 3). Of the remaining 1,476 participants, 1,152 (78.0%) reported major or persistent pain during at least one 6-month follow-up period and were included in this analysis. We considered all observations from these individuals beginning from the first report of chronic pain, yielding 5,350 study observations, equal to 2,676.5 person-years of observation. There were 424 (36.8%) female participants in the analytic sample, and the median age at the earliest analytic interview was 49.3 years (IQR 42.3–54.9).
Over the study period, a total of 410 (35.6%) respondents reported daily and 557 (48.4%) reported occasional cannabis use throughout at least 1 of the 6-month follow-up periods; 455 (39.5%) reported daily illicit opioid use throughout at least 1 of the 6-month follow-up periods. At baseline (i.e., the first interview in which chronic pain was reported), 583 (50.6%) participants were using cannabis either occasionally (n = 322; 28.0%) or daily (n = 261; 22.7%), and 269 (23.4%) were using illicit opioids daily. At baseline, 693 (60.2%) participants self-reported a lifetime chronic pain diagnosis including bone, mechanical, or compressive pain (n = 347; 50.1%); inflammatory pain (n = 338; 48.8%); neuropathic pain (n = 129; 18.6%); muscle pain (n = 54; 7.8%); headaches/migraines (n = 41; 5.9%); and other pain (n = 53; 7.6%).
Table 1 provides a summary of baseline characteristics of the sample stratified by daily cannabis use status (yes versus no). Daily cannabis use at baseline was significantly more common among men (odds ratio [OR] 1.76, 95% 95% CI 1.30–2.38, p < 0.001) and significantly less common among those who used illicit opioids daily (OR 0.54, 95% CI 0.37–0.77, p < 0.001).
Discussion
In this longitudinal study examining patterns of past-6-month frequency of cannabis and illicit opioid use, we found that the odds of daily illicit opioid use were lower (by about half) among those who reported daily cannabis use compared to those who reported no cannabis use. However, we observed no significant association between occasional cannabis use and daily opioid use, suggesting that there may be an intentional therapeutic element associated with frequent cannabis use. This is supported by cross-sectional data from the sample in which certain reasons for cannabis use were observed to differ according to cannabis use frequency. Specifically, daily users reported more therapeutic motivations for cannabis use (including to address pain, stress, nausea, mental health, or symptoms of HIV or antiretroviral therapy, or to improve sleep) than occasional users, and non-medical motivations—although common among all users—were not more likely to be reported by daily users. Together, our findings suggest that PWUD experiencing pain might be using cannabis as an ad hoc (i.e., improvised, self-directed) strategy to reduce the frequency of opioid use.
A recent study analyzed longitudinal data from a large US national health survey and found that cannabis use increases, rather than decreases, the risk of future non-medical prescription opioid use in the general population, providing important evidence to challenge the hypothesis that increasing access to cannabis facilitates reductions in opioid use. The findings of our study reveal a contrasting relationship between cannabis use and frequency of opioid use, possibly due to inherent differences in the sampled populations and their motivations for using cannabis. Within the current study population, poly-substance use is the norm; HIV and related comorbidities are common; and pain management through prescribed opioids is often denied, increasing the likelihood of non-medical opioid use for a medical condition. Furthermore, our study is largely focused on this relationship in the context of pain (i.e., by examining individuals with self-reported pain and accounting for intensity of pain). Our findings align more closely with those of a recent study conducted among HIV-positive patients living with chronic pain, in which the authors found that patients who reported past-month cannabis use were significantly less likely to be taking prescribed opioids. While this finding could have resulted from prescription denial associated with the use of cannabis (or any illicit drug), we show that daily cannabis users in this setting were slightly more likely to have been prescribed a pain medication at baseline, and adjusting for this factor in a longitudinal multivariable model did not negate the significant negative association of frequent cannabis use with frequent illicit opioid use.
The idea of cannabis as an adjunct to, or substitute for, opioids in the management of chronic pain has recently earned more serious consideration among some clinicians and scientists. A growing number of studies involving patients who use cannabis to manage pain demonstrate reductions in the use of prescription analgesics alongside favourable pain management outcomes. For example, Boehnke et al. found that chronic pain patients reported a 64% mean reduction in the use of prescription opioids after initiating cannabis, alongside a 45% mean increase in self-reported quality of life. Degenhardt et al. found that, in a cohort of Australian patients on prescribed opioids for chronic pain, those using cannabis for pain relief (6% of patients at baseline) reported better analgesia from adjunctive cannabis use (70% average pain reduction) than opioid use alone (50% average reduction). However, more recent high-quality research has presented findings to question this narrative. For example, in the 4-year follow-up analysis of the above Australian cohort of pain patients, no significant temporal associations were observed between cannabis use (occasional or frequent) and a number of outcomes including prescribed opioid dose, pain severity, opioid discontinuation, and pain interference. Thus, several other explanations for our current results, aside from an opioid-sparing effect, are worthy of consideration.
We chose to include individuals with chronic pain regardless of their opioid use status to avoid exclusion of individuals who may have already ceased illicit opioid use at baseline, as these individuals may reflect an important subsample of those already engaged in cannabis substitution. On the other hand, there may be important characteristics, unrelated to pain, among regular cannabis users in this study that predispose them to engage in less frequent or no illicit opioid use at the outset. We attempted to measure and control for these factors, but we cannot rule out the possibility of a spurious connection. For example, individuals in this cohort who are consuming cannabis daily for therapeutic purposes may simply possess greater self-efficacy to manage health problems and control their opioid use. However, it is notable that our finding is in line with a previous study demonstrating that cannabis use correlates with lower frequency of illicit opioid use among a sample of people who inject drugs in California, all of whom used illicit opioids. Our study builds on this work by addressing chronic pain, obtaining detailed information on motivations for cannabis use, and examining longitudinal patterns.
We observed that daily cannabis users endorsed intentional use of cannabis for a range of therapeutic purposes that may influence pain and pain interference. After pain, insomnia (43%) and stress (42%) were the second and third most commonly reported motivations for therapeutic cannabis use among daily cannabis users. The inability to fall asleep and the inability stay asleep are common symptoms of pain-causing conditions, and experiencing these symptoms increases the likelihood of opioid misuse among chronic pain patients. The relationship between sleep deprivation and pain is thought to be bidirectional, suggesting that improved sleep management may improve pain outcomes. Similarly, psychological stress (particularly in developmental years) is a well-established predictor of chronic pain and is also likely to result from chronic pain. Thus, another possible explanation for our finding is that cannabis use substitutes for certain higher-risk substance use practices in addressing these pain-associated issues without necessarily addressing the pain itself.
Notably, our findings are consistent with emerging knowledge of the form and function of the human endocannabinoid and opioid receptor systems. The endogenous cannabinoid system, consisting of receptors (cannabinoid type 1 [CB1] and type 2 [CB2]) and modulators (the endocannabinoids anandamide and 2-arachidonoylglycerol), is involved in key pain processing pathways. The co-localization of endocannabinoid and μ-opioid receptors in brain and spinal regions involved in antinociception, and the modification of one system’s nociceptive response via modulation of the other, has raised the possibility that the phytocannabinoid tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) might interact synergistically with opioids to improve pain management. A recent systematic review and meta-analysis found strong evidence of an opioid-sparing effect for cannabis in animal pain models, but little evidence from 9 studies in humans. However, the authors of the meta-analysis identified several important limitations potentially preventing these studies in humans from detecting an effect, including low sample sizes, single doses, sub-therapeutic opioid doses, and lack of placebo. Since then, Cooper and colleagues have published the results of a double-blind, placebo-controlled, within-subject study among humans in which they found that pain threshold and tolerance were improved significantly when a non-analgesic dose of an opioid was co-administered with a non-analgesic dose of cannabis. Suggestive of a synergistic effect, these findings provide evidence for cannabis’s potential to lower the opioid dose needed to achieve pain relief.
Finally, there is pre-clinical and pilot clinical research to suggest that cannabinoids, particularly cannabidiol (CBD), may play a role in reducing heroin cue-induced anxiety and cravings and symptoms of withdrawal. Although preliminary, this research supports the idea that cannabis may also be used to stabilize individuals undergoing opioid withdrawal, as an adjunct to prescribed opioids to manage opioid use disorder, or as a harm reduction strategy. Although this evidence extends beyond chronic pain patients, it warrants consideration here given the shared history of illicit substance use amongst the study sample. It is not clear what role harm reduction or treatment motivations may have played in the current study since daily and occasional users did not differ significantly in reporting cannabis use as a strategy to reduce or treat other substance use. The phenomenon of using cannabis as a tool to reduce frequency of opioid injection has been highlighted through qualitative work in other settings, but further research is needed to determine whether this pattern is widespread enough to produce an observable effect. Clinical trials that can randomize participants to a cannabis intervention will be critical for establishing the effectiveness of cannabis both for pain management and as an adjunctive therapy for the management of opioid use disorder. Such trials would begin to shed light on whether the current finding could be causal, what the underlying mechanisms might be, and how to optimize cannabis-based interventions in clinical or community settings.
There are several important limitations to this study that should be taken into consideration. First, the cohorts are not random samples of PWUD, limiting the ability to generalize these findings to the entire community or to other settings. The older median age of the sample should especially be taken into consideration when interpreting these findings against those from other settings. Second, as discussed above, we cannot rule out the possibility of residual confounding. Third, aside from HIV serostatus, we relied on self-report for all variables, including substance use patterns. Previous work shows PWUD self-report to be reliable and valid against biochemical verification, and we have no reason to suspect that responses about the outcome would differ by cannabis use status, especially since this study was nested within a much larger cohort study on general substance use and health patterns within the community. Major or persistent pain, which qualified respondents for inclusion in this study, was also self-reported. Our definition for chronic pain is likely to be more sensitive than other assessments of chronic pain (e.g., clinical diagnoses or assessments that capture length of time with pain). Although more than half (60%) of the sample reported ever having been diagnosed with a pain condition, it is possible that some of the included respondents would not have met criteria for a formal chronic pain diagnosis. Finally, we did not collect information on the type of cannabis, mode of administration, cannabinoid content (e.g., percent THC:percent CBD), or dose during the study period. Future research will need to address these gaps to provide a more detailed picture of the instrumental use of cannabis for pain and other health concerns among PWUD.
Conclusions
In conclusion, we found evidence to suggest that frequent use of cannabis may serve as an adjunct to or substitute for illicit opioid use among PWUD with chronic pain in Vancouver. The findings of this study have implications for healthcare and harm reduction service providers. In chronic pain patients with complex socio-structural and substance use backgrounds, cannabis may be used as a means of treating health problems or reducing substance-related harm. In the context of the current opioid crisis and the recent rollout of a national regulatory framework for cannabis use in Canada, frequent use of cannabis among PWUD with pain may play an important role in preventing or substituting frequent illicit opioid use. PWUD describe a wide range of motivations for cannabis use, some of which may have stronger implications in the treatment of pain and opioid use disorder. Patient–physician discussions of these motivations may aid in the development of a treatment plan that minimizes the likelihood of high-risk pain management strategies, yet there remains a clear need for further training and guidance specific to medical cannabis use for pain management.
Source: Frequency of cannabis and illicit opioid use among people who use drugs and report chronic pain: A longitudinal analysis – PubMed (nih.gov) November 2019
In recent years, we’ve reported about concerns over heroin use in Denver, and statistics from over the past decade-plus, including provisional data for 2016, demonstrate that there’s definitely reason for worry. According to numbers assembled by the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment, heroin-related fatalities in Denver have increased a staggering 933 percent since 2002.
The rise is nearly as steep on a statewide basis. During the past fifteen years, fatalities related to heroin in Colorado as a whole are up 756 percent, and they’ve kept escalating during the past three years even as heroin deaths in Denver have leveled off.
CDPHE provided the information to Westword under the auspices of Kirk Bol, manager of the agency’s registries and vital-statistics branch, as well as chair of its internal review board. When it comes to heroin, he describes the situation with straightforward simplicity. “Heroin use has gone up,” he says.
That’s definitely the case in recent Denver history. In 2001, the first year listed in the CDPHE’s report, there were no Mile High City deaths directly attributable to heroin: zero. (Statewide in 2001, 23 people died from heroin use.) This performance was actually repeated in 2004, and in general, as shown in the full statistics shared below, the fatality figures stayed in the single digits for the next five years.
2001 | 2002 | 2003 | 2004 | 2005 | 2006 | 2007 | 2008 | |
Colorado | 23 | 27 | 23 | 22 | 41 | 39 | 39 | 46 |
Denver | 0 | 3 | 3 | 0 | 4 | 6 | 12 | 16 |
2009 | 2010 | 2011 | 2012 | 2013 | 2014 | 2015 | 2016 (provisional) | |
Colorado | 69 | 46 | 79 | 91 | 118 | 151 | 160 | 197 |
Denver | 32 | 21 | 24 | 17 | 25 | 35 | 32 | 31 |
Source: http://www.westword.com/news/heroin-deaths-in-denver-up-933-percent-in-14-years-colorado-numbers-shocking-8847581 March 2017
Increases seen in deaths from other drugs, including methamphetamine and cocaine.
Colorado drug deaths almost certainly were the worst in the state’s history last year, as the opioid epidemic morphed into a broader overdose crisis.
Deaths from methamphetamine exploded. What had been seen as a hopeful downturn in deaths from opioid painkillers reversed. Deaths from heroin and cocaine remained well above where they were just two years ago.
All together, drug overdoses probably killed more people last year than car crashes, according to preliminary numbers. And those numbers are more likely to increase than decrease as the state collects the remaining figures and finalizes the data in the coming weeks.
“Yes, it’s getting worse, and it continues to grow,” said Rob Valuck, the director of the Colorado Consortium for Prescription Drug Prevention. “It’s a long problem. I’m of the mind that it’s going to be anywhere from five to 10 years until we see this thing turn.”
The reason for that: Even as the state moves aggressively to crack down on the proliferation of opioids, the overdose epidemic is changing in ways that are harder for policy-makers to target, according to the latest data and a new report from the Colorado Health Institute.
The preliminary figures show that 959 people died in Colorado last year from drug poisoning, a figure that includes both intentional and unintentional overdoses. In 2016, 912 people died. In 2000, for comparison, drug poisonings claimed fewer than 400 lives.
Opioid deaths at an all-time high
Opioid overdose deaths in Colorado hit a new high in 2017. While the death rate* for painkillers, which include legal prescription drugs and drugs manufactured illegally, have climbed steadily since 1999, the rate for heroin and methamphetamine deaths has spiked since 2010. For the first time since 2007, there were more overdose deaths from meth than heroin in 2017.
The preliminary age-adjusted rate of deaths from drug overdoses, which accounts for population growth, was 16.7 deaths for every 100,000 people in 2017 — its highest in at least two decades. The largest number of deaths in 2017 occurred in the Denver metro area and in El Paso County, according to the preliminary figures. Areas of southern Colorado had some of the highest rates of drug overdose deaths, though.
Opioid painkillers continue to lead the way. In 2017, the drugs — whether obtained legally with a prescription or illegally — claimed a documented 357 lives, a record for Colorado, according to the preliminary figures. Two years of declining death numbers turned out not to be a trend but “just a blip,” Valuck said.
Their real toll was also likely higher because the state lists dozens of other deaths as being from “unspecified” drugs. A study published last year, for instance, estimated that Colorado’s death rate from opioid painkillers would have been almost 25 percent higher in 2014 had the drugs involved in those deaths been identified.
But the state’s overdose epidemic is no longer confined to opioid painkillers, according to the new Colorado Health Institute report.
The report documents a rise in cocaine deaths in recent years — from 60 in 2015 to 101 in 2016, falling only slightly to a preliminary 93 last year. Fatal methamphetamine overdoses increased dramatically — 139 in 2015, 196 in 2016 and a preliminary 280 in 2017. And heroin deaths have also risen sharply — 160 in 2015, 228 in 2016 and a preliminary 213 in 2017.
Jaclyn Zubrzycki, the report’s lead author, said those increases could partly be a result of the opioid epidemic. As hospitals and doctors’ offices crack down on their prescribing, those addicted to opioids may be forced into looking for drugs on the black market — and taking whatever they can find there.
“I think it’s tied to the opioid epidemic and the prescription epidemic, but it’s also an independent growth,” Zubrzycki said.
Colorado’s trends are not unique nationally. Preliminary numbers released by the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention showed that drug overdose death rates increased in 36 states and the District of Columbia during the 12-month period ended July 1.
And, for Valuck, this all just shows how much work Colorado and other states have to do in fighting the epidemic.
An opioid death isn’t instantaneous, he said. It’s the conclusion of an often years-long addiction that begins with a doctor’s prescription. So, the first step in stopping overdoses, he said, is to reduce the flow of opioids out of pharmacies — both to prevent people from becoming addicted to their own medicine and to limit the number of leftover opioids floating around that commonly fuel additional cases of addiction.
Colorado hospitals have made progress in reducing opioid prescribing, Valuck said. But their prescription levels are still 87 percent of what they used to be.
“The faucet is being shut off at a slower rate than we would like,” he said.
But even if new cases of addiction can be stopped, that still leaves thousands of people in need of treatment who are vulnerable to overdosing on any of an expanding list of drugs. But, Valuck said, treatment services lag in rural areas, while urban areas also have challenges reaching everyone who needs help.
“If you look at the numbers,” he said, “everywhere in Colorado has a problem.”
Source: More Coloradans died last year from drug overdoses than any year in the state’s history. That shows how the opioid epidemic is changing. – The Denver Post April 2018
Government warnings about fentanyl hitting UK streets have inadvertently sparked a demand for the deadly opioid among drug users, a community leader has told IBTimes UK.
Last month, the National Crime Agency (NCA) revealed that 60 drug deaths had been linked to fentanyl and its cousins, including the elephant tranquilizer carfentanyl, since December 2016.
This followed a warning in April from Public Health England (PHE) that the synthetic opiates, which are 50 to 10,000 times stronger than heroin, were being mixed with the street drug.
But these announcements have merely whetted the appetite of some heroin users, according to Martin McCusker, chair of the Lambeth Service User Council, a support network for drug users in south London.
“The warnings have generated a lot of interest among drug users who think ‘wow – this fentanyl stuff is sh*t cool – it must be really strong’,” he said.
McCusker said he was not surprised by the response of his peers when they learned that fentanyl, which is ravaging communities across North America, was becoming more prevalent in this country.
“We get these warnings about overdoses but that’s not what we hear,” he said, adding that a drug user’s typical thought process might be: “Wow, people are overdosing in Wandsworth. Oh right, they must have good gear in Wandsworth.”
As little as 0.002g of fentanyl and 0.00002g of carfentanyl – a few grains – can be fatal. When dealers mix this with heroin the resultant product may contain “hotspots” – unintended concentrations of the more potent substances.
People experiencing an opioid overdose effectively forget to breathe as their respiratory systems shut down.
McCusker acknowledged agencies’ predicaments when it comes to safeguarding drug users without giving harmful substances undue publicity.
But he said the government warnings, combined with media coverage about the spate of fentanyl-related deaths in the UK, had acted as “adverts” for the extra-strong painkiller, which killed the pop musician Prince.
“It’s not that people want fentanyl. It’s that people want stronger opioids and if fentanyl comes along then great,” he said. “Just today I was talking to this guy and he said ‘this dealer in [redacted] estate has got fentanyl.'”
McCusker claimed fentanyl was not being discussed among people who use heroin in the Brixton area until about six months ago, when reports of it being mixed with UK street supplies hit the mainstream press.
Recent interventions from government agencies had only heightened the buzz surrounding the drug, he added.
A spokesperson for PHE said: “The alert we put out was aimed primarily at emergency, medical and other frontline professionals. But we are aware that the decision about whether, and when, to issue an alert about a dangerous drug is a delicate balance between informing the right people to prevent overdoses and not driving demand for it.”
No UK opioid epidemic – for now
At least 60 drug-related deaths have been linked to fentanyl and its analogues in the last eight months, according to figures released by the NCA at a briefing on 31 July. That number refers to cases where the substances showed up in toxicology reports and does not mean they were the outright cause of death.
The synthetic substances, largely imported from Chinese manufacturers, were not instrumental to the recent surge in UK opiate deaths, which jumped from 1,290 in 2012 to 2,038 in 2016. That rise has been attributed to an ageing heroin-using population more prone to underlying health problems, and the increased purity of street heroin.
McCusker pointed out that it was impossible for users to know they were buying fentanyl-laced heroin “unless you’ve got an amazing drug testing kit at home”. He said that some of the excitement surrounding fentanyl was “just hype”.
NCA Deputy Director Ian Cruxton told reporters at the July briefing he was “cautiously optimistic” that the UK heroin market would not be flooded with fentanyl.
He said there had been a significant reduction in fentanyl-related deaths after major busts on mixing ‘labs’ in Leeds and Wales as well as the seizure of dark web marketplaces Alpha Bay and Hansa by law enforcement agencies.
In an April briefing paper, the NCA said: “We have not seen any evidence to date of UK heroin users demanding fentanyl-laced heroin.” McCusker’s testimony suggests the tide may have turned.
Source: https://www.ibtimes.co.uk/heroin-addicts-now-want-fentanyl-after-government-campaign-advertises-how-much-stronger-it-1634152 August 2017
The opioid epidemic is the most important and most serious public health crisis today. The effects are reported in overdose deaths but are also starkly evident in declines in sense of well-being and general health coupled with increasing all-cause mortality, particularly among the middle-aged white population. As exceptionally well described by Rummans et al in this issue of Mayo Clinic Proceedings, the cause of the epidemic is multifactorial, including an overinterpretation of a now infamous New England Journal of Medicine letter describing addiction as a rare occurrence in hospitalized patients treated with opioids, initiatives from the Joint Commission directed toward patient satisfaction and the labeling of pain as the “5th vital sign,” the advent of extended-release oxycodone (OxyContin), an aggressive marketing campaign from Purdue Pharma L.P., and the influx of heroin and fentanyl derivatives.
To date, most initiatives directed toward fighting the opioid initiatives, and the focus of the discussion from Rummans et al, have targeted the “supply side” of the equation. These measures include restricting prescriptions, physician drug monitoring programs, and other regulatory actions. Indeed, although opioid prescriptions have decreased from peak levels, the prevalence of opioid misuse and use disorder remains extremely prevalent (nearly 5%). Further, fatal drug overdoses, to which opioids contribute to a considerable degree, continue to increase, with 63,000 in 2016 alone. Thus, although prescription supply and access are necessary and important, we need to address the problem as a whole. To this point, for example, the ease of importation and synthesis of very cheap and powerful alternatives (eg, fentanyl and heroin) and the lucrative US marketplace have contributed to the replacement pharmacy sales and diversion with widespread street-level distribution of these illicit opioids; opioid-addicted people readily switch to these illicit opioids.
A complementary and necessary approach is to target the “demand” side of opioid use, namely, implementation of preventive measures, educating physicians, requiring physician continuing education for opioid prescribing licensure, and addressing why patients use opioids in the first place. Indeed, prevention of initiation of use is the only 100% safeguard against addiction; however, millions of patients remain addicted, and they need comprehensive, rather than perfunctory, treatment. Rummans and colleagues are absolutely correct in their delineation of the unwitting consequences of a focus on pain, given that a perceived undertreatment of pain fueled the opioid epidemic in the first place. They are correct to point out how effective pain evaluation and treatment are much more than prescribing and should routinely include psychotherapy, interventional procedures, and nonopioid therapies. In addition, we have described the crossroads between pain and addiction as well as successful strategies to manage patients with both chronic pain syndromes and addiction.
Rummans and colleagues also mention much needed dissemination of medication-assisted treatment (MAT; eg, methadone and buprenorphine) and the opioid overdose medication naloxone, and we agree with both of these measures. However, in addressing the demand side of the opioid epidemic, the focus must be much more comprehensive. Viewing opioid addiction as a stand-alone disease without consideration of other substance use or comorbid psychiatric pathology provides only a limited perspective. Rather, dual disorders are the rule and not the exception, and thus addiction evaluation and treatment should also specifically focus on psychiatric symptomatology and comorbidity. Epidemiological evidence indicates that over 50% of individuals with opioid use disorder meet criteria for concurrent major depressive disorder.Recent evidence from Cicero and Ellis indicates that the majority of opioid-addicted individuals seeking treatment indicate that their reasons for use are for purposes of “self-medication” and relief of psychiatric distress. To expand on this concept, we have suggested that drugs, by targeting the nucleus accumbens, alter motivation and reinforcement circuits and change brain reward thresholds; this change results in profound dysphoria and anhedonia, which, in turn, lead to further drug use.
Obviously, then, opioid addiction treatment should focus on diagnosing and assessing psychiatric comorbidity and monitoring of affective states and other depressive symptoms. However, a bigger problem might be the pretreatment phase, considering that, as Rummans et al note, only 10% of patients with opioid use disorder receive any treatment at all. Resources have principally been devoted to mitigating the effects of acute opioid toxicity both before and during intervention in the emergency department. A principal means of medical stabilization has been overdose reversal with the μ-opioid receptor antagonist naloxone, and efforts have been largely focused on dissemination of this agent. However, while increased naloxone use among the lay public, first responders, and medical personnel has been successful in reducing deaths, recidivism is high and increased naloxone use has not affected the problem as a whole. Generally, when patients present to the emergency department, clinical experience dictates that opioid overdoses are considered accidental until proven otherwise, which, after stabilization, allows the physician to discharge the medically stable patient, the hospital to collect reimbursement, and the pharmaceutical company to raise prices (eg, naloxone prices increased by 400% from 2014 to 2016, for autoinjection formulations).
In addition to the substantial costs associated with repeated naloxone administration and emergency department visits, recidivism is inextricably linked with another problem—the reason for overdose in the first place is not addressed. As mentioned earlier in this editorial, depression prevalence is high in patients with opioid use disorders. Strikingly, using nationwide data from US poison control centers, West et al found that over 65% of opioid overdoses reported were indeed suicide attempts, and of completed overdoses, the percent of those characterized as suicides climbed to 75%. Thus, an “inconvenient truth” may be that many of these opioid overdoses presenting to emergency departments may be unrecognized suicide attempts and that many of the over 66,000 deaths may indeed be completed suicides. Thus, comprehensive evaluation and treatment become even more relevant.
Clearly, more thorough evaluations in emergency departments with comprehensive risk assessments are needed, especially given that these patients may be guarded about suicidal ideation in the first place. Indeed, efforts to initiate buprenorphine in the emergency department, which independently is being investigated for its therapeutic effects on suicidal ideation, have spread; however, while abstinence outcomes are favorable at 30 days, the therapeutic benefit seems to disappear at both 6 months and 1 year. This failure of opioid reversal treatment is important, especially given that at 1 year, 15% of patients rescued with naloxone had died. Additionally, lack of psychiatric services and overcrowding at many emergency departments may preclude a comprehensive evaluation; however, target screening of all high-risk patients may identify patients with even hidden suicidal ideation and allow for appropriate triage.
Most addiction treatment today is centered around time-limited settings without adequate follow-up. Although MAT is an important addition to treatment for opioid addicts, it is generally not sufficient for long-term sobriety given (1) the relatively high rates of immediate and short-term treatment discontinuation and (2) that patients rarely are using just opioids. In fact, regarding long-term outcomes, methadone may be the only MAT treatment that demonstrates superior abstinence rates, safety, opioid overdose prevention, and treatment retention. We recommend that future studies include random assignment to different treatment modalities, assessing abstinence with urine testing and other modalities, psychosocial outcomes, and overall level of functioning for 5 years.
In terms of treatment, we suggest a continuing care approach, viewing addiction as a chronic, relapsing disease, but higher quality data are needed. For example, in most states, physicians with substance use disorders who are referred for treatment indeed undergo evaluation and detoxification, but they are also monitored for 5 years with frequent drug testing, contingency management, evaluation and treatment of comorbid psychiatric issues, and mutual support groups. Outcomes are generally superior, with 5-year abstinence and return to work rates approaching 80%. Notably, most of these programs do not allow MAT, yet opioid-addicted physicians do as well in the structured, supportive, long-term care model as physicians addicted to other substances. Obviously, the threat of professional license sanctions may impel physicians to comply with treatment, but many of the aforementioned strategies including contingency management, long-term follow-up, comprehensive psychiatric evaluation, and mutual support have demonstrable evidence for addiction treatment in general.
More resources need to be devoted to addressing the opioid epidemic, particularly on the prevention and also the demand side. Access to treatment is important, but more investment is needed in improving treatment including implementing 5-year comprehensive care programs. Thus, we recommend that future studies involve random assignment to different treatment groups, focusing on urine drug test–confirmed abstinence, psychosocial outcomes, and overall functioning. Additionally, advances in neuroscience may allow for the development of novel therapeutics targeting specific neurocircuitry involved in reward and motivation (ie, moving beyond the single receptor targets). A parallel can be drawn to the AIDS epidemic, in which massive basic science investments yielded novel effective therapies, which have now become standard of care and one of the world’s great public health successes. Resources focused on these interventions and reinvigorating drug education and prevention may prove fruitful in addressing this devastating epidemic. Further, lessons from this epidemic may help us move beyond a specific “one drug, one approach” so that for future epidemics, irrespective of the drug involved, we would already have in place a generalizable framework that utilizes the full repertoire of responses and resources.
The United States is confronting a public health crisis of rising adult drug addiction, most visibly documented by an unprecedented number of opioid overdose deaths. Most of these overdose deaths are not from the use of a single substance – opioids – but rather are underreported polysubstance deaths. This is happening in the context of a swelling national interest in legalizing marijuana use for recreational and/or medical use. As these two epic drug policy developments roil the nation, there is an opportunity to embrace a powerful initiative. Ninety percent of all adult substance use disorders trace back to origins in adolescence. New prevention efforts are needed that inform young people, the age group most at-risk for the onset of substance use problems, of the dangerous minefield of substance use that could have a profound negative impact on their future plans and dreams.
MOVING BEYOND A SUBSTANCE-SPECIFIC APPROACH TO YOUTH PREVENTION
The adolescent brain is uniquely vulnerable to developing substance use disorders because it is actively and rapidly developing until about age 25. This biological fact means that the earlier substance use is initiated the more likely an individual is to develop addiction. Preventing or delaying all adolescent substance use reduces the risk of developing later addiction.
Nationally representative data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health shows that alcohol, tobacco and marijuana are by far the most widely used drugs among teens. This is no surprise because of the legal status of these entry level, or gateway, drugs for adults and because of their wide availability. Importantly, among American teens age 12 to 17, the use of any one of these three substances is highly correlated with the use of the other two and with the use of other illegal drugs. Similarly for youth, not using any one substance is highly correlated with not using the other two or other illegal drugs.
For example, as shown in Figure 1, teen marijuana users compared to their non-marijuana using peers, are 8.9 times more likely to report smoking cigarettes, 5.6, 7.9 and 15.8 times more likely to report using alcohol, binge drink, and drink heavily, respectively, and 9.9 times more likely to report using other illicit drugs, including opioids. There are similar data for youth who use any alcohol or any cigarettes showing that youth who do not use those drugs are unlikely to use the other two drugs. Together, these data show how closely linked is the use by youth of all three of these commonly used drugs.
Among Americans age 12 and older who meet criteria for substance use disorders specified in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th edition (DSM-IV). Marijuana remains illegal under federal law but is legal in some states for recreational use the legal age is 21, and in some states for medical use, the legal age is 18. Nationally the legal age for tobacco products is 18 and for alcohol it is 21.
These findings show that prevention messaging targeting youth must address all of these three substances specifically. Most current prevention efforts are specific to individual substances or kinds and amounts of use of individual drugs (e.g., cigarette smoking, binge drinking, drunk driving, etc.), all of which have value, but miss a vital broader prevention message. What is needed, based on these new data showing the linkage of all drug use by youth, is a comprehensive drug prevention message: One Choice: no use of any alcohol, nicotine, marijuana or other drugs for youth under age 21 for reasons of health. This no use prevention message provides clarity for young people, parents, physicians, educators, communities and for policymakers. It is not intended to replace public health prevention messages on specific substances, but enhances them with a clear focus on youth.
Some claim adolescent use of alcohol, cigarettes and marijuana is inevitable, a goal of no use of any drug as unrealistic and that the appropriate goal of youth prevention is to prevent the progression of experimentation to later heavy use or problem-generating use. These opinions are misleading and reflect a poor understanding of neurodevelopment that underpins drug use. Teens are driven to seek new and exciting behaviors which can include substance use if the culture makes them available and promotes them. This need not be the case. New data in Figure 2 (below) show over the last four decades, the percentage of American high school seniors who do not use any alcohol, cigarettes, marijuana or other drugs has increased steadily. In 2014, 52% of high school seniors had not used any alcohol, cigarettes, marijuana or other drugs in the past month and 26% had not used any alcohol, cigarettes, marijuana or other drugs in their lifetimes. Clearly making the choice of no use of any substances is indeed possible – and growing.
Key lessons for the future of youth prevention can be learned from the past. Substance use peaked among high school seniors in 1978 when 72% used alcohol, 37% used cigarettes, and 37% used marijuana in the past month. These figures have since dropped significantly (see Figure 3 below). In 2016, 33% of high school seniors used alcohol, 10% used cigarettes and 22% used marijuana in the past month. This impressive public health achievement is largely unrecognized.
Although the use of all substances has declined over the last four decades, their use has not fallen uniformly. The prevalence of alcohol use, illicit drug use and marijuana use took similar trajectories, declining from 1978 to 1992. During this time a grassroots effort known as the Parents’ Movement changed the nation’s thinking about youth marijuana use with the result that youth drug use declined a remarkable 63%. Rates of adolescent alcohol use have continued to decline dramatically as have rates of adolescent cigarette use. Campaigns and corresponding policies focused on reducing alcohol use by teens seem to have made an impact on adolescent drinking behavior. The impressive decline in youth tobacco use has largely been influenced by the Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement which provided funding to anti-smoking advocacy groups and the highly-respected Truth media campaign. The good news from these long-term trends is that alcohol and tobacco use by adolescents now are at historic lows.
It is regrettable but understandable that youth marijuana use, as well as use of the other drugs, has risen since 1991 and now has plateaued. The divergence of marijuana trends from those for alcohol and cigarettes began around the time of the collapse of the Parents’ Movement and the birth of a massive, increasingly well-funded marijuana industry promoting marijuana use. Shifting national attitudes to favor legalizing marijuana sale and use for adults both for medical and for recreational use now are at their highest level and contribute to the use by adolescents. Although overall the national rate of marijuana use for Americans age 12 and older has declined since the late seventies, a greater segment of marijuana users are heavy users (see Figure 4). Notably, from 1992 to 2014, the number of daily or near-daily marijuana uses increased 772%. This trend is particularly ominous considering the breathtaking increase in the potency of today’s marijuana compared to the product consumed in earlier decades. These two factors – higher potency products and more daily use – plus the greater social tolerance of marijuana use make the current marijuana scene far more threatening than was the case four decades ago.
Through the Parents’ Movement, the nation united in its opposition to adolescent marijuana use, driving down the use of all youth drug use. Now is the time for a new movement backed by all concerned citizens to call for One Choice: no use of any alcohol, nicotine, marijuana or other drugs for youth under age 21 for reasons of health. This campaign would not be a second iteration of the earlier “Just Say No” campaign. This new no-use message focuses on all of the big three drugs together, not singly and only in certain circumstances such as driving.
We are at a bitterly contentious time in US drug policy, with front page headlines and back page articles about the impact of the rising death rate from opioids, the human impact of these deaths and the addiction itself. At the same time there are frequent heated debates about legalizing adult marijuana and other drug use. Opposing youth substance use as a separate issue is supported by new scientific evidence about the vulnerability of the adolescent brain and is noncontroversial. Even the Drug Policy Alliance, a leading pro-marijuana legalization organization, states “the safest path for teens is to avoid drugs, including alcohol, cigarettes, and prescription drugs outside of a doctor’s recommendations.”
This rare commonality of opinion in an otherwise perfect storm of disagreement provides an opportunity to protect adolescent health and thereby reduce future adult addiction. Young people who do not use substances in their teens are much less likely to use them or other drugs in later decades. The nation is searching for policies to reduce the burden of addiction on our nation’s families, communities and health systems, as well as how to save lives from opioid and other drug overdoses. Now is precisely the time to unite in developing strong, clear public health prevention efforts based on the steady, sound message of no use of any alcohol, nicotine, marijuana or other drugs for youth under age 21 for reasons of health.
Robert L. DuPont, MD, President, Institute for Behavior and Health, Inc.
Source: https://www.ibhinc.org/blog/reducing-adult-addiction-youth-prevention February 2018
After Lynley Graham’s custody photo was posted to a police force’s Facebook page, horrified users were quick to discuss the harmful effects of hard drugs
Deep lines etched across a woman’s face and cheeks sunken to the bone – this one shocking image illustrates the effects of substance abuse.
Lynley Graham’s custody picture has been released by Humberside Police after she was jailed for 18 months for drug offences.
Graham was found in possession of class A drugs, including heroin and cocaine, and was subsequently charged with possessing a class A drug with intent to supply, Grimsby Live reports.
After the photo was posted to Humberside Police’s Facebook page on Wednesday, users were quick to discuss the 53-year-old’s weathered appearance.
Before and after pictures show a striking physical transformation.
One said: “I’m 64, I look young compared to her. Is she a lesson, perhaps, in what substance abuse can do to your skin?”
Another added: “Let’s hope some young people look at her and see what a life of drugs does apart from ruining entire families.”
Drug addiction and misuse contributed to more than 2,500 UK deaths in 2017.
Inhalants can cause damage to the kidneys, liver and bone marrow, and persistent drug consumption can result in abscesses, tooth decay – known as ‘meth mouth’ in the United States.
Other symptoms include premature ageing of the skin, often adding decades to someone’s appearance.
Rehabs.com, a US-based charity, has also published startling images of drug users to demonstrate the long-term toll narcotics have on one’s appearance.
Drugs can damage almost every system in the body; bloodshot eyes, dilated pupils, puffy faces and discoloured skin are all noticeable signs.
Some users suffer a rapid physical deterioration – with facial appearances sometimes ruined in just a matter of years.
Self-inflicted wounds, common among consumers of methamphetamine, can be caused by users picking at their skin to relieve the sensation of irritation – sometimes described as like crawling insects.
And a skeletal appearance can be the result of appetite-suppression.
Cocaine can commonly lead to chronic skin ulcers, pus-filled skin and the development of Buerger’s disease – an inflammation in small and medium-sized blood vessels.
Heroin has been known to dry the skin, leaving addicts with itchy and aged skin.
In May, Sir Angus Deaton, a world-leading economist, warned that drug abuse and alcoholism claim more lives of those in middle-age than heart disease.
‘Economic isolation’ is cited as one of the biggest contributors.
In 2017, a poll of 1,600 adults found that almost nine in ten said that seeing the physical effects of hard drugs made them less likely to take them.
The publication of such images is a common tactic among anti-addiction campaigners.
Scotland is experiencing its own drug crisis, with a 27 per cent rise in drug-related deaths, according to official statistics.
It puts Scotland’s drug mortality rate three times higher than the UK as a whole, and higher than any other country in the European Union.
The NHS offer services for drug and alcohol recovery, as do outside agencies, such as Addaction
Source: https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/shocking-image-illustrates-how-drugs-18790997 July 2019
As more cases turn up, doctors are concerned about the extent to which memory loss may be undetected.
Just over five years ago, a man suffering from amnesia following a suspected drug overdose appeared at Lahey Hospital and Medical Center in Burlington, Massachusetts, a Boston suburb. He was 22, and had injected what he believed to be heroin. When he woke up the next morning, he was extremely confused, repeatedly asking the same questions and telling the same stories. Doctors at Lahey quickly diagnosed the man with anterograde amnesia—the inability to form new memories.
His brain scan revealed why. “I thought it was an extremely strange scan—it was almost hard to believe,” says Jed Barash, a neurologist working at Lahey at the time. In the scan, the twin, seahorse-shaped structures of the man’s hippocampi were lit up against the dark background of the rest of the brain—a clear sign of severe injury to just that one region.
“It was strange because that was all there was,” Barash says.
Memory researchers have known since the late 1950s that the hippocampi are responsible for turning short-term memories into lasting ones, so the amnesia was not surprising. Just how the damage occurred, however, remained a mystery. Lack of oxygen to the brain that would have occurred during the overdose could not be the only explanation. The number of survivors in the state that year could easily have numbered in the thousands, so why was there only one patient with this seemingly unique brain damage?
Along with his colleagues, Barash—now the medical director at the Soldiers’ Home health-care facility in Chelsea, Massachusetts—figured that the opioids must have played a role, and that hunch became only more acute as three more patients—each fitting the same pattern—appeared at Lahey over the next three years. All had the same unique destruction of the hippocampi, all had amnesia, and all were suspected to have overdosed. By that point, the doctors at Lahey faced two fundamental questions: What was causing the strange new syndrome? And precisely how rare was it?
Both questions remain unanswered, but a case report published Tuesday in the Annals of Internal Medicine adds to a growing body of evidence suggesting that the problem is far from isolated, and that a potent opioid variation could be involved. A total of 14 patients have now been identified in Massachusetts, one of whom was first admitted to a hospital in his home state of New Hampshire. The new case study reveals two more patients—one from Virginia, and one from Maryland. Both turned up at a medical facility in West Virginia.
Although many of the patients had taken a variety of drugs, all but one either have a history of opioid use or tested positive for opioids. The most recent case, a 30-year-old man examined last year in West Virginia, is the first patient proven to have taken fentanyl, an extremely potent and dangerous opioid that is rarely tested for in toxicology screens.
There are many barriers to determining the true scope of the problem, from lack of proper testing to the fact that many patients never come to attention in the first place. And amid a larger opioid crisis that some experts say could claim as many as 500,000 lives over the next decade, pinning down the cause of a dozen or so amnesia cases can seem trifling. “It’s sort of like the Titanic going down and you’re worried about some details,” says Alfred DeMaria, the state epidemiologist for Massachusetts.
At the same time, DeMaria suggests that, at the very least, these patients may offer a different route for understanding a disorder, as was the case with a small cluster of patients in the early 1980s who developed Parkinson’s disease after taking contaminated drugs—a misfortune that turned out to be limited to a few people, but which nonetheless gave Parkinson’s researchers a new tool for studying the disease. More worryingly, he also points to several examples of medical investigations that began with a small number of mysterious cases and turned out to have significant public health-implications, such as the appearance of West Nile Virus, or the AIDS epidemic.
Bertha Madras, a psychobiologist at McLean Hospital in Belmont, Massachusetts, and a member of President Donald Trump’s Commission on Combating Drug Addiction and the Opioid Crisis, agreed that getting to the bottom of these amnesia cases is crucial—particularly given that many cases may be going undetected since the type of cognitive testing needed to diagnose amnesia may not be routinely done in overdose survivors. She also suspects that with overdose-antidote drugs like naloxone becoming more widely available, it is possible that more patients, rather than turning up dead, will show up at hospitals.
And with more survivors, Madras said in an email message, “there conceivably will be more cases of brain damage, especially in the very oxygen-sensitive hippocampus, the ‘epicenter’ of initial learning and memory.”
* * *
After encountering more patients following that first one in 2012, Barash contacted the Massachusetts Department of Public Health in 2015, which put out a request to emergency-room physicians, neurologists, and radiologists statewide for information that might identify additional cases. By the end of 2016, a total of 14 people who matched the pattern had been identified. Then, in May of 2017, the DPH made what they called “an unusual amnestic syndrome” with “acute, bilateral hippocampal” damage a reportable disease syndrome—a status that requires any doctor who sees such a case to forward patients’ medical records for review.
As of today, however, DeMaria believes there is no such mechanism in place in other states, and that’s one of the barriers to getting a handle on the prevalence of the amnestic syndrome. Marc Haut, the neuropsychologist who examined the man from Virginia in 2015, and one of the authors on the new Annals paper, had no way of knowing about the investigation in Massachusetts and initially chalked up the damage to cocaine use. At the time, he saw no reason to consider opioids, in part because of the information the patient shared with him. “Patient reports about substance use [are] not always accurate for a couple of reasons, one being the patients themselves,” he says. “And the other being that patients often don’t know what they’re buying and using.”
So it was not until he received an email from Barash that Haut, the chair of the behavioral medicine and psychiatry department at West Virginia University, reconsidered whether opioids could have played a role. To date, only eight of the 16 patients reported in the cluster had cocaine in their system, making opioids a more consistent link than any other drug. Barash, who is also an author on the Annals paper, wonders if fentanyl—considered to be 50 times more potent than heroin—is a key component, in part because the timing and location of the appearance of these amnestic cases parallels the rise of fentanyl overdoses in two of the hardest hit regions in the country. Teasing this out is complicated with the ever-changing landscape of drugs that people are taking, often in combination. “Cocaine overdose deaths are escalating,” said Madras, “along with evidence of combined use of fentanyl, heroin, and cocaine in some deaths.”
And despite the fact that fentanyl abuse has become so common, routine toxicology screens don’t test for the presence of the drug. It was only because Haut had been tipped off that he requested the advanced toxicology screen for the 2017 patient, which found evidence that he had taken fentanyl in addition to cocaine. His MRI scan also revealed the signature hippocampal damage: “bright, big, and intense,” according to Haut.
Even if all those conditions are met, doctors across the country don’t know where or how to share the information. DeMaria, the state epidemiologist for Massachusetts, believes his is the only state that has notified physicians and is collecting cases. If doctors in other states are seeing cases that fit the pattern, they may assume that it’s a one-off phenomenon, just as Barash and others did when they first saw the cases.
Michael Lev, an emergency-room neuroradiologist at Massachusetts General Hospital who contributed cases to the Massachusetts cluster, thinks it’s possible that the appearance of this amnestic syndrome may date back far earlier than 2012. He recalls seeing similar brain images in a few sporadic cases between 1986 and 1989 when he was working at Boston City Hospital. The patient history was always the same, he says. “The history was ‘heroin found down,’”—emergency-room shorthand for an overdose victim.
* * *
For now, doctors can only go on the well-documented data that they have—the 16 patients identified between October 2012 and May 2017—and one key question is whether they represent just one narrow band along a spectrum of damage, which would have ramifications for the ability of addicts to get the treatment they need. “Getting a sense of the severity and scope of this is important,” Haut says. “If we find that these dense amnesias are really rare, that’s good. But if we find in the interim that they have significant memory problems even though they’re not amnestic as a result of these events, that have gone under the radar, then we have to take that into account when we’re trying to get people into treatment and staying in treatment.”
Barash agrees, pointing out that understanding the amnestic syndrome may give medical professionals insight into some of the larger problems that can accompany overdoses. “These cases are a very particular subset of brain damage that can occur from use of opioids,” he notes. “But I think more likely there are probably cases of patients who may not necessarily have this particular syndrome but suffer cognitive difficulties from longer-term use of opioids and it’s important to know the scope of that.” It’s also plausible that there are more extreme cases on the other end of the spectrum—people who have taken sublethal doses but are too far gone to have their memory tested.
Source: https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2018/01/fentanyl-overdose-amnesia/551846/ January 2018
President Donald Trump took a few minutes in his State of the Union address to acknowledge what he called the “terrible crisis of opioid and drug addiction – never been has it been like it is now”.
The American President told Congress that “we have to do something about it”, stating that 174 drug-addiction caused deaths a day meant that “we must get much tougher on drug dealers and pushers”.
This should come as no surprise. The crisis, which claimed well over 100,000 lives between 2015 and 2016, is now so widespread and catastrophic it was declared a public health emergency by President Trump in October.
The rate of American deaths caused by overdoses of heroin-like synthetic opioids has doubled since 2015, in a tragic symptom of the opioid epidemic ravaging the United States.
The US’s Centre for Disease Control and Prevention has published figures showing that the rate of deaths due to synthetic opioids excluding methadone, such as fentanyl and tramadol, jumped from 3.1 per 100,000 in 2015 to 6.2 per 100,000 in 2016.
The total number of deaths due to opioid overdoses also climbed from 52,400 to 63,600, a 21 per cent increase – marking a steady rise since 1999.
Synthetic opioids are the biggest killers
The dramatic rise in the use of synthetic opioids owes more to practicality than demand, Dr David Herzberg, a University of Buffalo expert in the history of drug addiction, told The Telegraph.
“Fentanyl [the most widely used synthetic opioid] is much easier to smuggle than heroin because you need less of it,” he said.
Since synthetic opioids are made in labs rather than from plants, like traditional heroin, they can be made anywhere in the world, and vary dramatically in strength.
Fentanyl is around 50 times stronger than heroin – and some new strains are up to 10,000 times stronger.
This huge variation in potency is what makes makes synthetic opioids so deadly, since users are often completely unaware of the strength of the substance they are injecting, said Dr Jon Zibbell, a Senior Public Health Scientist at RTI International, a nonprofit that funds opioid research.
“I know a kid who buys carfentanil [a newer strand of fentanyl] online and that’s all he injects; he argues it’s totally safe but people mixing it with other stuff don’t really know what they’re doing.
“It’s not the drugs themselves that are killing people but the inability of people to adapt to the uneven potency in the illicit market,” he said.
The rise in fentanyl dates back to 2013, when drug traffickers in Mexico started adding it to heroin to stretch their product further to meet growing demand.
Now fentanyl has also grown in popularity with small drug dealers within the US who buy it online from China, which Dr Zibbell said has led to a bloated supply of fentanyl with no standardization of strength.
Rise of drug overdose death most pronounced among men
Fentanyl is not the only heroin-like drug experiencing a boom in users in the US; the country’s mushrooming opioid crisis is well documented, with the overall rate of opioid drug overdoses increasing every year since 1999.
This owes much, Dr Herzberg said, to a history of over-prescription of painkillers dating back more than three decades to the Reagan administration, when tight controls on opioid sales were relaxed: “Opioid markets were opened up to the full range of strategies drug companies use to sell their products. So a large volume of these drugs were pumped into the market without adequate warnings about the risks.”
While data shows a higher rate of overdoses in men, recent research has found the serious health impacts for women are just as severe.
A recent paper by Dr Zibbell published in the American Journal of Public Health demonstrated that those regions of the US particularly ravaged by the opioid epidemic have also seen an outbreak of new cases of the degenerative blood disease hepatitis C.
While the rate of death by opioid overdose is lower for women, the rate of new hepatitis C cases developing is much higher. This is particularly concerning as researchers have also documented a large increase in babies born to infected mothers, along with a rise in neonatal abstinence syndrome (babies born physically dependent on opioids).
The trouble in poor, white states may be spreading
Rust belt states such as Ohio, Pennsylvania and West Virginia – with an astonishing rate of 52 drug overdose deaths per 100,000 – have shouldered the brunt of the opioid crisis.
This is partly due to the poverty of these states, but race is also a huge factor – areas with large white populations are disproportionately impacted since the epidemic is rooted in prescription drug abuse, said Dr Herzberg.
“Studies prove that physicians are less likely to prescribe opioids to African Americans or other racial minorities – even when they need them – because of the stereotypes associating them with drug abuse,” he said.
There are signs, however, that the problem has spread to other communities. The mostly non-white District of Columbia, for example, had a rate of death by drug overdose of 38.8 per 100,000 – almost most twice the national average of 19.8.
Dr Zibbell’s research also found high rates of drug treatment and new hepatitis C cases among hispanics. “That was a big deal because the epidemic has been described as mostly affecting the white population,” he said.
Experts say the spread of the opioid crisis beyond the mostly white rust belt states is particularly worrying as it highlights the nationwide extent of the crisis.
“The Trump administration is not putting action or money behind its pronouncements on the problem. If the present trajectory continues it will claim many more young lives,” he said.
President Trump remained defiant in his speech, however.
“The struggle will be long and it will be difficult,” he acknowledge, before adding “we will succeed”.
Source: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2018/01/31/deadly-fentanyl-behind-dramatic-doubling-synthetic-opioid-death/ January 2018
Heroin entered their lives so easily.
For 10 addicts, the hard part is staying clean.
They got the pills from their doctors, then kept using them until they couldn’t stop. They switched to heroin because it was cheaper, because a friend said it was an easier, better way to get high.
They went to parties as teens, took pills, snorted powders. They got bored with the drugs they were doing and then found heroin, the drug they loved the most.
They had faced abuse, poverty, tragedy. Their pain was deep, and psychological, and the drug was an escape.
The stories of 10 recovering heroin addicts from Wisconsin are the stories of millions of Americans who have been hooked on opiates and either died, or lived with the consequences. They’ve lost friends. They’ve been arrested. They’ve lost touch with their family and friends, lost custody of their children.
COUNTY BY COUNTY: Deaths and ODs in Wisconsin.
“It wasn’t what they always told us it was going to be,” said Moriah Rogowski, a 22-year-old recovering addict, about her first time using heroin. She didn’t develop an addiction right away. But somewhere, more gradually than she expected, she lost control.
Like the other nine recovering heroin users profiled in this special report from USA TODAY NETWORK-Wisconsin, Rogowski has taken back control of her life. She’s clean. She lives in a different city, imagines a different future for herself.
Recovery from opiate addiction is hard, filled with setbacks. But these 10 people from across Wisconsin have taken the first steps toward a life after heroin. In photos, in words and in their own voices, these are their stories about how they started on heroin and fought to get off the drug.
‘That was the only way I liked to get high’
Moriah Rogowski, Green Bay
Moriah Rogowski liked the feeling of downers: Percocet, Vicodin, Oxycontin. She and her friends, the summer before high school, would go out to parties and crush pills and snort them.
She and her three siblings lived in a rural home near Mosinee, where she was homeschooled until eighth grade. In high school, she found her place among the stoners. One night she found herself in a drug house in Marshfield with 33-year-olds. She was 15.
That was the day she first tried heroin. She was afraid of needles, so she let someone else shoot the drug into a vein in her arm.
“That was the only way I liked to get high after that,” she said.
Rogowski is now 22. She’s been in and out of programs in Minnesota and Green Bay as she tried to get clean. But she’d come home and hang out with the same friends; each time they led her back to the drug.
She sought treatment at the methadone clinic in Wausau, where she saw others abusing the methadone and still using heroin. She fell into the same pattern.
She mixed heroin, crack, Xanax. There is a week of her life she can’t remember. She took her brother’s car and got an OWI. Her license was suspended.
Then, from somewhere, she found the will to change. She called her mom to come get her because she wanted to get clean. She began to use the methadone program correctly, taking classes and attending therapy sessions.
Rogowski has lived in Green Bay for two years. She hopes to complete her GED. And she’s trying to help others by working toward becoming a recovery coach.
— Laura Schulte, leschulte@gannett.com
A soldier’s widow masks her pain
Sarah Bear, Wausau
Sarah Bear didn’t want to feel anymore.
Her husband, Jordan, was killed in Afghanistan in 2012 during an attack at his base in the Kandahar province. More than a year later, just when she started being able to grieve her husband’s death, her oldest son’s dad died.
Bear’s addiction started in the summer of 2014 with pills — Vicodin, Oxycontin, Percocet. They dampened the pain of her losses. A friend had been prodding her to try heroin: It was cheaper, he said, and she wouldn’t have to use as much. She swore she would never touch it.
One day, Bear couldn’t get any pills. The withdrawals hit. She got sick; she couldn’t take care of her children. Eventually, she called the friend, and within a half hour was snorting heroin for the first time in her Antigo apartment.
Then, she felt nothing, just like she wanted.
“I completely, seriously fell in love with that drug,” she said. “There was nothing that compared to it, honestly. Sadly.”
She did heroin every day, either snorting or smoking it, and eventually injecting it.
Beginning in January 2015, Bear was in and out of jail, and on and off heroin. She tried methadone treatment but it didn’t stick.
In October 2016, Bear’s four children were taken from her. Two went to stay with her mom, and two with her grandmother.
Almost a year later, Bear, 33, found herself in North Central Health Care’s Lakeside Recovery in Wausau, a 21-day medically monitored substance abuse treatment program. She believes she hit rock bottom.
She started the program in mid-September and could feel the change within her as her Oct. 6 graduation approached. She’s determined to get better.
“I remember a time when my life was good, and I know that I can be back there,” she said. “I know that I can have that again.”
— Haley BeMiller, hbemiller@gannett.com
He laughed at the idea he could be saved
Nathan Scheer, Fond du Lac
Nathan Scheer felt the bottom drop out the day before Christmas Eve 2016. His wife and kids watched the cops haul him away.
His probation officer had heard he would test dirty and showed up at his home unannounced.
“On the way to jail I was higher than I’d been in years, but I remember my probation officer telling me she was going to save my life,” he said. “I laughed and told her you can’t save someone who doesn’t want to be saved.”
He first used prescription opiates after a car crash. One day he didn’t have enough money for hydrocodone pills. In their place, he was offered “dog food” — a street name for heroin.
A decade-long fling with heroin followed, and it turned the 35-year-old factory worker from a regular, middle-class guy into a liar and a thief.
“I once explained to my wife that it (heroin) felt like what I imagine looking into the eyes of God would feel like,” Scheer said. “It’s the most religious experience you could ever imagine.”
But since the day the probation officer showed up a little more than a year ago, Scheer got clean through counseling, group support and a local church. He learned to feed his addictive personality through the gratification that comes with community service.
Today, Scheer and his 4-year-old son, Bentley, have gained recognition in Fond du Lac by cleaning up parks and playgrounds. Giving back is his metaphor for recovery. Father and son call it #cleanstreetforkids.
“I call it my beautiful disaster, because the way everything happened, I was so lucky. I had people who stuck by me while I waged war on myself.”
— Sharon Roznik, sroznik@gannett.com
‘They just kept prescribing pain meds’
Rebecca Palmieri, Wisconsin Rapids
Rebecca Palmieri’s house is quiet now. In August, a court commissioner ordered her to give up her five children. It was the second time in two years that she lost them.
She’s lost everything since she started using heroin. She’s been homeless. She has a record.
Palmieri, 39, had medical complications when she had her fifth child. That was in 2013.
“They just kept prescribing pain meds for five months after I had my son. They did corrective surgery, but, by then, I was hooked.”
She used pills for about two years. In January 2015, a friend came to her Wisconsin Rapids apartment with heroin. He told her to hold out her arm. In the empty bedroom, with her children in another part of the house, he injected her.
Using wasn’t an everyday thing, she said, until it was. She would look around her apartment to see what she could sell or return for money to buy the drug.
The courts put her kids into foster care. She was homeless for about six months. The kids went to live with her husband; they came back to her when he went to prison. She got clean and found a house. But the courts sent the kids back to her husband when he got out.
Palmieri said she has been clean since November 2016. She goes to the YMCA every day to work out; she attends addiction support group meetings. She wants to get her kids back.
“It’s probably the hardest thing I ever had to do,” she said, “to get clean and stay clean.”
— Karen Madden, kmadden@gannett.com
Sacred fire lights a path to recovery
Joey Powless, Oneida
Joey Powless stood by the sacred fire burning under a tepee in the center of Oneida. He busied himself by keeping the fire steady and clean, moving ash and coals out of the flames.
Powless, 36, a member of the Oneida Nation, called it the Grandpa Fire, and without it, he said, he would not have been able to stay clean for the past five years or so.
The sacred fire represents the spirit of native people, a connection to the past and present, a source of strength, a place to pray, a gateway to understanding.
“Without fire, we couldn’t live,” Powless said. “This is what we cooked our food with. This is what gave us life. Gave us heat. So without it we could never live. This is our very first teaching right here.”
His mother abandoned him and his family when he was a kid, and he responded at a young age with anger, he said. He started drinking and smoking pot at age 13. By the time he was in his early 20s, he added opioid medications and cocaine to the mix.
Powless was 28 when he first tried heroin at a party. He was deep into drug culture, and selling drugs to pay for his own drugs. “Cocaine really wasn’t doing nothing for me no more,” he said. Snorting heroin seemed like a natural thing to do.
It made him sick at first, but as that feeling eased, he felt the high. “That’s when the magic happens,” he said. He continued to chase that high. He graduated from snorting heroin to shooting it into his veins.
He was about 31 when he was jailed, and put into solitary confinement. It was there that he decided he didn’t want to be an addict anymore. “Because I have children,” he said. (Powless is the father of two teenagers.) “I didn’t want to be out of their lives no more.”
— Keith Uhlig, kuhlig@gannett.com
Arrests pile up after friend overdoses
Jennifer Solis, Stevens Point
Jennifer Solis was out of pills and already felt sick.
In the bathroom of her friend’s house in Stevens Point, she crushed up a little heroin and snorted it. It was the first time she had tried the drug.
Her friend, close by, was injecting it. They didn’t talk.
Solis, who was in her mid-20s at the time, looked down on people who used needles. She told herself she wouldn’t cross that line. She would.
Solis, now 34, was born in Colorado but moved to Wisconsin as a teenager. She was already using drugs with her friends — first marijuana, then cocaine — by the time she was 16.
“I think I was always looking for the next best thing,” she said. “I didn’t see myself as an addict back then.”
Solis became addicted to pain pills after she suffered a serious back injury as a result of domestic abuse, she said. After her friend introduced her to heroin, she used it every day.
She called paramedics when a friend overdosed a few years ago, then watched as they used the counteracting drug naloxone to revive her. She was charged in that incident, and then arrests piled up quickly.
She joined Portage County’s drug court in May and stayed clean for her first three months. Then she relapsed by using heroin and methamphetamine. By October 2017, Solis had again been clean for three months.
Solis has five children but no contact with them. Her three oldest live with a relative and her two youngest were adopted as infants.
She wants to go back to school for interior design. But for now, Solis lives at the Salvation Army in Stevens Point, working to put her life back together.
— Chris Mueller, cmueller@gannett.com
‘I smoked pot with both my parents’
Kevin Williams, Wisconsin Rapids
Kevin Williams is 35 and lives in a Wisconsin Rapids assisted-care facility. His mother and father divorced when he was 8, and, he said, “I basically smoked pot with both my parents by the time I was 15.”
By the time Williams was an adult, he tried every drug he could.
Cocaine: “Why not? I was already stoned on weed.”
Meth: “I tell people I used meth once in my life for eight months.”
Opiates: A friend first gave him an oxycodone pill, “and I was like, ‘Why not?’ I crushed it up and snorted it. … It was like the absolute, most warmest hug I ever felt.”
He can’t remember when he first switched from prescription opiates to heroin. But shooting up the drug, he said, “was like stepping into the perfect temperature of bath water, and (the feeling) would go all the way up, and all the way down.”
Williams is disabled. He walks with a limp and his left arm hangs at his side.
“I went to prison a couple years back. I found out I had a brain tumor. They went in to take it out, and they cut a blood vessel … gave me a stroke.”
One day, two years ago, he ran out of money and got clean. He can’t explain why.
“These days … I feel better about my life than I ever have before. Which sounds pretty crazy, doesn’t it? I only got half a freakin’ body right now. … But I get by. I still joke and love and make it to the Dollar Tree. All my essentials are taken care of.”
— Keith Uhlig, kuhlig@gannett.com
Addiction becomes a legacy of abuse
Jodi Chamberlain, Stevens Point
Jodi Chamberlain couldn’t get pills. They cost too much.
She got heroin from a friend instead. She was alone in her bedroom the first time she snorted the drug.
She didn’t have to think or feel. She didn’t have to deal with anything. But, Chamberlain said, “when it ends, you just crave more.”
She used heroin again within a week.
Chamberlain was living in Stevens Point at the time. She was barely in her 20s, but was already a regular drug user — mostly pain pills, but also cocaine and other stimulants. Her addictions grew out of a turbulent childhood, which, she said, included incidents of sexual abuse by a relative.
“I was taught to lie and to not have feelings,” she said. “I’ve never felt feelings.”
Now 41, Chamberlain has been clean for about eight months. She moved back to Stevens Point late last year after living in Eau Claire. Sometimes she slept in a truck.
Chamberlain was arrested again and again. She was sentenced in May on felony drug charges, but instead of going to prison, a judge allowed her to participate in Portage County’s drug court. She’s never made it through treatment without going back to heroin. If she fails in drug court, she faces a prison sentence.
Chamberlain regrets how many people she hurt with her drug use, particularly her two children, who watched their mother struggle with addiction.
She wants to stay clean, but even she can’t say whether she will make it.
“I can’t make that promise to anyone, not even myself,” she said. “But I choose to have people in my life now who can help me when I am going through rough times.”
— Chris Mueller, cmueller@gannett.com
‘A very functional addict’ awaits prison
Kyle Keding, Wisconsin Rapids
Kyle Keding was 26 years old and had been a heavy user of drugs for years before he tried heroin.
He had been drinking and smoking marijuana for about half his life. He had been dependent on opiate painkillers such as Percodan and Oxycontin for about five years. The pills helped him get through long days as a welder and they helped him forget about the crap life handed him.
Keding was sexually molested when he was about 5 years old, first by a babysitter, then by a relative, he said. Those memories never left him, unless he was high. So he got high. A lot. For him, that was just part of life, in addition to work, being a parent and a husband.
“I was what you call ‘a very functional’ addict,” he said.
The heroin was a practical choice. Opiate painkiller manufacturers had changed the formula of their pills, making them more difficult to use to get high, and also created a huge opiate shortage.
“So I couldn’t find what I wanted. I called up my friend, and he was like, ‘Well, I’ve got some ‘ron (heroin). … (I was) kind of skeptical,” Keding said. “I had not done it before.”
He did not feel as if he had stepped over any kind of line. He had already liquefied prescription opiates and shot those up intravenously.
Shooting up, both synthetic opiates and heroin, gave him a stronger high. He chose the needle because his friend and dealer did not have enough pills to get Keding as high as he wanted.
“I can remember the words that came out of my mouth once I released the strap off my arm,” he said. “‘Oh, my God. This is amazing.’ And I knew right there, this is it. I was like, there was no turning back now. But there was.”
He used heroin for five years, until Dec. 2, 2014. That night he was with friends, getting high, and one of the people he was with died. He was charged with first-degree reckless homicide/deliver drugs. He accepted a plea deal on that charge on Dec. 1, 2017. He awaits sentencing in February and could face years in prison.
— Keith Uhlig, kuhlig@gannett.com
‘This is a lifelong battle’
Tommy Casper, Neenah
Tommy Casper said one of the main reasons he has stayed clean for more than seven months is because of his nephew Owen, who has only ever known him sober. Casper sees his sister Carly Fritsch, who overcame her own struggle with addiction, and Owen most days of the week after work. Casper plays on a recreational volleyball team with other recovering addicts and attends Narcotics Anonymous meeting three times a week.
Tommy Casper was alone in the basement of the two-story home where he grew up.
He sat on his bed and opened a small bag of heroin that had been on top of a dresser beside him. He hadn’t used the drug before, but at about $120 a bag, it was cheaper than the pills he used. He snorted it.
He found himself asking one thing as the feeling went away: “What do I need to do in order to feel that way again?” He used heroin again three hours later.
Casper was 21 years old and living in Muskego, a community of fewer than 25,000 people on the outskirts of Milwaukee. His mother had died about six months earlier and he struggled with the loss. His sporadic use of pain pills became an addiction.
“The first time I used (as a way) to cope — rather than using to have fun or go out — was at her funeral,” he said.
After he turned to heroin, Casper told himself he wouldn’t use a needle because “then I wasn’t as bad as other people.” He used a needle for the first time a year later.
After his mother died, Casper moved around — to a house in West Allis, then an apartment in Neenah. He began to steal to support his addiction, but got caught shoplifting at a Walmart in Fond du Lac. He was charged and went to treatment a few days later.
Casper hardly slept or ate for two weeks as he fought through the physical withdrawal from the drug.
Casper, now 29, has relapsed twice since going to treatment. He hasn’t used for about the last seven months and attends Narcotics Anonymous meetings three times a week. He has a full-time job at a call center in Appleton and hopes to use his story to help others.
“This is a lifelong battle that we’re going to be in,” he said.
— Chris Mueller, cmueller@gannett.com
About this project
Wisconsin has a heroin problem directly linked to its opioid epidemic. Every corner of the state has been affected, every taxpayer, every school district, every police department, every social service agency, every hospital.
But why do an estimated 6,600 Wisconsin residents regularly snort, inject or smoke heroin? And how do we get our state off this deadly drug?
A team of journalists from USA TODAY NETWORK-Wisconsin went to 10 people who know firsthand how heroin enters a person’s life, and how best to get away from its grip. Their stories are part of a project the news organization will continue in 2018 to investigate Wisconsin’s response to the opioid crisis and the most successful paths to recovery.
All photos and videos by Alexandra Wimley/USA TODAY NETWORK-Wisconsin
Send feedback to Robert Mentzer, project editor: rmentzer@gannett.com
How to get help
For people who want to get help with heroin addiction:
Emergency: In a life-threatening emergency, call 911.
United Way 2-1-1: If it’s not an emergency but you want information over the phone at any hour about local options, call 211.
Narcotics Anonymous: Local meetings can be found online at wisconsinna.org or by calling 1-866-590-2651.
Wisconsin Department of Health Services: Guide to treatment resources statewide, online at dhs.wisconsin.gov/opioids/.
Source: http://www.wisinfo.com/usat/heroin_addiction/?for-guid=7ba874c6-08dd-e611-b81c-90b11c341ce0#start
The authors of this ‘Before and After’ library (American Addiction Centers) have obviously spent a great deal of time in merging several still photographs which have produced a strikingly progressive presentation for each user, as time progresses.
Millions of Americans are trapped in a cycle of drug abuse and addiction: In 2013, over 24 million reported that they had abused illicit drugs or prescription medication in just the past month. More than 1.7 million were admitted to treatment programs for substance abuse in 2012. The pursuit of a drug habit can cost these people everything – their friends and family, their home and livelihood. And nowhere is that impact more evident than in the faces of addicts themselves.
Here, the catastrophic health effects of drug abuse are plain to see, ranging from skin scabs to decayed and missing teeth. While meth is often seen as one of the most visibly destructive drugs, leading to facial wasting and open sores,various other illicit drugs, and even prescription medications can cause equally severe symptoms when continuously abused. The use of opioids like OxyContin or heroin can cause flushing and a rash of red bumps all over the skin, while cocaine abuse can result in a significant drop in appetite and dangerous malnutrition and weight loss. Ecstasy may cause grinding of teeth, and smoking cannabis releases carcinogens and other chemicals that can diminish skin collagen and produce an appearance of premature aging. Even alcohol abuse can lead to wrinkles, redness, and loss of skin elasticity.
Beyond the direct effects of substance abuse, perhaps its most damaging result is addiction itself. The compulsion of addiction makes drug use the most important purpose in an addict’s life, leading them to pursue it at any cost and treat anything else as secondary. Self-neglect becomes normal – an accepted cost of continuing to use drugs. And the consequences of addiction can remain etched in their very skin for years.
Click here for an animated infographic
Disclaimer
The individuals in these before and after drug addiction photos were arrested on drug charges or related charges. There may be errors in arrest record reporting. All persons are considered innocent of these charges until proven guilty. These photos do not necessarily just show people after drugs and addiction; rather, they depict the physical deterioration of individuals who have been involved in repeated arrests, indicative of a life of crime and/or substance abuse.
Source: https://www.rehabs.com/explore/faces-of-addiction/
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ADDITIONAL INFORMATION ON PROGRESSIVE EFFECTS OF DRUG ABUSE
Thanks must go to the Daily Telegraph (London) for this second format.
This presents still photographs, in contrast with the animated presentation above.
Smaller cities and towns carry a unique burden when it comes to drug addiction.
I grew up in Mounds, Ill. It’s a small farming community of about 800 people in the southernmost part of the state. It may seem an unlikely place for a drug epidemic, but opioid addiction and substance abuse have plagued families there for decades. Years ago, the first of my close relatives died after a long struggle with prescription opioids.
That’s one reason why, as deputy secretary of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, or HHS, I keep the victims of this crisis close to my heart.
Under President Donald Trump, HHS has made the opioid crisis a top priority because it leaves no corner of our country untouched. When the crisis began, we worked mostly in rural areas to address overdoses and opioid-use disorder. The opioid crisis is nationwide and claimed approximately 116 American lives every day in 2016.
The most recent data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention provides even more grim details. Nearly 64,000 Americans died of drug overdoses in 2016, a 21 percent increase from the previous year and the largest increase on record. More than 42,000 of those deaths involved opioids, more than the total number of all drug overdose deaths in 2012. Further, provisional data indicate that approximately 72,000 Americans died of drug overdoses in 2017. In 2015, there were more than 1 million opioid-related hospital stays and emergency-room visits in the U.S.
A publication from the University of Minnesota’s College of Pharmacy brings the crisis closer to this region. Titled “Combating the Opioid Crisis in Northern Minnesota,” it found that the Duluth area in particular has been hit hard. St. Louis County has the highest opioid overdose death rate in the state.
As part of the Trump administration’s focused mission to support states and local communities on the front lines of this fight, one of our primary strategies is to learn directly from those on the ground so we may be able to benefit from the experience and understanding of local leaders and communities. Over the last few months I have traveled to Illinois, Ohio, Florida, Texas, California, Kentucky, Minnesota, and Wisconsin to exchange ideas with medical experts, local officials, and, especially, individuals currently receiving treatment for opioid addiction.
My visit to Duluth in July was part of the same journey — and a personal one as well. My mother was born in Esko. I consider your remarkable region a second home.
While I was there, one family told me of tragic loss. Their son was injured on the job, was prescribed opioids for pain, and soon became addicted. After only a few months, he lost his life to opioid overdose.
I also heard inspiring stories of people in recovery and how well they know the severe hurdles to battling addiction. They are now providing crucial help by connecting others to treatment and educating the public about lifesaving overdose-reversing drugs.
I was particularly encouraged visiting Duluth’s Lake Superior Health Clinic and learning how grants from the Health Resources and Services Administration at HHS are aiding in the clinic’s vital mission of care.
My message that day was clear: HHS stands ready to assist local heroes helping to end this epidemic in their communities. We are backing up that commitment in Minnesota by awarding more than $10.7 million in state-targeted opioid-crisis grants, $6 million in medication-assisted treatment, and more than $24 million in substance-abuse prevention and treatment block grants last year. Additional awards will be announced in the coming months.
As an indication of the priority he places on this effort, President Trump donated a quarter of his salary last year to the planning and design of a large-scale public-awareness campaign to enhance understanding of the dangers of opioid misuse and addiction. He hopes his example will spur Congress to take even more action.
We at HHS recognize that the American people, in local communities like Duluth and all across our great country, will be the ones to end this terrible crisis. It will require nothing less than a united effort from not just government but the business community, our churches, our schools, and all of civil society.
We can win this battle in Minnesota and all across the country.
Source: https://www.duluthnewstribune.com/opinion/columns/4481662-deputy-secretarys-view-opioids-battle-can-be-won-beginning-minnesota-and August 2018
You’re aware America is under siege, fighting an opioid crisis that has exploded into a public-health emergency. You’ve heard of OxyContin, the pain medication to which countless patients have become addicted. But do you know that the company that makes Oxy and reaps the billions of dollars in profits it generates is owned by one family?
The newly installed Sackler Courtyard at London’s Victoria and Albert Museum is one of the most glittering places in the developed world. Eleven thousand white porcelain tiles, inlaid like a shattered backgammon board, cover a surface the size of six tennis courts. According to the V&A;’s director, the regal setting is intended to serve as a “living room for London,” by which he presumably means a living room for Kensington, the museum’s neighborhood, which is among the world’s wealthiest. In late June, Kate Middleton, the Duchess of Cambridge, was summoned to consecrate the courtyard, said to be the earth’s first outdoor space made of porcelain; stepping onto the ceramic expanse, she silently mouthed, “Wow.”
The Sackler Courtyard is the latest addition to an impressive portfolio. There’s the Sackler Wing at New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art, which houses the majestic Temple of Dendur, a sandstone shrine from ancient Egypt; additional Sackler wings at the Louvre and the Royal Academy; stand-alone Sackler museums at Harvard and Peking Universities; and named Sackler galleries at the Smithsonian, the Serpentine, and Oxford’s Ashmolean. The Guggenheim in New York has a Sackler Center, and the American Museum of Natural History has a Sackler Educational Lab. Members of the family, legendary in museum circles for their pursuit of naming rights, have also underwritten projects of a more modest caliber—a Sackler Staircase at Berlin’s Jewish Museum; a Sackler Escalator at the Tate Modern; a Sackler Crossing in Kew Gardens. A popular species of pink rose is named after a Sackler. So is an asteroid.
The Sackler name is no less prominent among the emerald quads of higher education, where it’s possible to receive degrees from Sackler schools, participate in Sackler colloquiums, take courses from professors with endowed Sackler chairs, and attend annual Sackler lectures on topics such as theoretical astrophysics and human rights. The Sackler Institute for Nutrition Science supports research on obesity and micronutrient deficiencies. Meanwhile, the Sackler institutes at Cornell, Columbia, McGill, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Sussex, and King’s College London tackle psychobiology, with an emphasis on early childhood development.
The Sacklers’ philanthropy differs from that of civic populists like Andrew Carnegie, who built hundreds of libraries in small towns, and Bill Gates, whose foundation ministers to global masses. Instead, the family has donated its fortune to blue-chip brands, braiding the family name into the patronage network of the world’s most prestigious, well-endowed institutions. The Sackler name is everywhere, evoking automatic reverence; the Sacklers themselves, however, are rarely seen.
The descendants of Mortimer and Raymond Sackler, a pair of psychiatrist brothers from Brooklyn, are members of a billionaire clan with homes scattered across Connecticut, London, Utah, Gstaad, the Hamptons, and, especially, New York City. It was not until 2015 that they were noticed by Forbes, which added them to the list of America’s richest families. The magazine pegged their wealth, shared among twenty heirs, at a conservative $14 billion. (Descendants of Arthur Sackler, Mortimer and Raymond’s older brother, split off decades ago and are mere multi-millionaires.) To a remarkable degree, those who share in the billions appear to have abided by an oath of omertà: Never comment publicly on the source of the family’s wealth.
That may be because the greatest part of that $14 billion fortune tallied by Forbes came from OxyContin, the narcotic painkiller regarded by many public-health experts as among the most dangerous products ever sold on a mass scale. Since 1996, when the drug was brought to market by Purdue Pharma, the American branch of the Sacklers’ pharmaceutical empire, more than two hundred thousand people in the United States have died from overdoses of OxyContin and other prescription painkillers. Thousands more have died after starting on a prescription opioid and then switching to a drug with a cheaper street price, such as heroin. Not all of these deaths are related to OxyContin—dozens of other painkillers, including generics, have flooded the market in the past thirty years. Nevertheless, Purdue Pharma was the first to achieve a dominant share of the market for long-acting opioids, accounting for more than half of prescriptions by 2001.
According to the Centers for Disease Control, fifty-three thousand Americans died from opioid overdoses in 2016, more than the thirty-six thousand who died in car crashes in 2015 or the thirty-five thousand who died from gun violence that year. This past July, Donald Trump’s Commission on Combating Drug Addiction and the Opioid Crisis, led by New Jersey governor Chris Christie, declared that opioids were killing roughly 142 Americans each day, a tally vividly described as “September 11th every three weeks.” The epidemic has also exacted a crushing financial toll: According to a study published by the American Public Health Association, using data from 2013—before the epidemic entered its current, more virulent phase—the total economic burden from opioid use stood at about $80 billion, adding together health costs, criminal-justice costs, and GDP loss from drug-dependent Americans leaving the workforce. Tobacco remains, by a significant multiple, the country’s most lethal product, responsible for some 480,000 deaths per year. But although billions have been made from tobacco, cars, and firearms, it’s not clear that any of those enterprises has generated a family fortune from a single product that approaches the Sacklers’ haul from OxyContin.
Even so, hardly anyone associates the Sackler name with their company’s lone blockbuster drug. “The Fords, Hewletts, Packards, Johnsons—all those families put their name on their product because they were proud,” said Keith Humphreys, a professor of psychiatry at Stanford University School of Medicine who has written extensively about the opioid crisis. “The Sacklers have hidden their connection to their product. They don’t call it ‘Sackler Pharma.’ They don’t call their pills ‘Sackler pills.’ And when they’re questioned, they say, ‘Well, it’s a privately held firm, we’re a family, we like to keep our privacy, you understand.’ ”
To the extent that the Sacklers have cultivated a reputation, it’s for being earnest healers, judicious stewards of scientific progress, and connoisseurs of old and beautiful things. Few are aware that during the crucial period of OxyContin’s development and promotion, Sackler family members actively led Purdue’s day-to-day affairs, filling the majority of its board slots and supplying top executives. By any assessment, the family’s leaders have pulled off three of the great marketing triumphs of the modern era: The first is selling OxyContin; the second is promoting the Sackler name; and the third is ensuring that, as far as the public is aware, the first and the second have nothing to do with one another.
If you head north on I-95 through Stamford, Connecticut, you will spot, on the left, a giant misshapen glass cube. Along the building’s top edge, white lettering spells out ONE STAMFORD FORUM. No markings visible from the highway indicate the presence of the building’s owner and chief occupant, Purdue Pharma.
Originally known as Purdue Frederick, the first iteration of the company was founded in 1892 on New York’s Lower East Side as a peddler of patent medicines. For decades, it sustained itself with sales of Gray’s Glycerine Tonic, a sherry-based liquid of “broad application” marketed as a remedy for everything from anemia to tuberculosis. The company was purchased in 1952 by Arthur Sackler, thirty-nine, and was run by his brothers, Mortimer, thirty- six, and Raymond, thirty-two. The Sackler brothers came from a family of Jewish immigrants in Flatbush, Brooklyn. Arthur was a headstrong and ambitious provider, setting the tone—and often choosing the path—for his younger brothers. After attending medical school on Arthur’s dime, Mortimer and Raymond followed him to jobs at the Creedmoor psychiatric hospital in Queens. There, they coauthored more than one hundred studies on the biochemical roots of mental illness. The brothers’ research was promising—they were among the first to identify a link between psychosis and the hormone cortisone—but their findings were mostly ignored by their professional peers, who, in keeping with the era, favored a Freudian model of mental illness.
Concurrent with his psychiatric work, Arthur Sackler made his name in pharmaceutical advertising, which at the time consisted almost exclusively of pitches from so-called “detail men” who sold drugs to doctors door-to-door. Arthur intuited that print ads in medical journals could have a revolutionary effect on pharmaceutical sales, especially given the excitement surrounding the “miracle drugs” of the 1950s—steroids, antibiotics, antihistamines, and psychotropics. In 1952, the same year that he and his brothers acquired Purdue, Arthur became the first adman to convince The Journal of the American Medical Association, one of the profession’s most august publications, to include a color advertorial brochure.
In the 1960s, Arthur was contracted by Roche to develop an advertising strategy for a new antianxiety medication called Valium. This posed a challenge, because the effects of the medication were nearly indistinguishable from those of Librium, another Roche tranquilizer that was already on the market. Arthur differentiated Valium by audaciously inflating its range of indications. Whereas Librium was sold as a treatment for garden- variety anxiety, Valium was positioned as an elixir for a problem Arthur christened “psychic tension.” According to his ads, psychic tension, the forebear of today’s “stress,” was the secret culprit behind a host of somatic conditions, including heartburn, gastrointestinal issues, insomnia, and restless-leg syndrome. The campaign was such a success that for a time Valium became America’s most widely prescribed medication—the first to reach more than $100 million in sales. Arthur, whose compensation depended on the volume of pills sold, was richly rewarded, and he later became one of the first inductees into the Medical Advertising Hall of Fame.
As Arthur’s fortune grew, he turned his acquisitive instincts to the art market, quickly amassing the world’s largest private collection of ancient Chinese artifacts. According to a memoir by Marietta Lutze, his second wife, collecting, exhibiting, owning, and donating art fed Arthur’s “driving necessity for prestige and recognition.” Rewarding at first, collecting soon became a mania that took over his life. “Boxes of artifacts of tremendous value piled up in numerous storage locations,” she wrote, “there was too much to open, too much to appreciate; some objects known only by a packing list.” Under an avalanche of “ritual bronzes and weapons, mirrors and ceramics, inscribed bones and archaic jades,” their lives were “often in chaos.” “Addiction is a curse,” Lutze noted, “be it drugs, women, or collecting.”
When Arthur donated his art and money to museums, he often imposed onerous terms. According to a memoir written by Thomas Hoving, the Met director from 1967 to 1977, when Arthur established the Sackler Gallery at the Metropolitan Museum of Art to house Chinese antiquities, in 1963, he required the museum to collaborate on a byzantine tax-avoidance maneuver. In accordance with the scheme, the museum first soldArthur a large quantity of ancient artifacts at the deflated 1920s prices for which they had originally been acquired. Arthur then donated back the artifacts at 1960s prices, in the process taking a tax deduction so hefty that it likely exceeded the value of his initial donation. Three years later, in connection with another donation, Arthur negotiated an even more unusual arrangement. This time, the Met opened a secret chamber above the museum’s auditorium to provide Arthur with free storage for some five thousand objects from his private collection, relieving him of the substantial burden of fire protection and other insurance costs. (In an email exchange, Jillian Sackler, Arthur’s third wife, called Hoving’s tax-deduction story “fake news.” She also noted that New York’s attorney general conducted an investigation into Arthur’s dealings with the Met and cleared him of wrongdoing.)
In 1974, when Arthur and his brothers made a large gift to the Met—$3.5 million, to erect the Temple of Dendur—they stipulated that all museum signage, catalog entries, and bulletins referring to objects in the newly opened Sackler Wing had to include the names of all three brothers, each followed by “M.D.” (One museum official quipped, “All that was missing was a note of their office hours.”)
Hoving said that the Met hoped that Arthur would eventually donate his collection to the museum, but over time Arthur grew disgruntled over a series of rankling slights. For one, the Temple of Dendur was being rented out for parties, including a dinner for the designer Valentino, which Arthur called “disgusting.” According to Met chronicler Michael Gross, he was also denied that coveted ticket of arrival, a board seat. (Jillian Sackler said it was Arthur who rejected the board seat, after repeated offers by the museum.) In 1982, in a bad breakup with the Met, Arthur donated the best parts of his collection, plus $4 million, to the Smithsonian in Washington, D. C.
Arthur’s younger brothers, Mortimer and Raymond, looked so much alike that when they worked together at Creedmoor, they fooled the staff by pretending to be one another. Their physical similarities did not extend to their personalities, however. Tage Honore, Purdue’s vice-president of discovery of research from 2000 to 2005, described them as “like day and night.” Mortimer, said Honore, was “extroverted—a ‘world man,’ I would call it.” He acquired a reputation as a big-spending, transatlantic playboy, living most of the year in opulent homes in England, Switzerland, and France. (In 1974, he renounced his U. S. citizenship to become a citizen of Austria, which infuriated his patriotic older brother.) Like Arthur, Mortimer became a major museum donor and married three wives over the course of his life.
Mortimer had his own feuds with the Met. On his seventieth birthday, in 1986, the museum agreed to make the Temple of Dendur available to him for a party but refused to allow him to redecorate the ancient shrine: Together with other improvements, Mortimer and his interior designer, flown in from Europe, had hoped to spiff up the temple by adding extra pillars. Also galling to Mortimer was the sale of naming rights for one of the Sackler Wing’s balconies to a donor from Japan. “They sold it twice,” Mortimer fumed to a reporter from New York magazine. Raymond, the youngest brother, cut a different figure—“a family man,” said Honore. Kind and mild-mannered, he stayed with the same woman his entire life. Lutze concluded that Raymond owed his comparatively serene nature to having missed the worst years of the Depression. “He had summer vacations in camp, which Arthur never had,” she wrote. “The feeling of the two older brothers about the youngest was, ‘Let the kid enjoy himself.’ ”
Raymond led Purdue Frederick as its top executive for several decades, while Mortimer led Napp Pharmaceuticals, the family’s drug company in the UK. (In practice, a family spokesperson said, “the brothers worked closely together leading both companies.”) Arthur, the adman, had no official role in the family’s pharmaceutical operations. According to Barry Meier’s Pain Killer, a prescient account of the rise of OxyContin published in 2003, Raymond and Mortimer bought Arthur’s share in Purdue from his estate for $22.4 million after he died in 1987. In an email exchange, Arthur’s daughter Elizabeth Sackler, a historian of feminist art who sits on the board of the Brooklyn Museum and supports a variety of progressive causes, emphatically distanced her branch of the family from her cousins’ businesses. “Neither I, nor my siblings, nor my children have ever had ownership in or any benefit whatsoever from Purdue Pharma or OxyContin,” she wrote, while also praising “the breadth of my father’s brilliance and important works.” Jillian, Arthur’s widow, said her husband had died too soon: “His enemies have gotten the last word.”
The Sacklers have been millionaires for decades, but their real money—the painkiller money—is of comparatively recent vintage. The vehicle of that fortune was OxyContin, but its engine, the driving power that made them so many billions, was not so much the drug itself as it was Arthur’s original marketing insight, rehabbed for the era of chronic-pain management. That simple but profitable idea was to take a substance with addictive properties—in Arthur’s case, a benzo; in Raymond and Mortimer’s case, an opioid—and market it as a salve for a vast range of indications.
In the years before it swooped into the pain-management business, Purdue had been a small industry player, specializing in over-the-counter remedies like ear-wax remover and laxatives. Its most successful product, acquired in 1966, was Betadine, a powerful antiseptic purchased in industrial quantities by the U. S. government to prevent infection among wounded soldiers in Vietnam. The turning point, according to company lore, came in 1972, when a London doctor working for Cicely Saunders, the Florence Nightingale of the modern hospice movement, approached Napp with the idea of creating a timed-release morphine pill. A long-acting morphine pill, the doctor reasoned, would allow dying cancer patients to sleep through the night without an IV. At the time, treatment with opioids was stigmatized in the United States, owing in part to a heroin epidemic fueled by returning Vietnam veterans. “Opiophobia,” as it came to be called, prevented skittish doctors from treating most patients, including nearly all infants, with strong pain medication of any kind. In hospice care, though, addiction was not a concern: It didn’t matter whether terminal patients became hooked in their final days. Over the course of the seventies, building on a slow-release technology the company had already developed for an asthma medication, Napp created what came to be known as the “Contin” system. In 1981, Napp introduced a timed-release morphine pill in the UK; six years later, Purdue brought the same drug to market in the U. S. as MS Contin.
MS Contin quickly became the gold standard for pain relief in cancer care. At the same time, a number of clinicians associated with the burgeoning chronic-pain movement started advocating the use of powerful opioids for noncancer conditions like back pain and neuropathic pain, afflictions that at their worst could be debilitating. In 1986, two doctors from Memorial Sloan Kettering hospital in New York published a fateful article in a medical journal that purported to show, based on a study of thirty-eight patients, that long-term opioid treatment was safe and effective so long as patients had no history of drug abuse. Soon enough, opioid advocates dredged up a letter to the editor published in The New England Journal of Medicine in 1980 that suggested, based on a highly unrepresentative cohort, that the risk of addiction from long-term opioid use was less than 1 percent. Though ultimately disavowed by its author, the letter ended up getting cited in medical journals more than six hundred times.
As the country was reexamining pain, Raymond’s eldest son, Richard Sackler, was searching for new applications for Purdue’s timed-release Contin system. “At all the meetings, that was a constant source of discussion—‘What else can we use the Contin system for?’ ” said Peter Lacouture, a senior director of clinical research at Purdue from 1991 to 2001. “And that’s where Richard would fire some ideas—maybe antibiotics, maybe chemotherapy—he was always out there digging.” Richard’s spitballing wasn’t idle blather. A trained physician, he treasured his role as a research scientist and appeared as an inventor on dozens of the company’s patents (though not on the patents for OxyContin). In the tradition of his uncle Arthur, Richard was also fascinated by sales messaging. “He was very interested in the commercial side and also very interested in marketing approaches,” said Sally Allen Riddle, Purdue’s former executive director for product management. “He didn’t always wait for the research results.” (A Purdue spokesperson said that Richard “always considered relevant scientific information when making decisions.”)
Perhaps the most private member of a generally secretive family, Richard appears nowhere on Purdue’s website. From public records and conversations with former employees, though, a rough portrait emerges of a testy eccentric with ardent, relentless ambitions. Born in 1945, he holds degrees from Columbia University and NYU Medical School. According to a bio on the website of the Koch Institute for Integrative Cancer Research at MIT, where Richard serves on the advisory board, he started working at Purdue as his father’s assistant at age twenty-six before eventually leading the firm’s R&D; division and, separately, its sales and marketing division. In 1999, while Mortimer and Raymond remained Purdue’s co-CEOs, Richard joined them at the top of the company as president, a position he relinquished in 2003 to become cochairman of the board. The few publicly available pictures of him are generic and sphinxlike—a white guy with a receding hairline. He is one of the few Sacklers to consistently smile for the camera. In a photo on what appears to be his Facebook profile, Richard is wearing a tan suit and a pink tie, his right hand casually scrunched into his pocket, projecting a jaunty charm. Divorced in 2013, he lists his relationship status on the profile as “It’s complicated.”
Richard’s political contributions have gone mostly to Republicans—including Strom Thurmond and Herman Cain—though at times he has also given to Democrats. (His ex-wife, Beth Sackler, has given almost exclusively to Democrats.) In 2008, he wrote a letter to the editor of The Wall Street Journaldenouncing Muslim support for suicide bombing, a concern that seems to persist: Since 2014, his charitable organization, the Richard and Beth Sackler Foundation, has donated to several anti-Muslim groups, including three organizations classified as hate groups by the Southern Poverty Law Center. (The family spokesperson said, “It was never Richard Sackler’s intention to donate to an anti-Muslim or hate group.”) The foundation has also donated to True the Vote, the “voter-fraud watchdog” that was the original source for Donald Trump’s inaccurate claim that three million illegal immigrants voted in the 2016 election.
Former employees describe Richard as a man with an unnerving intelligence, alternately detached and pouncing. In meetings, his face was often glued to his laptop. “This was pre-smartphone days,” said Riddle. “He’d be typing away and you would think he wasn’t even listening, and then all of the sudden his head would pop up and he’d be asking a very pointed question.” He was notorious for peppering subordinates with unexpected, rapid-fire queries, sometimes in the middle of the night. “Richard had the mind of someone who’s going two hundred miles an hour,” said Lacouture. “He could be a little bit disconnected in the way he would communicate. Whether it was on the weekend or a holiday or a Christmas party, you could always expect the unexpected.”
Richard also had an appetite for micromanagement. “I remember one time he mailed out a rambling sales bulletin,” said Shelby Sherman, a Purdue sales rep from 1974 to 1998. “And right in the middle, he put in, ‘If you’re reading this, then you must call my secretary at this number and give her this secret password.’ He wanted to check and see if the reps were reading this shit. We called it ‘Playin’ Passwords.’ ” According to Sherman, Richard started taking a more prominent role in the company during the early 1980s. “The shift was abrupt,” he said. “Raymond was just so nice and down-to-earth and calm and gentle.” When Richard came, “things got a lot harder. Richard really wanted Purdue to be big—I mean really big.”
To effectively capitalize on the chronic-pain movement, Purdue knew it needed to move beyond MS Contin. “Morphine had a stigma,” said Riddle. “People hear the word and say, ‘Wait a minute, I’m not dying or anything.’ ” Aside from its terminal aura, MS Contin had a further handicap: Its patent was set to expire in the late nineties. In a 1990 memo addressed to Richard and other executives, Purdue’s VP of clinical research, Robert Kaiko, suggested that the company work on a pill containing oxycodone, a chemical similar to morphine that was also derived from the opium poppy. When it came to branding, oxycodone had a key advantage: Although it was 50 percent stronger than morphine, many doctors believed—wrongly—that it was substantially less powerful. They were deceived about its potency in part because oxycodone was widely known as one of the active ingredients in Percocet, a relatively weak opioid- acetaminophen combination that doctors often prescribed for painful injuries. “It really didn’t have the same connotation that morphine did in people’s minds,” said Riddle.
A common malapropism led to further advantage for Purdue. “Some people would call it oxy-codeine” instead of oxycodone, recalled Lacouture. “Codeine is very weak.” When Purdue eventually pleaded guilty to felony charges in 2007 for criminally “misbranding” OxyContin, it acknowledged exploiting doctors’ misconceptions about oxycodone’s strength. In court documents, the company said it was “well aware of the incorrect view held by many physicians that oxycodone was weaker than morphine” and “did not want to do anything ‘to make physicians think that oxycodone was stronger or equal to morphine’ or to ‘take any steps . . . that would affect the unique position that OxyContin’ ” held among physicians.
Purdue did not merely neglect to clear up confusion about the strength of OxyContin. As the company later admitted, it misleadingly promoted OxyContin as less addictive than older opioids on the market. In this deception, Purdue had a big assist from the FDA, which allowed the company to include an astonishing labeling claim in OxyContin’s package insert: “Delayed absorption, as provided by OxyContin tablets, is believed to reduce the abuse liability of a drug.”
The theory was that addicts would shy away from timed-released drugs, preferring an immediate rush. In practice, OxyContin, which crammed a huge amount of pure narcotic into a single pill, became a lusted-after target for addicts, who quickly discovered that the timed-release mechanism in OxyContin was easy to circumvent—you could simply crush a pill and snort it to get most of the narcotic payload in a single inhalation. This wasn’t exactly news to the manufacturer: OxyContin’s own packaging warned that consuming broken pills would thwart the timed-release system and subject patients to a potentially fatal overdose. MS Contin had contended with similar vulnerabilities, and as a result commanded a hefty premium on the street. But the “reduced abuse liability” claim that added wings to the sales of OxyContin had not been approved for MS Contin. It was removed from OxyContin in 2001 and would never be approved again for any other opioid.
The year after OxyContin’s release, Curtis Wright, the FDA examiner who approved the pharmaceutical’s original application, quit. After a stint at another pharmaceutical company, he began working for Purdue. In an interview with Esquire, Wright defended his work at the FDA and at Purdue. “At the time, it was believed that extended-release formulations were intrinsically less abusable,” he insisted. “It came as a rather big shock to everybody—the government and Purdue—that people found ways to grind up, chew up, snort, dissolve, and inject the pills.” Preventing abuse, he said, had to be balanced against providing relief to chronic-pain sufferers. “In the mid-nineties,” he recalled, “the very best pain specialists told the medical community they were not prescribing opioids enough. That was not something generated by Purdue—that was not a secret plan, that was not a plot, that was not a clever marketing ploy. Chronic pain is horrible. In the right circumstances, opioid therapy is nothing short of miraculous; you give people their lives back.” In Wright’s account, the Sacklers were not just great employers, they were great people. “No company in the history of pharmaceuticals,” he said, “has worked harder to try to prevent abuse of their product than Purdue.”
Purdue did not invent the chronic-pain movement, but it used that movement to engineer a crucial shift. Wright is correct that in the nineties patients suffering from chronic pain often received inadequate treatment. But the call for clinical reforms also became a flexible alibi for overly aggressive prescribing practices. By the end of the decade, clinical proponents of opioid treatment, supported by millions in funding from Purdue and other pharmaceutical companies, had organized themselves into advocacy groups with names like the American Pain Society and the American Academy of Pain Medicine. (Purdue also launched its own group, called Partners Against Pain.) As the decade wore on, these organizations, which critics have characterized as front groups for the pharmaceutical industry, began pressuring health regulators to make pain “the fifth vital sign”—a number, measured on a subjective ten-point scale, to be asked and recorded at every doctor’s visit. As an internal strategy document put it, Purdue’s ambition was to “attach an emotional aspect to noncancer pain” so that doctors would feel pressure to “treat it more seriously and aggressively.” The company rebranded pain relief as a sacred right: a universal narcotic entitlement available not only to the terminally ill but to every American.
OxyContin’s sales started out small in 1996, in part because Purdue first focused on the cancer market to gain formulary acceptance from HMOs and state Medicaid programs. Over the next several years, though, the company doubled its sales force to six hundred—equal to the total number of DEA diversion agents employed to combat the sale of prescription drugs on the black market—and began targeting general practitioners, dentists, OB/GYNs, physician assistants, nurses, and residents. By 2001, annual OxyContin sales had surged past $1 billion. Sales reps were encouraged to downplay addiction risks. “It was sell, sell, sell,” recalled Sherman. “We were directed to lie. Why mince words about it? Greed took hold and overruled everything. They saw that potential for billions of dollars and just went after it.” Flush with cash, Purdue pioneered a high-cost promotion strategy, effectively providing kickbacks—which were legal under American law—to each part of the distribution chain. Wholesalers got rebates in exchange for keeping OxyContin off prior authorization lists. Pharmacists got refunds on their initial orders. Patients got coupons for thirty- day starter supplies. Academics got grants. Medical journals got millions in advertising. Senators and members of Congress on key committees got donations from Purdue and from members of the Sackler family.
It was doctors, though, who received the most attention. “We used to fly doctors to these ‘seminars,’ ” said Sherman, which were, in practice, “just golf trips to Pebble Beach. It was graft.” Though offering perks and freebies to doctors was hardly uncommon in the industry, it was unprecedented in the marketing of a Schedule II narcotic. For some physicians, the junkets to sunny locales weren’t enough to persuade them to prescribe. To entice the holdouts—a group the company referred to internally as “problem doctors”—the reps would dangle the lure of Purdue’s lucrative speakers’ bureau. “Everybody was automatically approved,” said Sherman. “We would set up these little dinners, and they’d make their little fifteen-minute talk, and they’d get $500.”
Between 1996 and 2001, the number of OxyContin prescriptions in the United States surged from about three hundred thousand to nearly six million, and reports of abuse started to bubble up in places like West Virginia, Florida, and Maine. (Research would later show a direct correlation between prescription volume in an area and rates of abuse and overdose.) Hundreds of doctors were eventually arrested for running pill mills. According to an investigation in the Los Angeles Times, even though Purdue kept an internal list of doctors it suspected of criminal diversion, it didn’t volunteer this information to law enforcement until years later.
As criticism of OxyContin mounted through the aughts, Purdue responded with symbolic concessions while retaining its volume-driven business model. To prevent addicts from forging prescriptions, the company gave doctors tamper-resistant prescription pads; to mollify pharmacists worried about robberies, Purdue offered to replace, free of charge, any stolen drugs; to gather data on drug abuse and diversion, the company launched a national monitoring program called RADARS.
Critics were not impressed. In a letter to Richard Sackler in July 2001, Richard Blumenthal, then Connecticut’s attorney general and now a U. S. senator, called the company’s efforts “cosmetic.” As Blumenthal had deduced, the root problem of the prescription-opioid epidemic was the high volume of prescriptions written for powerful opioids. “It is time for Purdue Pharma to change its practices,” Blumenthal warned Richard, “not just its public-relations strategy.”
It wasn’t just that doctors were writing huge numbers of prescriptions; it was also that the prescriptions were often for extraordinarily high doses. A single dose of Percocet contains between 2.5 and 10mg of oxycodone. OxyContin came in 10-, 20-, 30-, 40-, and 80mg formulations and, for a time, even 160mg. Purdue’s greatest competitive advantage in dominating the pain market, it had determined early on, was that OxyContin lasted twelve hours, enough to sleep through the night. But for many patients, the drug lasted only six or eight hours, creating a cycle of crash and euphoria that one academic called “a perfect recipe for addiction.” When confronted with complaints about “breakthrough pain”—meaning that the pills weren’t working as long as advertised—Purdue’s sales reps were given strict instructions to tell doctors to strengthen the dose rather than increase dosing frequency.
Over the next several years, dozens of class-action lawsuits were brought against Purdue. Many were dismissed, but in some cases Purdue wrote big checks to avoid going to trial. Several plaintiffs’ lawyers found that the company was willing to go to great lengths to prevent Richard Sackler from having to testify under oath. “They didn’t want him deposed, I can tell you that much,” recalled Marvin Masters, a lawyer who brought a class-action suit against Purdue in the early 2000s in West Virginia. “They were willing to sit down and settle the case to keep from doing that.” Purdue tried to get Richard removed from the suit, but when that didn’t work, the company settled with the plaintiffs for more than $20 million. Paul Hanly, a New York class-action lawyer who won a large settlement from Purdue in 2007, had a similar recollection. “We were attempting to take Richard Sackler’s deposition,” he said, “around the time that they agreed to a settlement.” (A spokesperson for the company said, “Purdue did not settle any cases to avoid the deposition of Dr. Richard Sackler, or any other individual.”)
When the federal government finally stepped in, in 2007, it extracted historic terms of surrender from the company. Purdue pleaded guilty to felony charges, admitting that it had lied to doctors about OxyContin’s abuse potential. (The technical charge was “misbranding a drug with intent to defraud or mislead.”) Under the agreement, the company paid $600 million in fines and its three top executives at the time—its medical director, general counsel, and Richard’s successor as president—pleaded guilty to misdemeanor charges. The executives paid $34.5 million out of their own pockets and performed four hundred hours of community service. It was one of the harshest penalties ever imposed on a pharmaceutical company. (In a statement to Esquire, Purdue said that it “abides by the highest ethical standards and legal requirements.” The statement went on: “We want physicians to use their professional judgment, and we were not trying to pressure them.”)
No Sacklers were named in the 2007 suit. Indeed, the Sackler name appeared nowhere in the plea agreement, even though Richard had been one of the company’s top executives during most of the period covered by the settlement. He did eventually have to give a deposition in 2015, in a case brought by Kentucky’s attorney general. Richard’s testimony—the only known record of a Sackler speaking about the crisis the family’s company helped create—was promptly sealed. (In 2016, STAT, an online magazine owned by Boston Globe Media that covers health and medicine, asked a court in Kentucky to unseal the deposition, which is said to have lasted several hours. STAT won a lower-court ruling in May 2016. As of press time, the matter was before an appeals court.)
In 2010, Purdue executed a breathtaking pivot: Embracing the arguments critics had been making for years about OxyContin’s susceptibility to abuse, the company released a new formulation of the medication that was harder to snort or inject. Purdue seized the occasion to rebrand itself as an industry leader in abuse-deterrent technology. The change of heart coincided with two developments: First, an increasing number of addicts, unable to afford OxyContin’s high street price, were turning to cheaper alternatives like heroin; second, OxyContin was nearing the end of its patents. Purdue suddenly argued that the drug it had been selling for nearly fifteen years was so prone to abuse that generic manufacturers should not be allowed to copy it.
On April 16, 2013, the day some of the key patents for OxyContin were scheduled to expire, the FDA followed Purdue’s lead, declaring that no generic versions of the original OxyContin formulation could be sold. The company had effectively won several additional years of patent protection for its golden goose.
Opioid withdrawal, which causes aches, vomiting, and restless anxiety, is a gruesome process to experience as an adult. It’s considerably worse for the twenty thousand or so American babies who emerge each year from opioid-soaked wombs. These infants, suddenly cut off from their supply, cry uncontrollably. Their skin is mottled. They cannot fall asleep. Their bodies are shaken by tremors and, in the worst cases, seizures. Bottles of milk leave them distraught, because they cannot maneuver their lips with enough precision to create suction. Treatment comes in the form of drops of morphine pushed from a syringe into the babies’ mouths. Weaning sometimes takes a week but can last as long as twelve. It’s a heartrending, expensive process, typically carried out in the neonatal ICU, where newborns have limited access to their mothers.
But the children of OxyContin, its heirs and legatees, are many and various. The second- and third-generation descendants of Raymond and Mortimer Sackler spend their money in the ways we have come to expect from the not-so-idle rich. Notably, several have made children a focus of their business and philanthropic endeavors. One Sackler heir helped start an iPhone app called RedRover, which generates ideas for child-friendly activities for urban parents; another runs a child- development center near Central Park; another is a donor to charter-school causes, as well as an investor in an education start-up called AltSchool. Yet another is the founder of Beespace, an “incubator for emerging nonprofits,” which provides resources and mentoring for initiatives like the Malala Fund, which invests in education programs for women in the developing world, and Yoga Foster, whose objective is to bring “accessible, sustainable yoga programs into schools across the country.” Other Sackler heirs get to do the fun stuff: One helps finance small, interesting films like The Witch; a second married a famous cricket player; a third is a sound artist; a fourth started a production company with Boyd Holbrook, star of the Netflix series Narcos; a fifth founded a small chain of gastropubs in New York called the Smith.
Pardes’s ostrichlike avoidance is not unusual. In 2008, Raymond and his wife donated an undisclosed amount to Yale to start the Raymond and Beverly Sackler Institute for Biological, Physical and Engineering Sciences. Lynne Regan, its current director, told me that neither students nor faculty have ever brought up the OxyContin connection. “Most people don’t know about that,” she said. “I think people are mainly oblivious.” A spokesperson for the university added, “Yale does not vet donors for controversies that may or may not arise.”
The controversy surrounding OxyContin shows little sign of receding. In 2016, the CDC issued a startling warning: There was no good evidence that opioids were an effective treatment for chronic pain beyond six weeks. There was, on the other hand, an abundance of evidence that long-term treatment with opioids had harmful effects. (A recent paper by Princeton economist Alan Krueger suggests that chronic opioid use may account for more than 20 percent of the decline in American labor-force participation from 1999 to 2015.) Millions of opioid prescriptions for chronic pain had been written in the preceding two decades, and the CDC was calling into question whether many of them should have been written at all. At least twenty-five government entities, ranging from states to small cities, have recently filed lawsuits against Purdue to recover damages associated with the opioid epidemic.
The Sacklers, though, will likely emerge untouched: Because of a sweeping non-prosecution agreement negotiated during the 2007 settlement, most new criminal litigation against Purdue can only address activity that occurred after that date. Neither Richard nor any other family members have occupied an executive position at the company since 2003.
The American market for OxyContin is dwindling. According to Purdue, prescriptions fell 33 percent between 2012 and 2016. But while the company’s primary product may be in eclipse in the United States, international markets for pain medications are expanding. According to an investigation last year in the Los Angeles Times, Mundipharma, the Sackler-owned company charged with developing new markets, is employing a suite of familiar tactics in countries like Mexico, Brazil, and China to stoke concern for as-yet-unheralded “silent epidemics” of untreated pain. In Colombia, according to the L.A. Times, the company went so far as to circulate a press release suggesting that 47 percent of the population suffered from chronic pain.
Napp is the family’s drug company in the UK. Mundipharma is their company charged with developing new markets.
In May, a dozen lawmakers in Congress, inspired by the L.A. Timesinvestigation, sent a bipartisan letter to the World Health Organization warning that Sackler-owned companies were preparing to flood foreign countries with legal narcotics. “Purdue began the opioid crisis that has devastated American communities,” the letter reads. “Today, Mundipharma is using many of the same deceptive and reckless practices to sell OxyContin abroad.” Significantly, the letter calls out the Sackler family by name, leaving no room for the public to wonder about the identities of the people who stood behind Mundipharma.
The final assessment of the Sacklers’ global impact will take years to work out. In some places, though, they have already left their mark. In July, Raymond, the last remaining of the original Sackler brothers, died at ninety-seven. Over the years, he had won a British knighthood, been made an Officer of France’s Légion d’Honneur, and received one of the highest possible honors from the royal house of the Netherlands. One of his final accolades came in June 2013, when Anthony Monaco, the president of Tufts University, traveled to Purdue Pharma’s headquarters in Stamford to bestow an honorary doctorate. The Sacklers had made a number of transformational donations to the university over the years—endowing, among other things, the Sackler School of Graduate Biomedical Sciences. At Tufts, as at most schools, honorary degrees are traditionally awarded on campus during commencement, but in consideration of Raymond’s advanced age, Monaco trekked to Purdue for a special ceremony. The audience that day was limited to family members, select university officials, and a scrum of employees. Addressing the crowd of intimates, Monaco praised his benefactor. “It would be impossible to calculate how many lives you have saved, how many scientific fields you have redefined, and how many new physicians, scientists, mathematicians, and engineers are doing important work as a result of your entrepreneurial spirit.” He concluded, “You are a world changer.”
Source: https://www.esquire.com/news-politics/a12775932/sackler-family-oxycontin/ October 2017
Last week Scotland’s leading law officer, the Lord Advocate, brought a shuddering halt to a proposal from Glasgow City Council to develop a safe injecting centre in the city. Such a centre would have required a change in UK drug laws to enable individuals in possession of illegal drugs to use those drugs within the centre without fear of prosecution. Supporters of this initiative will be disappointed by the outcome, but they need to recognise that the provision of some level of legal protection covering the possession of illegal drugs within the injecting centre would also, by implication, need to be extended to all of those who might claim, legitimately or otherwise, that their drug possession should be green-lighted because they were en route to the injecting centre. In effect, such an initiative would deliver what many of its supporters actually desire – the legalisation of illegal drugs within at least some part of the UK.
In his judgement, the Lord Advocate has not ruled against setting up a centre where doctors can prescribe opiate drugs to addicts. Rather he has simply pointed out that he is not prepared to offer legal protection to a centre where illegal drugs are being used. The Glasgow proposal sought unwisely to tie the proposal for a doctor-led heroin prescribing clinic, which would be legal, with a setting where individuals are allowed to use illegal drugs which would break UK drug laws. There will be many who rightly question the wisdom (and the cost to the public purse) of linking those two proposals.
It is often said by the supporters of these centres that where they have been established in other countries no individual has actually died in a drug consumption room. That might be so, but the lack of such deaths is not the high-water mark of success for drug treatment services. The rise in addict deaths in Scotland and in England shows that we need to do much more by way of engaging drug users in services. Doing more should entail taking services to drug users themselves wherever they are living and wherever they are using illegal drugs. Setting up a city-centre location where people can use illegal drugs under some level of legal protection betrays a worrying lack of knowledge both about Glasgow itself and about the life of an addict. Glasgow is a territorial city par excellence and there are addicts who cross into different parts of the city at their genuine peril. Similarly, when addicts secure the drugs they so desperately need their first thought is not ‘How do I travel to a city-centre location where I may use these drugs without fear of prosecution?’ but ‘Where is the needle that will enable me to inject now?’ It is for both of those reasons that we should be talking about how to take services to the addicts rather than how to get the addicts to go to the services.
Glasgow’s addiction services have been slow to adopt a focus on recovery, and even to date they are unable to report how many drug users they have treated have managed to overcome their addiction – this despite having a strategy which for the last ten years has emphasised the importance of enabling drug users to become drug-free. That strategy is now being reviewed by the Scottish Government with the real risk that the commitment to abstinence-based recovery will be diluted in preference to the much woollier goal of seeking to reduce the harm associated with addicts’ continued drug use.
Within Scotland we spend more than £100million a year on drug treatment. We should be asking why our services seem to be achieving so little in terms of getting addicts into long-term recovery and why, in the face of that failure, public officials are seeking to promote centres where illegal drug use can take place without fear of prosecution. Injecting on the streets is a terrible reality but the response to that problem should not be the provision of a centre where injecting can occur beyond public view, but actively to discourage injecting at all.
The reason we need to be doing much more to discourage drug injecting is because the substances addicts are injecting are often manufactured, stored, and transported in dreadfully unhygienic conditions with the result that they often contain serious and potentially fatal bacterial contaminants. These drugs do not become safe when they are used in a drug consumption room, but remain harmful wherever they are injected. We need to do all we can to discourage drug use, to discourage injecting, and to ensure that as many addicts as possible are in contact with services focused on assisting their recovery. We need to be very wary of developing initiatives that run the real risk of normalising illegal drug use and driving a possible further increase in the number of people using illegal drugs.
Professor Neil McKeganey is Director of the Centre for Substance Use Research, Glasgow
Source: https://www.conservativewoman.co.uk/neil-mckeganey-good-sense-kills-not-safe-injecting-centre/ November 2017
Abstract
BACKGROUND:
With the Canadian government legalizing cannabis in the year 2018, the potential harms to certain populations-including those with opioid use disorder-must be investigated. Cannabis is one of the most commonly used substances by patients who are engaged in medication-assisted treatment for opioid use disorder, the effects of which are largely unknown. In this study, we examine the impact of baseline and ongoing cannabis use, and whether these are impacted differentially by gender.
METHODS:
We conducted a retrospective cohort study using anonymized electronic medical records from 58 clinics offering opioid agonist therapy in Ontario, Canada. One-year treatment retention was the primary outcome of interest and was measured for patients who did and did not have a cannabis positive urine sample in their first month of treatment, and as a function of the proportion of cannabis-positive urine samples throughout treatment.
RESULTS:
Our cohort consisted of 644 patients, 328 of which were considered baseline cannabis users and 256 considered heavy users. Patients with baseline cannabis use and heavy cannabis use were at increased risk of dropout (38.9% and 48.1%, respectively). When evaluating these trends by gender, only female baseline users and male heavy users are at increased risk of premature dropout.
INTERPRETATION:
Both baseline and heavy cannabis use are predictive of decreased treatment retention, and differences do exist between genders. With cannabis being legalized in the near future, physicians should closely monitor cannabis-using patients and provide education surrounding the potential harms of using cannabis while receiving treatment for opioid use disorder.
Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/29117267 November 2017
Legalizing opioids may give Americans greater freedom over their decision-making, but at what cost? One painful aspect of the public debates over the opioid-addiction crisis is how much they mirror the arguments that arise from personal addiction crises.
If you’ve ever had a loved one struggle with drugs — in my case, my late brother, Josh — the national exercise in guilt-driven blame-shifting and finger-pointing, combined with flights of sanctimony and ideological righteousness, has a familiar echo. The difference between the public arguing and the personal agonizing is that, at the national level, we can afford our abstractions.
When you have skin in the game, none of the easy answers seem all that easy. For instance, “tough love” sounds great until you contemplate the possible real-world consequences. My father summarized the dilemma well. “Tough love” — i.e., cutting off all support for my brother so he could hit rock bottom and then start over — had the best chance of success. It also had the best chance for failure — i.e., death. There’s also a lot of truth to “just say no,” but once someone has already said “yes,” it’s tantamount to preaching “keep your horses in the barn” long after they’ve left.
But if there’s one seemingly simple answer that has been fully discredited by the opioid crisis, it’s that the solution lies in wholesale drug legalization. In Libertarianism: A Primer, David Boaz argues that “if drugs were produced by reputable firms, and sold in liquor stores, fewer people would die from overdoses and tainted drugs, and fewer people would be the victims of prohibition-related robberies, muggings and drive-by-shootings.”
Maybe. But you know what else would happen if we legalized heroin and opioids? More people would use heroin and opioids. And the more people who use such addictive drugs, the more addicts you get. Think of the opioid crisis as the fruit of partial legalization. In the 1990s, for good reasons and bad, the medical profession, policymakers, and the pharmaceutical industry made it much easier to obtain opioids in order to confront an alleged pain epidemic. Doctors prescribed more opioids, and government subsidies made them more affordable. Because they were prescribed by doctors and came in pill form, the stigma reserved for heroin didn’t exist. When you increase supply, lower costs, and reduce stigma, you increase use.
And guess what? Increased use equals more addicts. A survey by the Washington Post and the Kaiser Family Foundation found that one-third of the people who were prescribed opioids for more than two months became addicted. A Centers for Disease Control study found that a very small number of people exposed to opioids are likely to become addicted after a single use. The overdose crisis is largely driven by the fact that once addicted to legal opioids, people seek out illegal ones — heroin, for example — to fend off the agony of withdrawal once they can’t get, or afford, any more pills. Last year, 64,000 Americans died from overdoses. Some 58,000 Americans died in the Vietnam War.
Experts rightly point out that a large share of opioid addiction stems not from prescribed use but from people selling the drugs secondhand on the black market, or from teenagers stealing them from their parents. That’s important, but it doesn’t help the argument for legalization. Because the point remains: When these drugs become more widely available, more people avail themselves of them. How would stacking heroin or OxyContin next to the Jim Beam lower the availability? Liquor companies advertise — a lot. Would we let, say, Pfizer run ads for their brand of heroin? At least it might cut down on the Viagra commercials. I think it’s probably true that legalization would reduce crime, insofar as some violent illegal drug dealers would be driven out of the business.
I’m less sure that legalization would curtail crimes committed by addicts in order to feed their habits. As a rule, addiction is not conducive to sustained gainful employment, and addicts are just as capable of stealing and prostitution to pay for legal drugs as illegal ones. The fundamental assumption behind legalization is that people are rational actors and can make their own decisions. As a general proposition, I believe that. But what people forget is that drug addiction makes people irrational. If you think more addicts are worth it in the name of freedom, fine. Just be prepared to accept that the costs of such freedom are felt very close to home.
Source: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/453304/opioid-crisis-legalization-not-solution November 2017
The costs of using hard drugs are worse and more horrific than the costs of prohibition. There are times in life when ideas are overtaken by events, when the hard experience of reality meets and overcomes the hopefulness of ideas. Now is just such a time. As the opioid crisis takes lives on a historic scale, it’s time to kill a bad idea. Just say no to legalizing hard drugs.
To be sure, there’s not a large constituency in support of legalizing any drugs other than marijuana, but their legalization, including that of narcotics, has been a topic of lively intellectual debate ever since the war on drugs truly took off. The editors of National Review have long supported legalization, libertarians have argued vociferously for legalization for decades, and a number of influential thinkers on the left and the right have joined in agreement on this one issue.
Outside of college dorms, the argument for legalization, in general, isn’t that drugs should be legalized because they’re fun and people can be trusted to use them responsibly. Rather, it’s that the costs of the war on drugs — in lives lost, lives squandered in prison, and civil liberties curtailed — outweigh the probable harm of legalization. Here are the editors of National Review in 1996: “It is our judgment that the war on drugs has failed, that it is diverting intelligent energy away from how to deal with the problem of addiction, that it is wasting our resources, and that it is encouraging civil, judicial, and penal procedures associated with police states.”
Intelligent supporters of legalization know that drug use would increase, but would it increase so much as to overtake the cost of homicide, robbery, and incarceration? Well, after years of experimenting with opioid prescriptions so promiscuous that they functioned as a form of quasi-legalization, the answer appears to be yes. The costs of drug use are worse and more horrific than the costs of prohibition.
OxyContin. Opioid prescriptions skyrocketed and addiction rates increased, and as addiction increased, so did overdoses. To be clear: Not all these new addicts were the actual patients. Simply put, families and communities were suddenly awash in narcotics, with extraordinarily potent drugs filling medicine cabinets from coast to coast. I distinctly remember the change. I remember my confusion when an emergency-room nurse asked me to measure my pain on a scale from 1 to 10 after a friend scraped my eyeball in a pickup basketball game. It all seemed so subjective. Since I’d never experienced ultimate agony, how could I measure? I said “seven” and got a bottle of Vicodin. In reality, I probably could have managed with a shot of bourbon and a few Advil. Later that same year, I asked my secretary at my law firm if she had some Tylenol to help a stress headache. Her response? “No, but I have some Percocet.”
As Robert VerBruggen notes in his own piece rethinking drug libertarianism, it seems that most addicts don’t actually get their pain pills from a doctor. Why bother? The drugs were simply everywhere, with enough pill bottles prescribed to provide one to every American, many times over. And once addiction took hold, greater restrictions on prescriptions meant that addicts just switched to a cheaper and deadlier drug, heroin. The numbers are startling. And now, as virtually every American knows, we face a national crisis.
In 2016 drug-overdose deaths increased 11 percent over 2015’s already-high number. A stunning 52,404 Americans lost their lives. To compare, that’s almost 15,000 more than died in car crashes and roughly 16,000 more than died to guns, including homicides and suicides. In fact, that number probably undercounts the toll from drug abuse, since doubtless some number of suicides represented addicts who’d hit rock bottom and saw no way out but through the barrel of a gun or the bottom of the pill bottle. In other words, opioids are monstrous inventions that overpower the human will on a mass scale. There are no “rational actors” among addicts, and the substances are extraordinarily addictive. Do you know an opioid addict? Then you’ve seen them slide slowly away from reality. The formula is simple — flood the market with pills, and you’ll flood the country with addicts.
A number of smart (no, brilliant) people thought that the costs of enforcement outweighed the costs of legalization. That may well be true of marijuana, but can we make that argument any longer with opioids? If people have access to pills, they tend to take pills, and an uncomfortably large proportion of them get so hooked on them that if you take them away, they move to even harder and more powerful drugs. A horrifying percentage overdose and die. That’s not to say that fighting the war on drugs means winning the war on drugs. It may mean that we do nothing more than contain the problem, preventing it from spiralling out of control even further. And, as Lopez notes in Vox, arguing against legalization isn’t the same thing as arguing against reform, including reforming the way in which the criminal-justice system deals with drug offenders.
There is much room for creativity and thoughtfulness in dealing with the crisis. I see no room for broader availability and greater ease of access. Last year I sat next to a man on a plane who lost his daughter to a combination of Xanax and Lortab. She’d taken both drugs for years, to deal with anxiety and chronic pain. As he told the story, every year she grew more tolerant. Every year she had to take more to achieve the same effect. One terrible and stressful night, she took an extra dose to force herself to sleep. She never woke up. If we legalize hard drugs, there will be more stories like that — many more. Opioids make slaves of men. There is no choice but to continue the fight.
Source: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/447190/opioid-crisis-legalization-drugs-marijuana-narcotics-pain-killers April 2017
The typical overdose victim is becoming younger and more urban
EVERY 25 minutes an American baby is born addicted to opioids. The scale of both use and abuse of the drugs in the United States is hard to overstate: in 2015, the most recent year for which figures are available, an estimated 38% of adults took prescription opioids. Of those, one in eight (11.5m people in total) misused their prescription. Around 1m Americans overdosed last year, and 64,000 of them died.
The scourge of opioid abuse gained political salience last year, as voters in parts of the country with high levels of drug overdoses swung strongly towards Donald Trump. The president has taken few steps to combat the opioid crisis since taking office, but on October 26th he is expected to direct his secretary of health and human services to declare a public-health emergency. His national drug commission is due to publish a report on November 1st recommending a mix of rehabilitation, awareness-building and policing as the best response the epidemic.
Politically, it stands to reason that Mr Trump would show interest in the opioid crisis, given that press reports paint the typical abuser as an archetypal older, rural Trump voter, perhaps with a prescription to treat back pain. Yet the government runs the risk of fighting the last war in its effort to quell the epidemic, because the causes and victims of drug overdoses in America are changing fast.
The number of deaths from prescription opioids has continued to rise, from around 11,000 in 2013 to 15,000 a year now. But the rate of growth has slowed, and many forecasters predict it may be nearing its peak. By contrast, the toll from fentanyl, a synthetic opioid 50 times stronger than heroin, is soaring. After claiming just 3,000 lives in 2013, it killed 22,000 people in America last year, more than either heroin or prescription opioids. Deaths from heroin have become far more frequent as well: after being roughly a quarter as common as fatal prescription overdoses in the mid-2000s, they overtook deaths from prescription opioids in 2015.
This change in the leading causes of opioid-related deaths has been accompanied by a shift in the profile of the average victim. The highest rates of prescription-opioid abuse can be found among middle-aged rural whites, including women. By contrast, both fentanyl and heroin users tend to be much younger, more likely to live in cities, somewhat more racially diverse and overwhelmingly male (see heat map above). Reaching people at high risk of exposure to these more potent opioids cannot be done by offering services to former Rust Belt factory workers or Appalachian coal miners, but will require a different approach.
Similarly, most media attention has focused on substance abuse in states Mr Trump won, such as West Virginia, Kentucky and Ohio. But blue states like Maryland, Delaware and Massachusetts also figure among the current top ten for deaths from drug overdoses. That means Mr Trump will need to extend the government’s efforts far beyond his electoral base if he hopes to address the opioid epidemic.
Source: https://www.economist.com/graphic-detail/2017/10/26/the-shifting-toll-of-americas-drug-epidemic October 2017
The Washington County drug court graduation ceremony for Maria Kestner. Photograph: Fred R Conrad
Photographer Fred R Conrad visited a Virginia drug court last year and saw how individuals and families had been given a second chance – so when he went back this summer he had a question: did they take it?