2025 May

by Rhea Farberman – rfarberman@tfah.org – Trust for America’s Health – Washington, D.C. – May 28, 2025

 

New data show that deaths due to drug overdose and alcohol are down nationally, but this progress is uneven across population groups and at risk due to cuts to federal health programs and workforce.

The declines in alcohol and drug deaths highlight the value of investment in mental health and substance use prevention programs – such as ensuring adequate mental health, substance use disorder, and crisis intervention services, access to overdose reversal drugs, and investing in children’s mental health and resilience. However, current and proposed federal budget cuts, public health workforce reductions, and proposed federal agency reorganizations are likely to undermine this progress. The data also show that much more needs to be done to ensure that the reductions in alcohol, drug overdose, and suicide deaths are occurring in every community and among all population groups.

“Data show that decades of investment and capacity building in substance use prevention, harm reduction programs, and mental health services have helped reduce associated deaths. The challenge now is to build on these investments and sustain this progress. These programs save lives; their funding should not be cut,” said J. Nadine Gracia, M.D., MSCE, President and CEO of Trust for America’s Health.

Drug overdose rates are declining but still at tragic levels.

In 2023, 105,007 Americans died from drug overdoses. After precipitous increases in the rate of drug overdose deaths in 2020 and 2021, the 2022 overall overdose mortality rate was virtually unchanged, and the 2023 mortality rate was 4 percent lower. Provisional mortality data for 2024 show an unprecedented one-year 27 percent decrease in overdose deaths nationally.

According to public health experts, improved data systems which allow for real-time tracking of substance use and its impacts, the expansion and effectiveness of overdose prevention strategies such as programs to ensure access to naloxone, buprenorphine, and drug-checking tools all played a significant role in bringing down mortality rates.

The improvement was, however, not consistent across all population groups or regions of the country. In 2023, white people were the only racial/ethnic population group that experienced a statistically significant decrease in drug overdose deaths; other population groups had nonsignificant changes or increases. Drug overdose death rates in 2023 were highest among American Indian/Alaska Native people (AI/AN) (65.0 deaths per 100,000 people), adults ages 35 to 54 (57.3 deaths per 100,000 people), Black people (48.5 deaths per 100,000 people), and males (45.6 deaths per 100,000 people).

Alcohol-induced deaths are down.
In 2023, 47,938 Americans died from alcohol-induced causes. The overall age-adjusted alcohol-induced mortality rate decreased by 7 percent from 2022 to 2023 (from 13.5 to 12.6 deaths per 100,000 people). This decrease built on a 6 percent reduction the year prior and crossed nearly all demographic and geographic groups, but such deaths still disproportionately impact some groups. Alcohol-induced death rates in 2023 were highest among AI/AN people (61.5 deaths per 100,000 people), adults ages 55 to 74 (32.5 deaths per 100,000 people), adults ages 35 to 54 (20.2 deaths per 100,000 people), and males (18.1 deaths per 100,000 people).

Suicide deaths unchanged.
The U.S. overall suicide mortality rate remained virtually identical from 2022 to 2023 (14.2 and 14.1 deaths per 100,000 people, respectively). In 2023, 49,316 Americans died from suicide. Age-adjusted suicide rates in 2023 were highest among AI/AN people (23.8 deaths per 100,000 people), males (22.7 deaths per 100,000 people), and adults ages 75 and older (20.3 deaths per 100,000 people).

Budget rescissions and future cuts to prevention programs will cost lives.
While these data demonstrate real progress, the public health community is united in its concern that progress will be lost due to cutbacks in federal investment in health promotion, crisis intervention, and overdose prevention programs. For example, staff and funding for the CDC Injury Center have been drastically reduced, and the Center is proposed for elimination in the Administration’s budget request for fiscal year (FY) 2026. The Injury Center conducts research and collects data. Approximately 80 percent of its funding goes to states and other entities for prevention of overdoses, suicide, and adverse childhood experiences (ACEs). Additionally, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) has experienced major staffing reductions including staff working on the 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline, and a potential $1.07 billion funding cut for FY 2026.  These actions followed the Administration’s claw-back of billions of dollars in public health funding already at work in states and communities across the country, including for suicide prevention.

Recommendations for policy action.

The Pain in the Nation report calls for sustained investment in prevention and harm reduction programs and includes recommendations on actions federal and state policymakers should take including:

  • Protect and bolster investment in public health and behavioral health systems and injury and violence prevention programs to improve mental health and well-being for all Americans.
  • Continue to improve programs, like CDC’s Overdose Data to Action, to track emerging trends by geographic, demographic, and drug type metrics to guide local, state, and national responses and to prevent overdoses and deaths in real time.
  • Focus on underlying drivers of substance use disorder through early intervention and prevention policies including expanding resiliency and substance use prevention programs in schools and increasing access to social and mental health services for children and families.
  • Maximize harm reduction strategies and substance use disorder treatments to reduce overdose risk, and support efforts to limit access to lethal means of suicide.
  • Bolster the continuum of crisis intervention programs and expand the mental health and substance use treatment workforce. Build community capacity to ensure access to mental health and substance use services for anyone needing such services.

 

Source: https://www.tfah.org/report-details/pain-in-the-nation-2025/

by Herschel Baker, International Liaison Director, Queensland Director, Drug Free Australia

May 28, 2025

 

The rate of prenatal marijuana use in the United States has more than

doubled over the past two decades, with many pregnant individuals turning to

marijuana to manage symptoms like nausea, anxiety, and insomnia.

 

While marijuana use during pregnancy is increasing, so is the clarity of the

science surrounding its risks. A growing body of research makes it clear

that marijuana use during pregnancy is not without consequences.

 

A new meta-analysis of over 51 studies, covering over 21 million

pregnancies, now offers one of the most comprehensive assessments to date.

 

The findings are clear: marijuana use during pregnancy is linked to

measurable risks for both the mom and the baby, even after accounting for

other factors like tobacco use.

 

Researchers found that prenatal marijuana use increased the odds of several

serious outcomes. Researchers found that prenatal marijuana use was

associated with:

–         75% higher odds of a child being born with low birth weight,

–         52% higher odds of preterm birth,

–         57% higher odds of the fetus being small for gestational age, and

–         29% rise in perinatal mortality, however, the strength of this association was less certain.

 

In studies that accounted for variables that could influence the

relationship between marijuana use and the different outcomes, such as age,

smoking and health status, the association remained significant. And in the

studies that accounted for a dose-response association, the risks grew even

more pronounced. For example, babies exposed to heavy marijuana use were

more than twice as likely to be born with low birth weight, had 95% and 63%

higher odds being born preterm and small for gestational age, respectively.

 

Being born with low birth weight, preterm, or small for gestational age is

not just a number on a chart—it carries real and lasting health

consequences. These findings underscore the urgency of addressing marijuana

use during pregnancy as a serious public health issue. As marijuana products

become more potent and widely available, the risks to developing fetuses

cannot be overlooked.

 

For providers, it is important to have non-judgmental conversations about the

risks associated with marijuana use during pregnancy and for public health

leaders, it’s a call to expand prevention efforts.

 

Source: https://drugfree.org.au/ – May 28, 2025

Herschel Baker, International Liaison Director, Queensland Director, Drug Free Australia

 

by Benedikt Fischer, Wayne Hall, Didier Jutras-Aswad, Bernard Le Foll – The Lancet – Volume 47. – 101141 – July 2025
For a decade, Canada, like the United States, has experienced a public health crisis from drug overdose deaths (DODs), mostly due to toxic synthetic opioids (SOs; e.g., fentanyl/analogues), commonly combined with other (e.g., methamphetamines, benzodiazepines) substances.1 This crisis has claimed >50,000 lives over the past decade in Canada alone, rendering DODs the primary population-based cause of non-natural deaths. Despite the vast implementation and expansion of prevention and treatment interventions, annual DOD tolls have steadily increased, i.e. from 2832 in 2016 to 8606 in 2023.2
Now, recent data indicate a sudden over-year decline of approximately 13% in DODs (to a projected 7501 in 2024) in Canada; this coincides with a similar approximate 17% reduction in DODs in the US.2,3 However, this development is not regionally consistent in Canada, as DOD decreases are concentrated mostly in Western/Central provinces (i.e., BC to Ontario), while Eastern provinces (e.g., Quebec) have experienced increases in DODs—regions that, notably, had reported disproportionately lower rates of SO-related DODs previously.2,4 The DOD decrease is a welcome development, yet its drivers are currently unclear while important for identification towards informing intervention development. Possibly relevant factors for consideration might include.

Risk population changes

The decline may reflect a reduction in the size of the risk population exposed to DOD risks, based on several factors. The cumulative DOD toll—mostly comprised of young/middle-aged individuals — may have substantively decimated the SO-user population.2 Its deadly consequences may have also amplified the impact of SO-related prevention messaging. In addition, restrictive policies have halved the volume of prescription opioids (i.e., 30,540 Defined Daily Doses [DDD] in 2012–2014 to 16,475 DDD in 2020–2022) in Canada, which may have reduced the population pool developing iatrogenic problems and transitioning to non-medical (e.g., SO) opioid use.

Supply dynamics

Changing SO supply dynamics may play a role. Originally, SO-products were mostly imported to North America from other source countries (e.g., China, Mexico), but there appear be shifts towards domestic production and distribution, for example as a consequence of increased production and precursor control abroad.3 Recent reports indicate increasing fentanyl production in Canada, including so-called ‘super-labs’, recently rendering it a ‘net exporter’ of fentanyl.5,6 Domestically produced fentanyl may differ in key characteristics like composition or dosing from the SOs produced abroad in ways that influence and reduce DOD-related risks.

Pharmacology

The pharmacological profiles of SOs consumed may have changed. While the vast majority of recent DODs in Canada have involved fentanyl/fentanyl-analogues, most DOD events involve other psychoactive (e.g., psychostimulant or sedative) substances either as contaminants or from concurrent use1,2 that may affect DOD-related outcomes in different ways. In the US, SO-products increasingly include xylazine, a sedative that may increase DOD risks but also extends SOs’ psychoactive effects of SOs and so may reduce use frequency and risk exposure.

Risk behaviours

Changes in DOD-relevant risk behaviours may be a factor. For example, while SO use was previously common to occur unintentionally due to distribution as counterfeit pills or mixed with other drugs, improved recognition of SO products by their consumers (e.g., through drug-checking or generally enhanced awareness) may have facilitated more cautious use practices.7 In addition, many SO consumers have switched from injecting to inhalation use, thereby reducing the DOD-related risks by decreased bio-absorption, or undertook other behaviour changes.4 However, these risk-behaviour changes have been observed for some time, and majorities of recent DODs have been shown to be associated with non-injection modes in Canada.

Interventions

In response to the toxic drug death crisis, Canadian jurisdictions have vastly expanded the availability of multiple intervention measures — such as supervised consumption, overdose prevention services, naloxone distribution and drug checking, all evidenced to contribute to DOD-related risk reductions.1,8 In addition, access to different modalities of — mostly opioid agonist-based—addiction treatment has been ramped up, also known to be protective for overdose risk.9 These expansions have occurred continuously through the DOD crisis, reducing their likelihood as a principal driver for the observed sudden DOD decrease. A more novel intervention implemented in select Canadian jurisdiction have been ‘safer drug supply’ programs which distribute pharmaceutical-grade opioids to at-risk users for DOD prevention.10 While these initiatives are documented to reduce DOD-related risk in participants, their reach in existing risk populations remains starkly limited (e.g., <5% in BC), moderating likely population-level DOD reduction effects.
Previous measures have been insufficient in curtailing the massive DOD-toll in Canada over a decade.1 The projected short-term decline in DODs is an encouraging development, though it is notably limited to only some (i.e., mostly Western/Central) regions. The tangible drivers behind the decline are not readily evident; however, similar declines in the US hint at a role of more structural (e.g., drug supply-related) factors operating across North America rather than Canada-specific determinants. The possible contributions of the factors considered, or others, should be rigorously investigated by way of robust (e.g., epidemiologic/modelling, drug toxicology, use-behavioral) examinations and analysis to guide possible development of or scaling up related further improved measures where possible towards additional, sustained reductions in the DOD toll.

Contributors

The authors jointly developed the concept for the article, and collected and interpreted related data for the study. BF led the manuscript writing; WH, DJA and BLF edited and revised the manuscript for substantive intellectual content. All authors approved the final manuscript submitted for publication.

Declaration of interests

Dr. Fischer and Dr. Jutras-Aswad have held research grants and contracts in the areas of substance use, health, policy from public funding and government organizations (i.e., public-only sources) in the last five years. Dr. Fischer acknowledges general research support from the Waypoint Centre for Mental Health Care; he was temporarily employed by Health Canada (2021–2022). Dr. Hall does not have any conflicts to declare. Dr. Jutras-Aswad acknowledges a clinical scientist career award from Fonds de Recherche du Québec (FRQS); he has received study materials from Cardiol Therapeutics for clinical trials. Dr. LeFoll has obtained research support (e.g., research funding/in-kind supports, expert consultancy, other supports) from Indivior, Indivia, Canopy Growth Corporation, ThirdBridge and Shinogi; he furthermore acknowledges general research support from CAMH, the Waypoint Centre for Mental Health Care, a clinician-scientist award from the Dept. of Family and Community Medicine and a Chair in Addiction Psychiatry from the Department of Psychiatry, University of Toronto.

Acknowledgements

The present study was not supported by any specific funder or sponsor.

References

1.
Fischer, B.
The continuous opioid death crisis in Canada: changing characteristics and implications for path options forward
Lancet Reg Health Am. 2023; 19, 100437
2.
Government of Canada
Opioid- and stimulant-related harms

Available from: https://health-infobase.canada.ca/substance-related-harms/opioids-stimulants/

Date accessed: May 15, 2025
3.
Drug Policy Alliance
Fact sheet: why overdose deaths are decreasing

Available from: https://drugpolicy.org/resource/fact-sheet-health-harm-reduction-approaches-pivotal-to-decrease-in-national-drug-overdose-deaths/

Date accessed: February 5, 2025
4.
Fischer, B. ∙ Robinson, T. ∙ Jutras-Aswad, D.
Three noteworthy idiosyncrasies related to Canada’s opioid-death crisis, and implications for public health-oriented interventions
Drug Alcohol Rev. 2024; 43:562-566
5.
Financial Transactions and Analysis Report Centre of Canada
Operational Alert: laundering the proceeds of illicit synthetic opioids
His Majesty the King in Right of Canada
2025
Cat. No. FD4-39/2024E-PDF; ISBN 978-0-660-72670-0
6.
CBC News
Criminal networks are shifting from fentanyl imports to Canadian-made product
2024

Available from: https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/fentanyl-produced-in-canada-1.7275200

Date accessed: February 5, 2025
7.
Brar, R. ∙ Grant, C. ∙ DeBeck, K. ∙ et al.
Changes in drug use behaviors coinciding with the emergence of illicit fentanyl among people who use drugs in Vancouver, Canada
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse. 2020; 46:625-631
8.
Irvine, M.A. ∙ Kuo, M. ∙ Buxton, J.A. ∙ et al.
Modelling the combined impact of interventions in averting deaths during a synthetic-opioid overdose epidemic
Addiction. 2019; 114:1602-1613
9.
Pearce, L.A. ∙ Min, J.E. ∙ Piske, M. ∙ et al.
Opioid agonist treatment and risk of mortality during opioid overdose public health emergency: population based retrospective cohort study
BMJ. 2020; 368, m772
10.
Slaunwhite, A. ∙ Min, J.E. ∙ Palis, H. ∙ et al.
Effect of Risk Mitigation Guidance for opioid and stimulant dispensations on mortality and acute care visits during dual public health emergencies: retrospective cohort study
BMJ. 2024; 384, e076336

The latest substance abuse facts and insights.

Key points

  • Rates of opioid/stimulant overdose deaths increased over the past decade.
  • In the Eastern U.S., it’s cocaine + fentanyl that’s problematic vs. methamphetamine + fentanyl in the West.
  • Adulterants are ever-changing with fentanyl, local anesthetics, xylazine, and medetomidine creating overdoses.
  • Fentanyl-only deaths among 15- to 24-year-olds now account for most fatal ODs among that age group
The good news about bad drugs is that overdose deaths caused by fentanyl are significantly down in the United States, although too many people are still dying. That’s the key take-home from the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) in its annual report released May 15, 2025. Drug overdose deaths decreased by more than 20 percent, marking the most significant 12-month reduction ever recorded. October 2024 was the eleventh consecutive month with a reported decline in drug-related deaths.

However, there’s also bad news in that increasing numbers of illicit users of stimulants like cocaine or methamphetamine are being poisoned by fentanyl-adulterated drugs, particularly in the Western part of the country. For example, a regional analysis of overdose deaths from fentanyl in the United States published in May 2025 revealed in the West, one in two deaths from drugs are currently linked to fentanyl contamination of cocaine or meth, while in the East, one in three fentanyl-related deaths occurred in users of cocaine or methamphetamine.

We have discussed this in detail in my other PT blog posts that the availability of Narcan (naloxone), a drug that reverses overdose, is largely responsible for significantly fewer opioid deaths from opioids. However, more stimulants, particularly cocaine and methamphetamine, are now being used with fentanyl, contaminated with fentanyl. Unfortunately, we don’t have a drug like Narcan to reverse speedballing (ingestion of both a depressant and a stimulant) or cocaine or methamphetamine overdoses.

Latest 2025 Update

The opioid crisis, currently driven by synthetic opioids such as illicitly manufactured fentanyl (IMF), is increasingly complex. Adulteration of IMF with veterinary sedatives, such as xylazine and now medetomidine, is creating zombie addicts and overdose nightmares. This adulteration has become commonplace across the United States, leading to prolonged sedation that cannot be reversed with just naloxone. The dangerous and deadly shift accelerated from plant-based drugs, like heroin and cocaine, to synthetic, chemical-based drugs, like fentanyl and methamphetamine.

Clinicians, harm-reduction experts, and others continue adapting to the drug cartel’s changes in the drug supply, such as testing drug products for the presence of other drugs and using oxygen when treating people with overdoses. In a May 21 JAMA, Dr. Joseph Palamar at NYU identified a new worrisome trend. Adulteration agents now include lidocaine and other local anesthetics, much as they were added to cocaine back in the 1970s. The local anesthetics can complicate overdose management by lowering pulse and blood pressure and causing confusion and life-threatening seizures.

Evolution of Illicit Drugs and Adulteration

Over the past five decades, the adulteration of illicit drugs such as heroin, cocaine, and methamphetamine has evolved, transitioning from inert bulking agents like sugar to potent pharmacologically active substances. This shift has heightened risks associated with drug use, contributing to increased toxicity and overdose fatalities.

When I was working at Yale with Herb Kleber in the 1970s–1980s, adding inert adulterants was the norm for illicit drug producers. During this period, heroin was commonly adulterated with sugars (e.g., lactose, maltose) to increase the weight and volume of the drugs and, thereby, their profits. However, in the late 1970s, our colleague David Smith saw the emergence of “China White” overdoses in Haight Ashbury, a highly lethal and potent synthetic opioid—methylfentanyl mixed with heroin. At Yale, we saw cocaine emergencies and found cocaine was typically cut with local anesthetics like lidocaine and procaine to mimic cocaine’s numbing effect and improve profits, as well as sugars and caffeine to increase bulk. We did not see many methamphetamine cases at all but, when meth was adulterated, it was with caffeine or other stimulants to enhance its effects.

The 1990s marked an era of wholehearted adulteration with pharmacologically active adulterants. For example, heroin included adulterants like quinine and other substances that could either potentiate the stimulant’s effects or mimic heroin’s appearance. The range of adulterants expanded further, to include pharmacologically active substances such as levamisole, a veterinary agent which became widespread in the 2000s. The State Department’s expert, Tom Browne, reported on these trends and warned that levamisole in heroin or cocaine could cause toxic and severe health issues. Methamphetamine adulteration began to include substances like pseudoephedrine and other byproducts from illicit synthesis processes.

The 2010s–2020s were marked by the emergence of highly potent synthetic adulterants. The illicit drug market saw a surge in the use of fentanyl and its analogs as adulterants in heroin, dramatically increasing the risk of fatal overdoses due to fentanyl’s high potency. Fentanyl adulteration and contamination extended to cocaine supplies, leading to unexpected opioid overdoses among stimulant users. Methamphetamine began to be adulterated with potent synthetic substances, including fentanyl, increasing the danger of overdose.

Drug overdose deaths also became the leading cause of injury death in the United States, in 2015, surpassing deaths by motor vehicles and firearms. In 2020, 83,000+ people died from drug-related overdoses, a significant increase from 2019. Illicit fentanyl, an extremely potent drug, was the primary driver of these deaths. Often, users had no idea their opioid was contaminated with fentanyl.

In 2015, the DEA noted that both controlled prescription drugs and heroin abuse were prevalent, with some prescription drug abusers initiating heroin use. By 2020, the situation changed, and illicit fentanyl, primarily produced by Mexican cartels using Chinese precursor chemicals, became the primary threat. DEA laboratories also reported a downward trend in the purity of fentanyl. For example, medetomidine, a powerful veterinary anesthetic, emerged in the fentanyl supply, posing new dangers, and the zombie drug Xylazine remains the top adulterant found in fentanyl powder.

Worldwide, We Are Still Number 1 in Drug Deaths

Provisional data indicate that an estimated 80,391 overdose fatalities occurred in the United States in 2024, a 27 percent decrease from 110,037 deaths in 2023. This represents the largest single-year drop since the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention began tracking overdose deaths 45 years ago. Nearly all states experienced declines, with significant reductions (≥35 percent) in Louisiana, Michigan, New Hampshire, Ohio, Virginia, West Virginia, Wisconsin, and Washington, D.C. While the Centers for Disease Control shows a 27% decline in overdose deaths in 2024. Still, during that 12-month period, Nevada saw a 3.4% increase. Unlike the rest of the nation, in Nevada, methamphetamine is causing more drug-related deaths than fentanyl at this time.

In 2024, the U.S. deaths decreased to the lowest since 2019. However, even with this progress, the United States still maintains the highest overdose death rate worldwide. Despite a significant decline in drug overdose deaths in the United States, we still have the highest overdose death rate in the world, with 324 deaths per million people, significantly surpassing other nations. Scotland was second, with 218 deaths per million people. Canada is ranked third globally in overdose death rates. For opioid overdose deaths, the United States is also number one with 15.4 overdoses per 100,000; Canada has 6.9, and Europe and Russia have fewer than 4 opioid overdoses per 100,000.

Summary

The new DEA national threat findings note that today, one in eight methamphetamine samples contains fentanyl, and one in four cocaine samples contains fentanyl. This adulteration heightens risks for unintentional overdoses among users. Adulteration with multiple, active synthetics is evolving and creating more risks than ever.

Overdose deaths remain the leading cause of death for Americans aged 18–44, and an unacceptable 80,000+ Americans per year die from overdoses. Regional differences are becoming more critical—methamphetamine + fentanyl in the Western United States versus cocaine + fentanyl in the East. Fentanyl is cheap to produce, so today it’s often the first choice of an active adulterant among drug cartels.

 

Source: https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/addiction-outlook/202505/abuse-drugs-and-trends-were-up-against-in-the-us

This is an Email – Sent: 24 May 2025 – from Stuart Reece: stuart.reece@bigpond.com

To: Ms. Erika Olson, Chargé d’Affaires, Embassy of the United States of America, Canberra, Australia. (askembassycanberra@state.gov)

Dear Chargé d’Affaires Olson,

It has been reported in several news pieces lately that President Trump is becoming concerned about exponential autism epidemic in USA which particularly affects boys.  We and many other research have demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt that this epidemic is driven by cannabis as you can see in this paper, this 2,500 page book, this video and the attached references.

Even worse that the exponentiating USA autism epidemic is the epidemic of holes in the heart (atrial septal defect) which is growing hyper-exponentially as you can see in the attached unpublished report.  This is also driven by cannabis.

Cannabinoid genotoxicity has long been known.  As you can see in the attached references its implications across diverse domains including aging, birth defects, cancers, and mental retardation are clinically significant and impose a vast burden on public health and health infrastructures internationally.

Cannabinoid genotoxicity is due to all the cannabinoids as they all share the genotoxic chemical moiety, known as olivetol on their C-ring.

Cannabinoid genotoxicity and epigenotoxicity (their toxic effects on the epigenetic regulatory machinery which controls gene expression) acts for three to four generations.  The subject is covered at length in our recently published book.

Contamination of the food chain as is happening in several places in USA, including Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Missouri and possibly Louisiana, means that the whole community is exposed without their knowledge or consent.

Breast cancer is the commonest cancer of all.  Please find below graphs showing that both breast cancer and cannabis use increased across both Europe and USA together in coordinated fashion across space and time which strongly implicates cannabis in this commonest of cancers in a casual manner.  Note where the graphs turn pink where both covariates increase at the same time in the same place.  The “pinking of Europe”  is clearly demonstrated.  Similar changes albeit less well developed are clearly seen in USA.

Videos which explain these issues may be found as follows:

  1. Cannabis and Autism – https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x8bDLzEInWA
  2. Cannabis and babies born limbless https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EOQpy69HIEw&t=60s
  3. Cannabis and birth defects https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aLQFvY-Z19g&t=19s
  4. Cannabis – effect on genome and epigenome https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CEKdLD60TcE&t=4s
  5. Cannabis and cancers https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4T_RKFbkNFo
  6. Cannabis and aging https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JyyUG2A6RnE
  7. Cannabis summary https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j0HwgyOfSEQ
  8. Cannabis and hole in the heart https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zIg0gHg4HmA

I have also included a recent review on cannabinoid teratogenicity prepared for the EU for your benefit.

Thank you for your assistance.

Yours sincerely,

Professor Dr Stuart Reece, University of Western Australia, Edith Cowan University.

Source: Email from stuart.reece@bigpond.com Sent: 24 May 2025

The Organisation Internationale Dianova, or Dianova International, is a public utility Swiss NGO committed to social progress. Through its members operating on four continents, Dianova International supports the development of activities aimed at improving people’s lives.

Introduction: Let’s Get One Thing Straight Forget the outdated slogans. “Just say no” doesn’t cut it anymore. Today’s teens and young adults live in a world of pressure, performance, and constant scrolling — and they deserve real strategies, not scare tactics. Evidence shows that drug prevention targeting youth needs to be science-based, stigma-free, and deeply human. That’s what the new wave of prevention is all about. That’s what #VoicesWithoutStigma is here to launch.

PART I

Why We Need a New Conversation

According to the UNODC, around 90% of adult substance use disorders begin in adolescence. That’s why early prevention isn’t optional — it’s essential. But not any kind of prevention: the kind that’s rooted in evidence, compassion, and the real-life experiences of young people.

From the WHO-UNODC International Standards for Drug Use Prevention, we know what works:

  • Early childhood development programs that support parents and help kids develop emotional and cognitive skills.
  • Life skills training in schools, including emotional regulation, problem-solving, and resisting social pressure.
  • Community strategies to reduce access and increase awareness — think youth centers, mentorship programs, and safe recreational spaces.
  • Digital campaigns that meet youth on their terms — mobile-first, meme-friendly, and emotionally honest.

 

The Science Behind the Shift

Prevention is no longer about “bad kids” making “bad choices.” The real risk factors are often trauma, inequality, exclusion, and untreated mental health issues. That’s why the UN, PTTC Network, and others are calling for a new approach that’s inclusive, respectful, and developmentally informed. As highlighted by the United Nations Chronicle, strategies that empower communities — especially youth — are the most sustainable.

#VoicesWithoutStigma: Speak. Share. Shift the Culture.

Launching globally on June 26, 2025, by Dianova International, the #VoicesWithoutStigma campaign is about rewriting the narrative. Young people from 17 countries will take the mic — literally and digitally — to speak about:

  • Mental health and asking for help
  • Coping with anxiety, trauma, and depression
  • Navigating social pressure without losing their sense of self
  • Reclaiming their identity through music, dance, podcasts, and storytelling

The campaign’s launch video sets the tone: young people in silence, whispers of stigma — then rhythm, color, voice. A girl declares: “They told me feeling was weakness. But my voice is strong. And yours is too.”

Breaking the Taboo ≠ Being Alone

Whether you’re 16 or 26, it’s not weird to feel overwhelmed. The Listen First campaign by UNODC reminds us that starting with empathy — not judgment — is how we win hearts, minds, and futures.

Feeling low? Not sure how to support a friend? Talking honestly — and listening with compassion — are the strongest tools we’ve got. That’s how we build resilience and community.

No Drama, Just Data: Environmental Strategies That Work

According to this UNODC framework, community-wide strategies — like regulating alcohol sales to minors, setting up youth-focused events, and positive norm campaigns — can reduce substance use before it starts. Add peer mentoring and digital outreach, and you’ve got a full-circle prevention plan.

A Final Word: You’re Not the Problem. You’re the Power.

You don’t have to be perfect. You just have to be real. Drug prevention today is about showing up for yourself, and others, with truth, humor, and heart. Whether you’re creating a Reel, starting a support group, or just learning more — you’re part of the solution.

✨ Join us. Share your truth. Inspire others. #VoicesWithoutStigma isn’t a campaign. It’s a movement. And it’s made for you.

Want to know more? Check the UNODC-WHO standards or EUDA’s library. It’s prevention — but make it real, and make it yours.

 

PART II

Voices Without Stigma: Breaking the Silence, Building the Future

Introduction: More Than Just Say No

Let’s get real — telling young people to “just say no” to drugs isn’t working. Not because they’re reckless, but because they’re smart. Smart enough to know that life is complicated, that pain is real, and that decisions are rarely black or white. That’s why youth drug prevention today isn’t about preaching. It’s about listening, empowering, and building trust. And that’s exactly what #VoicesWithoutStigma is all about.

Why It Matters: The Real Stats Behind the Talk

According to the UNODC-WHO International Standards on Drug Use Prevention, effective prevention is rooted in science, not scare tactics. Research shows that adolescence is a critical period: 90% of adult substance use disorders begin during this phase. Prevention efforts must be developmentally appropriate, engaging, and embedded in the realities of young people’s lives.

So, What Works? A Look at Evidence-Based Prevention

The United Nations and World Health Organization have spent years studying what actually prevents drug use. Spoiler alert: the most effective strategies have nothing to do with guilt or shame. Here’s what the research tells us:

  • Family-based programs that build parenting skills and family bonding.
  • School-based life skills education, focusing on emotional regulation, decision-making, and peer resistance.
  • Community-wide environmental strategies like reducing access to substances and strengthening local support systems.
  • Digital and peer-to-peer outreach that speaks in the language of youth.

These aren’t just theories — they’re approaches with measurable impact across cultures and contexts. Check the UNODC’s breakdown of international standards here.

Let’s Talk Urban: Prevention in a Real-World Context

Today’s young people are navigating pressures their parents never imagined — social media, performance culture, identity exploration, and mental health challenges. Prevention has to meet them where they are: in the group chat, on TikTok, in the locker room, at home after a hard day.

That means:

  • Creating safe, shame-free spaces to talk about anxiety, depression, and trauma.
  • Highlighting relatable stories from young people who’ve overcome challenges without glamorizing drug use.
  • Using influencers, creatives, and peers to drive positive narratives.

#VoicesWithoutStigma: A Movement in the Making

Dianova’s 26 June 2025 global campaign — #VoicesWithoutStigma — is here to flip the script on stigma. With the slogan “Your Voice is Power”, it invites young people around the world to share their truth, their way — through spoken word, memes, music, reels, or just real talk.

The campaign’s goals are bold:

  • Inspire creative expression around mental health and substance use.
  • Normalize seeking help, showing it as strength rather than weakness.
  • Mobilize schools, NGOs, families and social platforms to amplify youth voices.

And the teaser? A powerful video where silence gives way to rhythm, movement, art, and voices that say, “We don’t hide how we feel — we transform it.”

#VoicesWithoutStigma is not just a campaign. It’s a cultural wave.

Curious Yet? Stay Tuned.

On June 26, something big is dropping. A campaign made of real voices, raw stories, and bold creativity. If you’ve ever felt misunderstood, judged, or silenced — this is your moment.

Get ready to join the voices that refuse to be labeled. To cry, to laugh, to heal, to shout back with truth.

Follow the campaign. Join the lives. Share your story. Explore the science, feel the voices, join the movement:

Because when we speak with compassion instead of judgment, and with facts instead of fear, we don’t just prevent drug use — we create a future worth living for.

#VoicesWithoutStigma | #YourVoiceIsPower | #June26 | #MentalHealthMatters | #PreventionWorks

 

Source: https://www.dianova.org/news/real-talk-real-tools-drug-prevention-that-actually-works-for-todays-youth/

Updated estimates indicate a greater need for treatment.

A new study reveals that a large number of American children are growing up in homes where at least one parent struggles with alcohol or drug use. This troubling environment may increase the chances that these children will face similar challenges later in life.

Using the latest available data from 2023, researchers estimate that 19 million children in the United States — that’s one in four kids under the age of 18 — live with a parent or caregiver who has a substance use disorder.

Even more concerning, around 6 million of these children are living in households where the adult also has a diagnosed mental illness along with their substance use disorder.

Alcohol is the most commonly misused substance among parents. The data suggests that about 12 million parents meet the criteria for some form of alcohol use disorder. Cannabis use disorder follows, affecting over 6 million parents. Additionally, approximately 3.4 million parents are struggling with the use of multiple substances at once.

Rising Numbers and Growing Concern

The number living with a parent who had any substance use disorder in 2023 is higher than the 17 million estimated in a paper published just months ago that used data from 2020.

“The increase and fact that one in four children now live with parental substance use disorder brings more urgency to the need to help connect parents to effective treatments, expand early intervention resources for children, and reduce the risk that children will go on to develop substance use issues of their own,” said Sean Esteban McCabe, lead author of the new study and senior author of the recent one.

The new findings are published in the journal JAMA Pediatrics by a team from the University of Michigan Center for the Study of Drugs, Alcohol, Smoking, and Health, which McCabe directs. He is a professor in the U-M School of Nursing and Institute for Social Research, and a member of the U-M Institute for Healthcare Policy and Innovation.

Both studies used data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health, a federal program that has tracked U.S. drug and alcohol use since the 1970s, yielding data that researchers and policymakers have used.

That survey faces an uncertain future due to staff and budget cuts at the federal agency where it’s based, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, or SAMHSA. The survey’s entire staff received layoff notices in April.

Drug Categories and Their Impact

In addition to alcohol and cannabis, McCabe and his colleagues estimate that just over 2 million children live with a parent who has a substance use disorder related to prescription drugs, and just over half a million live with a parent whose use of illicit drugs such as cocaine, heroin and methamphetamine meets criteria for a substance use disorder.

The researchers include Vita McCabe, the director of University of Michigan Addiction Treatment Services in the Department of Psychiatry at Michigan Medicine, U-M’s academic medical center.

“We know that children raised in homes where adults have substance use issues are more likely to have adverse childhood experiences, to use alcohol and drugs earlier and more frequently, and to be diagnosed with mental health conditions of their own,” said Vita McCabe, a board-certified in addiction medicine and psychiatry. “That’s why it’s so important for parents to know that there is effective treatment available, including the medications naltrexone and/or acamprosate for alcohol use disorder, cognitive behavioral therapy for cannabis use disorder, and buprenorphine or methadone for opioid use disorder including both prescription and non-prescription opioids.”

Both the new paper and the one published in March in the Journal of Addiction Medicine based diagnoses of substance use disorders and major mental health conditions on the criteria contained in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 5, or DSM-5.

In the March study, the authors showed that the change in how substance use disorder was defined in DSM-5 compared with its previous version led to a major increase in the number of children estimated to be living with a parent with a substance use issue.

Ty Schepis, an addiction psychologist at Texas State University, was the lead author of the earlier paper and is senior author of the new paper.

“Our new findings add to the understanding of how many children are living with a parent who has a severe and comorbid substance use disorder and other mental illness such as major depression,” he said. “This is important to note because of the additional risk that this creates for children as they grow into adults.”

The research was funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse, part of the National Institutes of Health (R01DA031160, R01DA043691).

Source: https://scitechdaily.com/1-in-4-kids-lives-with-a-parent-battling-addiction-alarming-study-finds/

by Dave Evans – Senior Counsel, Cannabis Industry Victims Educating Litigators (CIVEL)

via Drug Watch International <drug-watch-international@googlegroups.com>  24 May 2025

Subject: We need information on psychedelics.

Dr. Casey Means, the Trump Surgeon General pick, praised unproven psychedelic therapy and said mushrooms helped her find love. Her brother, Calley Means, an entrepreneur who now works in the Trump administration as a health adviser and has said he invested in biopharmaceutical companies that specialize in psychedelics.

https://www.msn.com/en-us/health/other/trump-surgeon-general-pick-praised-unproven-psychedelic-therapy-said-mushrooms-helped-her-find-love/ar-AA1EMtjb?ocid=BingNewsSerp

We also just heard that attorney Matt Zorn who was representing the pro-marijuana side at the DEA marijuana rescheduling hearing was just appointed as Deputy General Counsel at HHS to focus on streamlining psychedelics reform.

David G. Evans, Esq.

 

Source:  Dave Evans – 24 May 2025

 

by Shane W. Varcoe , Director@dalgarnoinstitute.org.au – 23 May 2025

“I was talking to a tradesman in my home on Wednesday and he asked me what I did…. After explanation about Weed…. He said.. “I wen to a local doctor and just said I had trouble sleeping and can I have cannabis… got a script, no more questions asked.”  This is so utterly corrupt and it’s ubiquitous  now! ”    Shane W. Varcoe

Comment by Jo Baxter, DFA (Australia)

This is a very serious situation for the US and the world generally. Such a softening is akin to what the then Federal Health Minister, Sussan Ley did when she passed the law that allowed Medicinal Cannabis to be legalised in Australia. Now we are seeing a misuse of the ‘legal’ system with doctors overprescribing and not even consulting in person with patients to whom they prescribe the drug.

On Fri, May 23, 2025 at 7:51 AM Herschel Baker <hmbaker1938@hotmail.com> wrote:

The evidence is in Cannabis must remain Schedule 1 Epidemiology of Cannabis Albert Stuart Reece, Gary Kenneth Hulse

https://shop.elsevier.com/books/epidemiology-of-cannabis/reece/978-0-443-13492-0

WASHINGTON, D.C. – During his confirmation hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee on April 30, DEA administrator nominee Terrance Cole declined to commit to the proposed federal rescheduling of cannabis, leaving a critical policy question unresolved as the process transitions to new leadership under the Trump administration.

The popular and game-changing rescheduling proposal backed by Donald J. Trump to reclassify cannabis from Schedule I to Schedule III under the federal Controlled Substances Act (CSA) remains formally active but administratively paused by a DEA judge.

If enacted, rescheduling cannabis to Schedule III would formally acknowledge the accepted medical use of cannabis under federal law. It would also allow for FDA-supervised research and development of cannabis-based drugs.

Although cannabis would still be classified as a controlled substance and remain under the oversight of the DEA and FDA, reclassifying it to Schedule III would significantly benefit legal cannabis businesses by changing how they are treated under federal tax law.

Specifically, it would exempt them from the limitations of Section 280E of the Internal Revenue Code, which currently bars businesses trafficking in Schedule I or II substances from deducting ordinary business expenses. Due to this restriction, legitimate cannabis companies paid over $1.8 billion more in federal taxes in 2022 than comparable non-cannabis businesses, according to data from Whitney Economics.

Reclassification would not federally legalize recreational cannabis, authorize interstate commerce, or override any state-level prohibitions.

Reclassification was initiated nearly three years ago during the Biden administration. Still, on January 13, 2025, one week before President Trump took office, the DEA’s Chief Administrative Law Judge cancelled a public hearing scheduled for January 21 and ordered parties to check back in with him in 90 days.

There is no statutory deadline for the DEA to complete the rescheduling process, so the current pause could extend indefinitely.

Cole, a longtime DEA official nominated to be administrator in February, told lawmakers on April 30 that reviewing the agency’s stalled administrative process to move cannabis from Schedule I to Schedule III would be “one of [his] first priorities.”

Though cannabis was not mentioned in Cole’s opening remarks, he emphasized a focus on combating the fentanyl crisis and leveraging his 30 years in law enforcement to address cartel-related threats. “It’s time to move forward,” he said of the stalled rescheduling process.

But when pressed by US Senator Alex Padilla (D-CA) on whether he would ensure the proposed rescheduling is carried out, Cole would not commit. Here is a bit of back and forth between the two:

“I need to understand more where they are and look at the science behind it and listen to the experts and really understand where they are in the process,” Cole said.

Padilla, referencing the directive initiated in 2022, reiterated: “We know where we are. We know what the directive is: Get it to Schedule III. Are you committed to seeing it to fruition?”

Cole responded, “So, I don’t know. I haven’t seen that, sir.”

“So, you’re leaving the door open to changing course as to—?” Padilla asked.

“I’m leaving the door open to studying everything that’s been done so far, so I can make a determination, sir,” Cole said.

Padilla concluded the exchange by stating: “So, make myself a note here—no answer to that particular question.”

 

Source:  Shane W. Varcoe , Director@dalgarnoinstitute.org.au – 23 May 2025 

 

by John J. Coleman, PhD – President, drug-watch-international – 23 May 2025

Today’s edition of “The Drug Report” (by SAM) brings some good news about drug-related overdose deaths. The piece leads with:

“According to estimates from the CDC, the number of overdose deaths declined in 48 states between 2023 and 2024, representing a 26.9% decline. This is equivalent to 81 fewer overdose deaths every day throughout the year. The CDC estimated that there were 80,391 overdose deaths in 2024, down from 110,037 in 2023. Overdose deaths peaked in the 12-month period ending in June 2023, when 114,670 occurred.” (See: The Drug Report)

This appears to be good news and let’s hope that it is. Several years ago, the CDC’s counting of drug overdose deaths was debunked as fraudulent when it turned out that for more than a decade, CDC was counting fentanyl-related deaths as resulting from prescribed fentanyl, not the street variety. This caused considerable inflation of prescription opioid deaths while at the same time diverting away scarce attention (and resources) to street drugs like heroin and fentanyl that were rapidly taking over the market.

Part of the problem we noticed back then was the agency’s use and reliance upon the ICD-10 for identifying drugs and causes of death. This somewhat obsolete system designed and promulgated by the World Health Organization is not sufficient to monitor drug-involved mortality. For example, codes do not distinguish between methadone used for pain treatment and methadone used to treat opioid use disorders. Consequently, all methadone-involved deaths are considered incorrectly as involving the prescribed variety of the drug. While some may think this is a difference without much distinction, consider that volume-wise, seven times more methadone is used in the U.S. for OUD than for pain.

And don’t think the CDC wizards didn’t know they had a problem with this. In 2014, the CDC reported that methadone represented 1 percent of opioids prescribed for pain but was involved in 23 percent of all prescription opioid deaths. But, alas, using the ICD-10 codes to characterize drugs, they put all those deaths on the prescribed or administered methadone used for pain, not on the methadone dispensed and administered for OUD.

So, let’s hope that today’s news about the decline in drug overdose deaths is genuine and not based on some new methodology or novel interpretation that omits important facts. To its credit, in 2018 the CDC published an article in an obscure public health journal in which it admitted issuing incorrect estimates for prescription opioid-related deaths for several years, possibly as long as a decade, because it was counting fentanyl-involved deaths as resulting from the prescribed form, not the street form that was causing the problem. Internal documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, however, showed that the CDC was well aware of the problem long before it came clean in the journal article.

John Coleman

Source:  www.drugwatch.org

by Letitia James – Office of the New York State Attorney General – May 22, 2025

NEW YORK – New York Attorney General Letitia James today co-led a bipartisan coalition of 40 other attorneys general from across the country in calling on Congress to pass the Youth Substance Use Prevention and Awareness Act, bipartisan legislation to reduce youth drug use through research-based public education campaigns and strategic community outreach. In a letter to Democratic and Republican leadership in the House and Senate, Attorney General James and the coalition emphasize the importance of proactive, science-based prevention efforts at a time when young people face increased risk of exposure to dangerous narcotics like fentanyl and xylazine.

“Too many young people know first-hand just how deadly drugs like fentanyl can be,” said Attorney General James. “As the opioid epidemic continues to tear apart families and communities, attorneys general remain on the front lines protecting our youth, and we need all levels of government to help fight back. The Youth Substance Use Prevention and Awareness Act is a common-sense bipartisan measure that will provide significant resources to help save lives and educate young people about the dangers of drug use.”

The legislation, introduced by U.S. Senators Mark Kelly (D-AZ) and Thom Tillis (R-NC), would amend the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 to provide targeted federal funding for public service announcements (PSAs), youth-led campaigns, and other outreach tools that help prevent early substance use. All campaigns funded under the bill must be grounded in evidence, designed for cultural relevance, and adapted to meet the specific needs of local communities.

Attorney General James and the coalition argue that youth substance use remains a growing public health and safety concern, especially amid a rise in fentanyl-related overdoses and the increasing availability of synthetic drugs. Research consistently shows that young people who begin using drugs at an early age are more likely to develop long-term substance use disorders, and the consequences can be devastating for families, schools, and communities.

The Youth Substance Use Prevention and Awareness Act would fund a range of efforts to better reach young people with timely, credible, and accessible information, including:

  • Culturally relevant PSAs tailored specifically to youth;
  • Youth-led PSA contests to drive peer-to-peer engagement and creativity;
  • Federal grants for outreach across TV, radio, social media, streaming platforms, and other media; and
  • Annual reporting requirements to measure reach and effectiveness, ensuring transparency and accountability.

The letter is led by Attorney General James and the attorneys general of Connecticut, New Hampshire, and South Dakota. Joining the letter are the attorneys general of Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming, and American Samoa.

Source:  https://ag.ny.gov/press-release/2025/attorney-general-james-co-leads-bipartisan-coalition-urging-congress-pass

There is a video to illustrate this information. To see the video, go to the Source at the foot of this article, then press the ‘play’ button as indicated.

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVE

Youth overdose deaths have remained elevated in recent years as the illicit drug supply has become increasingly contaminated with fentanyl and other synthetics. There is a need to better understand fatal drug combinations and how trends have changed over time and across sociodemographic groups in this age group.

METHODS

We used the National Vital Statistics System’s multiple cause of death datasets to examine trends in overdose deaths involving combinations of synthetic opioids with benzodiazepine, cocaine, heroin, prescription opioids, and other stimulants among US youth aged 15 to 24 years from 2018 to 2022 across age, sex, race and ethnicity, and region.

RESULTS

Overdose death counts rose from 4652 to 6723 (10.85 to 15.16 per 100 000) between 2018 and 2022, with a slight decrease between 2021 and 2022. The largest increases were deaths involving synthetic opioids only (1.8 to 4.8 deaths per 100 000). Since 2020, fatal synthetic opioid–only overdose rates were higher than polydrug overdose rates involving synthetic opioids, regardless of race, ethnicity, or sex. In 2022, rates of synthetic-only overdose deaths were 2.49-times higher among male youths compared with female youths and 2.15-times higher among those aged 20 to 24 years compared with those aged 15 to 19 years.

CONCLUSIONS

Polydrug combinations involving synthetic opioids continue to contribute to fatal youth overdoses, yet deaths attributed to synthetic opioids alone are increasingly predominant. These findings highlight the changing risks of the drug supply and the need for better access to harm-reduction services to prevent deaths among youth.

Source:  https://publications.aap.org/pediatrics/article-abstract/doi/10.1542/peds.2024-069488/201955/Changes-in-Synthetic-Opioid-Involved-Youth?redirectedFrom=fulltext

This is an excerpt from an email sent by Stuart Reece to Senator Eric Abetz as part of a Drug Watch International discussion relating to the proposal for Drug Decriminalization in Northern Territory of Australia, more specifically related to the effects of cannabis exposure to malformation of babies.

Eric you might also be interested that I am working on a study of cannabis as a contributing factor to the pattern of congenital malformations seen in babies world wide with  some of the top people in the world.

I am also doing a detailed dissection of some of the congenital anomaly rates in various conservative and liberal USA states again exploring is cannabis exposure can explain the different patterns seen – as we would very much expect from the observed pattern of congenital anomalies and the basic science of cannabis teratogenesis to this point.

Interestingly perhaps there seem to be about five major routes from cannabis exposure in father or mother to malformation of babies.  They are:

  1. Epigenetic changes – disordering of the software programming that the DNA gene sequence carries
  2. Disruption of mitosis and cell division by disruption of the mitotic spindle and interference with the tubulin rails along which the chromosomes slide in cell division
  3. Disruption of cellular energetics which relates to DNA physiology both indirectly and directly and via modulation of epigenetic pathways
  4. Interruption of the blood vessel pathways – foetal vessels carry high density cannabinoid type 1 receptors (CB1R’s).  Since they guide nerve and limb and muscle development, disruption of the blood vessels implies major failures of foetal formation, and disruption of the well documented processes of heart valve and major central vessel formation, since the tissue from which heart valves and great arteries are formed also has high levels CB1R’s
  5. Major changes to sperm and egg formation with major damage to the DNA, protamine proteins which package DNA in sperm, sperm epigenome, and the physiology of the reproductive tract in both male and female

The spectre  of another thalidomide disaster is a real concern which has very much not been factored in to the debate so far.

Why we cannot learn from history completely eludes me…..???

Source: Email sent in copy to Drug Watch International. May 2018

This is a copy of an email sent by Stuart Reece to members of the Australian Northern Territory government, particularly addressing Dr Jennifer Buckley.

Dear Dr Buckley,

I am a Professor of Addiction Medicine at Edith Cowan University on Western Australia, and an Associate Professor of Addiction Medicine at the University of Western Australia.  I hold an earned Doctorate of Medicine from the University of New South Wales in addiction to my basic medical degree.

I understand that your committee is considering adopting a harm reduction strategy focussed view of the management of drug addiction in the Northern Territory including the potential legalization and or decriminalization of all drugs in your jurisdiction.

I wish to place before you my carefully considered opinion that such a strategy would be an unmitigated disaster for the people in your care.

The strategies employed by the harm minimization lobby globally make it very plain that their rhetoric is merely the soft front edge of the full legalization approach sponsored by George Soros.  In this country it has been championed by its unparalleled champion Dr Alex Wodak, President of Australia’s Drug Reform Foundation which unashamedly openly and overtly proposes the legalization of all drugs – goodness only knows why…

Why indeed …  when there is overwhelming evidence of the innumerable harms directly attributable to drug addiction itself.

I work with drug addicts all day long.  Most of those I work with in my clinic agree that slackening off of the laws in this area would be an unmitigated disaster – and that is drug addicts in treatment!!!!

One of the very obvious features of drug addicted patients – of all sorts – is the accelerated pattern of disease which they virtually all get.  Disorders of brain, heart, circulation, liver, muscle wasting, psychology, bones, reproductive system and immunity together with cancers, elevated death rates and major anomalies in the babies born to addicted parents – have all been described in virtually every addiction.

It has recently been shown that the maintenance of cellular energy stores is critical to the upkeep and maintenance od NA.  Without good energy stores DNA become fractured and broken, cells age, cancers form and abnormal babies are born and infertility rises.  The community pays the cost – obviously; and individual patients bear the brunt of the illnesses.

It is known moreover that from age 20 the energy inside cells halves every 20 years.  Declining cellular energy stores therefore form one of the key cellular measures of ageing.  Restoring those energy stores is therefore a major project within anti-ageing medicine and a major therapeutic goal for clinical medicine.

IT HAS BEEN KNOWN FOR SEVERAL DECADES THAT ALL THE ADDICTIONS DRAMATICALLY REDUCE CELLULAR ENERGY STORES AND THEREBY DIRECTLY PHENOCOPY CELLULAR AGINGWHICH OBVIOUSLY EXPLAINS THE POLY-SYNDROMIC MULTISYSTEMIC CLINICAL PRESENTATIONS OF DRUG ADDICTION.

For example data emerging from our still on-going analysis of the rates of deformed babies in Colorado show that most of the cannabis related anomalies are rising, which includes all of the fastest growing anomalies, and that the overall rate of congenital heart defects and total defects has almost doubled 2000-2013; Cannabis was only fully legalized in Colorado in 2014!!!  That is the good news – for it has also been shown that cannabis interferes with the basic processes of brain formation also.  The babies born to drug dependent parents are very obviously very far from normal in most cases – certainly when the addictions are severe – when indeed children are lucky to survive even until birth!  So cannabis is a known teratogen and its widespread use is likely to cost the community very dearly in the years to come.

I have attached for your benefit some submissions I recently made to the FDA and WHO on the subject of cannabis genotoxicity and cannabis teratogenicity.  With your permission I would also like to place this material which explores these themes in much greater depth, in evidence before your committee.

Since I have spent a whole professional lifetime studying these issues I trust it is clear that I could place mush more evidence before you.

I am happy to answer any other questions you might have.

Similar remarks can be made in relation to opioid and amphetamine abuse.

I understand clearly that in parts of the Northern Territory drug use is rife.  I also understand that in parts drug use if forbidden by local community law and alcohol is banned in many places, so-called “dry communities.”  The answer to this is proper education of the community and appropriate constraint of drug use and drug trafficking by law enforcement in line with our international obligations under the Single Convention, the United Nations Convention of the Rights of the Child and many others.  

I would point out that it is my view, and also that of many other well informed experts and individuals, that the very obvious gaping hole in the our drug education for the community is an obvious major breech in our community response to the issues of drug enforcement, which almost alone allows the media-driven misinformation and disinformation of the crazy ideologues with virtually unlimited financial resources to push our society in directions which we would never normally go if the truth was well known and widely disseminated and widely taught and widely practised.  It is the yawning gaping hole in the public education program alone which allows the lies, dissembling and dissimulation of the crazy anarchists to threaten not only the wellbeing of our communities, but indeed the sustainability of western culture into the future.

And I might add their genetic and epigenetic pool for the next hundred years….

That is to say – it is not the threats of the lies of the media barons and dysfunctional popular rock idol darlings – who keep committing suicide – which is the major threat to our culture – but the absence of truth in the public place – which is obviously officially sponsored – which allows these lies to flourish in the first place.  The implication is that a modicum of well-informed public health education would quickly drown out a whole cacophony of media-driven highly-paid lies.  It is therefore our joint responsibility to make sure that the popular narratives of our culture are fact-based and evidence-driven rather than purely ideological and agenda-driven as at present.

Thankyou for considering my material.

I am happy to work further with your committee to assist you in your deliberations.

Yours sincerely,

Prof. Dr. Albert Stuart Reece,

MBBS(Hons.), FRCS(Ed.), FRCS(Glas.), FRACGP, MD(UNSW).

Edith Cowan University, Joondalup,

Source: Copy of email sent to Drug Watch International for distribution by Stuart Reece. May 2018

by Lisa O’Mary – works for WebMD – contributor to Medscape, LinkedIn, int. al – April 21, 2025

Forwarded by Herschel Baker <hmbaker1938@hotmail.com> 14 May 2025 04:45

A newly published large-scale study has cast serious doubt on the long-term safety of cannabis. Based on data from more than 6 million Canadians, the research shows that adults who had used cannabis and been hospitalized or visited an emergency room were up to four times more likely to develop dementia within five years, compared to non-users.

The findings have sparked concern among researchers and public health experts, especially given the sharp rise in cannabis-related hospital visits in recent years.

“The data is too compelling to ignore” – they recommend that one shouldAdd cannabis to the list of things now linked to a heightened risk of dementia.” the study’s authors said, according to WebMD.

Cannabis users who visited the emergency room or were hospitalized were up to four times as likely as people in the general population to be diagnosed with dementia within five years, according to a large new study.

 

Is Marijuana Safe for Teens?

How does it affect their grades, their mental health, and more?

While the study can’t say that cannabis use causes dementia – a progressive disease that affects memory, thinking, and language, along with emotions and behavior – its findings are compelling enough to capture attention from both the public and the medical community.

Here’s what to know about those findings, what’s still being investigated, and why it matters to you.

What the Study Found

The most well-known biological feature of dementia is the presence of brain plaques that kill neurons. Age is the biggest risk factor, but strong links have also been made to things like high blood pressure, diabetes, poor diet, heart and sleep problems, and lack of physical activity.

Published in JAMA Neurology, the study found that:

  • Cannabis users who went to the ER were 23% more likely to be diagnosed with dementia within five years, compared with nonusers who also went to the ER.
  • Among hospital patients, those who used cannabis had a 72% greater risk of dementia within five years, compared with cannabis abstainers.
  • The rate of people seeking ER or hospital care with documented cannabis use skyrocketed between 2008 and 2021, increasing five-fold. The rate among people ages 65 and older increased nearly 27-fold.

Does This Research Apply to You?

The study only included Canadian adults ages 45 and older who had no prior dementia diagnosis. It’s garnered a lot of respect in medical circles because of its size – more than 6 million people’s health data was included, making the results more reliable than past, smaller marijuana studies.

Marijuana Addiction and Abuse

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Is Marijuana Addictive?

Addiction is more common in drugs like alcohol or cocaine. But it’s possible to get hooked on marijuana, also known as cannabis. That means you can’t stop using it, even if you want to. Studies show about 1 in 10 adults who use marijuana can get addicted. Your chances go up to 1 in 6 if you use it before age 18.

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What Is Cannabis Use Disorder (CUD)?

You might have this condition if smoking marijuana causes physical, emotional, or social problems. It’s also called marijuana use disorder. CUD can range from mild to severe.

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How Do You Know If You Have CUD?

Do you use marijuana every day or almost every day? Have you tried to quit but can’t? Do you get unwanted symptoms when you stop, like anxiety, crankiness, or trouble sleeping? Do those go away when you use marijuana again? Do you have a strong urge, or craving, to use it? Do you keep using it even though bad things happen, like problems at work, school, or with friends and family? If you answered yes to any of these, you may have CUD.

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Problems Linked to CUD

Marijuana use can make it hard to think, learn, or pay attention. If you drive while high, you’re more likely to have a car wreck. If you already have mental health problems, CUD can worsen them. People who use marijuana a lot are more likely to be jobless and not happy with life. If you use it every day, you might get withdrawal symptoms a day or two after stopping. These include insomnia, mood problems, or cravings you can’t control.

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Who Gets CUD?

Early use may lead to marijuana problems. Genes and environment also play a role. You’re more likely to get CUD if you misuse other drugs, like alcohol. Your chances also go up if you use marijuana a lot and by yourself. Mental health issues, like an anxiety or a mood disorder, can raise your chances, too.

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How Does CUD Happen?

Marijuana has THC, or tetrahydrocannabinol as the primary psychoactive ingredient. It triggers receptors in your brain called endocannabinoid receptors. When you use addictive drugs like marijuana a lot, you can change circuits in your brain. Over time, you become less sensitive to the chemicals in marijuana. You might make less endocannabinoid, which your body produces on its own. That means you may need to use more of the drug to feel “normal,” or you may feel stressed out when you’re not using it.

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How to Avoid CUD

The only sure way to stop CUD from happening is to never use marijuana. Not using drugs when you’re young might lower your chances. If you have children, make sure they know marijuana can be harmful. Keep a close eye on your kids if you get divorced, move, or have to send them to a different school. Teenagers tend to use drugs when faced with uncertain changes or stressors.

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How to Treat CUD

Most people with CUD don’t seek treatment. But you may get better if you try psychotherapy, or talk therapy. That includes cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), motivational enhancement therapy (MET), and contingency management (CM). These can help you change thoughts and behaviors that make it hard to quit. You could also try to set limits such as only using marijuana  on certain days of the week, like the weekends. If you have trouble sticking to self imposed limits, it may indicate a problem. Meditation or other stress relieving activities may also help you use less.

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Treatment for Teens with CUD

Psychotherapy can help young people too. But they may do better when loved ones are involved in treatment. That’s how multidimensional family therapy (MDFT) works. If you’re a caregiver, you can go to MDFT with your teen.

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Can Medicine Help With CUD?

If you’re dependent on cannabis, you could go through withdrawal for weeks or relapse after you quit. That’s why experts are studying how medicine can ease withdrawal symptoms like bad mood, anxiety, restlessness, and sleep issues. They’re looking at antidepressants, cannabinoid agonists, mood stabilizers, and insomnia medication, but there are no FDA-approved meds for CUD. Some of these may treat mental health problems that worsen CUD.

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Marijuana Abuse and Sleep

You may use cannabis to help you doze off at night. But in the long run, marijuana can do a lot of harm to your sleep. And heavy use may cause a lot of problems when you try to quit. You might have nightmares, insomnia, or bad sleep quality. If this happens to you, talk to your doctor about how to treat these symptoms.

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CUD and Pregnancy

Experts aren’t sure how cannabis affects your baby. But animal studies show it may change how their brain grows. More research is needed to know what’ll happen after they’re born. But if they’re exposed to marijuana daily, they may have a hard time learning or paying attention when they get older. If you’re pregnant or want to be, ask your doctor for help on how to give up cannabis

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How to Use Medical Marijuana

In some states, doctors can prescribe cannabis. There’s research into its health benefits. It’s used to treat pain that doesn’t go away and may help with symptoms of Parkinson’s disease, multiple sclerosis, or glaucoma. Write down what type of cannabis you use. (For example, is it an edible, a joint, or an oil?) Keep track of how it makes you feel. Tell your doctor about any bad side effects. They may be able to recommend a different kind or dose or whether you should be using it at all.

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Medical Marijuana and Pregnancy

You may have heard that marijuana helps with morning sickness. But there’s no scientific evidence this is safe. If you’re pregnant, you shouldn’t use medical marijuana unless your doctor says it’s OK.

Next

Medically Reviewed by Poonam Sachdev on October 11, 2023

But there are some important limitations and context to consider:

  • Most people in the study were included for comparison purposes, and the number of cannabis users was only about 16,000. The average age among users was 55, and their age varied a lot. About 60% were men.
  • The cannabis users were getting medical care for reasons related to their cannabis use – including mental and behavioral illness due to cannabis use, poisoning or adverse effects of cannabis or its derivatives, and cannabis addiction.
  • About 5% of cannabis users in the study were diagnosed with dementia within five years, compared to 3.6% of people who went to the ER or hospital for other reasons. The rate of dementia in a general population comparison group was 1.3%.
  • Looking 10 years after the ER or hospital visit, 19% of users were diagnosed with dementia, compared to 15% of nonusers who got the same level of medical care.
  • Cannabis use was linked to a 31% lower risk of dementia within five years, compared to people who were treated in the ER or hospital due to alcohol use, the researchers found.
  • Related:Binge Drinking: How Much Is Too Much?

What’s Still Being Investigated

There’s still a lot we don’t understand about the possible link between dementia and cannabis use. What researchers still don’t know:

  • Whether the link still exists for people who use cannabis without needing medical care
  • How the complex interaction of genetics, lifestyle, and other health conditions combine with cannabis use to increase a person’s risk of having dementia

The Bigger Picture

This is just the latest in a string of recent studies shedding long-awaited light on the health impacts of cannabis use.

How Marijuana Affects Your Body

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It Makes You High

Let’s be honest: This is why most people use marijuana. THC is what causes the high. When you smoke marijuana, THC goes from your lungs to your bloodstream and then makes its way to your brain. There it connects to parts of certain cells called receptors. That’s what gives you those pleasant feelings. You can also get marijuana in things like cookies, gummies, and brownies. These are called edibles. They get into your blood through your digestive system.

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Brain

You might find it harder to focus, learn, and remember things when you use marijuana. This short-term effect can last up to 24 hours after you stop smoking. Long-term use, especially in your teens, may have more permanent effects. Imaging tests that take pictures of the brain show fewer connections in areas linked to alertness, learning, and memory. Tests show lower IQ scores in some people.

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Lungs

Marijuana smoke can inflame your lungs. If you’re a regular user, you could have the same breathing problems as a cigarette smoker. That means a cough, sometimes long lasting, or chronic. It might produce colored mucus, or phlegm. You could also be more likely to get lung infections. Inflamed lung tissue is part of the reason, but THC also seems to affect the way some people’s immune systems work.

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Heart

Your normal heart rate of 50 to 70 beats per minute can rise by 20 to 50 beats or more for up to 3 hours after you use marijuana. Scientists think that this, along with tar and other chemicals in the drug, may raise your chance of a heart attack or stroke. The risk could go up further if you’re older or you already have heart problems.

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Mental Health

Anxiety and paranoia are common complaints among marijuana users. Clinical anxiety and depression are also more likely, but scientists aren’t yet sure exactly why. The drug can make symptoms of more serious mental illness like psychosis and schizophrenia worse. It’s also linked to a higher likelihood of substance abuse. These effects could be worse if your genes make you more likely to get a mental illness or an addiction.

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Appetite

Regular marijuana users often refer to this as the munchies.  Some reports suggest this increased appetite might help you gain weight lost to illnesses like AIDS or cancer, or because of treatment for those diseases. Scientists are still studying when and if the treatment works or if it’s safe.

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Stomach

By itself, THC (marijuana’s active ingredient) seems to ease nausea, especially if your symptoms are from chemotherapy treatment for cancer. Some people say the stomach-settling effects work better when you use marijuana instead of THC alone. This may be because other chemicals enhance the effects of THC. But long-term marijuana use can have the opposite effect and cause more vomiting. Cannabinoid hyperemesis syndrome can occur in regular users and leads to frequent vomiting.

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Eyes

Some evidence suggests that marijuana, or chemicals in it, can lower the eye pressure that’s a main symptom of glaucoma. The problem is the effect only lasts 3 to 4 hours. To keep it low, you’d have to get the drug into your bloodstream 6-8 times a day. Doctors have yet to come up with a form of the drug that’s safe to use as a glaucoma treatment. And though marijuana does seem to lower eye pressure, it also might reduce the blood supply to your eye, which could make glaucoma worse.

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Chronic Pain

Both marijuana and a pill version of THC called dronabinol seem to help relieve pain by attaching to parts of brain cells called cannabinoid receptors. Some studies suggest CBD oil could ease pain from arthritis, nerve damage (neuropathy), and muscle spasms, among other causes. Scientists continue to study how and when and if this works in people.

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Multiple Sclerosis

A version of THC that you spray up your nose called nabiximols is available in Canada, the U.K., and other countries. It seems to help calm muscle spasms, lessen nerve pain, and improve sleep for many people with multiple sclerosis. It may also help with other illnesses, like cancer. The FDA is working to test the drug for use in the U.S.

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Inflammation

Though smoking marijuana can inflame your lungs, substances called cannabinoids seem to lessen the swelling in certain other tissues. Cannabidiol may be a good choice because it doesn’t cause the same high as THC. In animal tests, it shows some promise in the treatment of rheumatoid arthritis and conditions that inflame the digestive tract, like ulcerative colitis and Crohn’s disease.

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Seizures

There’s good evidence that marijuana, or drugs made from it, may help lessen seizures in some people with epilepsy. The FDA has even approved a drug made with cannabidiol for that purpose (Epidiolex). But the agency only recommends it for two rare forms of childhood epilepsy called Lennox-Gastaut syndrome and Dravet syndrome.

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Medically Reviewed by Jabeen Begum, MD on March 16, 2024

A lack of scientific research has led many people to form their understanding of marijuana’s health effects based on limited evidence from their own or others’ experiences. Medical experts have long warned that the true health impacts of marijuana are largely unknown, and in recent years, some of the first rigorous studies have offered new information, including links between cannabis and:

  • Cardiovascular problems, like strokes and heart attacks
  • Early death
  • Reduced brain function during tasks that involve mental skills

Those risks are along with the already well-established understanding that cannabis use is particularly risky among youths and young adults, whose brains are still developing. The American Psychiatric Association says there’s evidence that cannabis use can speed up the start of mental illness, particularly in young adulthood. People with depression who use cannabis are at an increased risk of suicidal thoughts or attempts. Risks increase based on how much and how long a person uses.

Source: https://www.webmd.com/mental-health/addiction/news/20250421/new-study-links-cannabis-and-dementia-heres-what-that-means

 

 

 

Filed under: Carfentanil,Fentanyl,USA :

 

The proceedings of their discussion can be accessed via the links shown below
Source: https://www.kbbi.org/podcast/coffee-table/2025-05-14/the-seward-prevention-coalition-and-the-icelandic-prevention-model-for-youth-drug-abuse

 

 

image003

Published by NIH/NIDA 14 May 2025

 

Cannabis vaping is making headlines worldwide, often promoted as a “safer” alternative to smoking. Meanwhile, Drug Trends data from Australia reveal that non-prescribed cannabis use remains high among people who regularly use drugs. But are wider permission models and positive propaganda about cannabis leading to greater engagement, especially among those most at risk? This article dives into Australian data from the Ecstasy and Related Drugs Reporting System (EDRS) and Illicit Drugs Reporting System (IDRS), exploring what’s really happening with cannabis products, vaping, and why honest health education is more critical than ever.

Cannabis Vaping and Drug Trends in Australia (2014–2024): What the Data Tells Us

Cannabis vaping, once an afterthought, now claims a growing share of the global market. Many believe vaping to be less harmful, with marketers highlighting vaping’s lack of smoke and alleged respiratory benefits. However, recent Drug Trends research in Australia challenges some of these assumptions and uncovers troubling patterns.

The Rise of Electronic Vaping Products

Electronic vaping products started as oversized gadgets in the late 1990s. Initially intended to vaporise dried cannabis herb, they eventually shrank, morphing into today’s sleek e-cigarettes. While vaping nicotine products has become mainstream, cannabis vaping is following close behind, spurred in part by changes to medicinal and recreational cannabis laws overseas.

A North American review found a seven-fold increase in monthly cannabis vaping among adolescents, with notable shifts from dried herb to potent cannabis oils. However, the situation in Australia is different, shaped by stricter regulations and unique market conditions.

Drug Trends in Non-Prescribed Cannabis Use

Australia’s EDRS and IDRS surveys collect real-world data on non-prescribed cannabis and cannabinoid-related products. Between 2014 and 2024, most participants in both systems reported using cannabis recently, with rates as high as 90% in the EDRS and 74% in the IDRS.

Hydroponic and Bush Cannabis Still Dominate

  • Hydroponic cannabis was the most popular, with usage rates ranging from 63%–83% among EDRS respondents, and a remarkable 88%–94% for IDRS participants.
  • Bush cannabis also stayed common, with 51%–77% (EDRS) and 37%–54% (IDRS) reporting use.
  • Other cannabis products, such as THC extracts and commercially-prepared edibles, have appeared in recent years, showing increased product diversity—but are far less popular than traditional forms.

Cannabis Vaping Emerges, But Smoking Prevails

Despite media attention around cannabis vaping, the majority of Australians captured in these studies still smoke cannabis. From 2014 to 2024:

  • Smoking remained the dominant route of administration (ROA) in both groups.
  • Cannabis vaping (inhaling/vaporising) trended upward, but stayed a minority choice. Vaporising among EDRS participants increased from 12% to 25%, and from 2% to 9% for IDRS.

Notably, few users chose vaping as their only method. Most combined it with smoking, suggesting the rise in vaping hasn’t replaced traditional habits.

Concerns About Cannabis Vaping and Permission Models

The Problem with Changing Perceptions

There is growing concern that permission models and positive messaging around cannabis use (whether through legislation or social media) may downplay its risks. Vaping, in particular, is surrounded by claims of being a “safer” alternative to smoking. While it’s true that vaping doesn’t involve combustion and may expose users to fewer toxic chemicals, it’s not risk-free.

Key Issues Include:

  • Potency extremes: Some vape oils and extracts reach THC concentrations of 70–90%, far higher than the average 10%–20% in cannabis herb. Highly potent products carry greater risks for dependence, anxiety, and psychosis.
  • Unknown health risks: The long-term effects of inhaling cannabis vapour, especially from unregulated or home-made devices, are not fully understood.
  • Discreet use and normalisation: Portability and subtlety make vaping easier to hide, particularly from parents and teachers. For some users, this can enable more frequent use or uptake at a younger age.
  • Unhealthy dual use: Most vapers continue smoking, increasing overall exposure to both methods. (for complete research WRD News)

Source: https://www.dalgarnoinstitute.org.au/index.php/resources/drug-information-sheets/2672-cannabis-vaping-and-drug-trends-among-youth-in-australia-2014-2024-a-growing-concern?

By Kevin Sabet – President, Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions – 

To maximize their effectiveness, prevention programs must reach adolescents before they are exposed to substance use in their peer groups. Yet nearly one-third of 12- to 17-year-olds reported that they did not see or hear any substance use prevention messages in school, according to the 2023 National Survey on Drug Use and Health. This lack of prevention education has serious implications for health equity, as racial and ethnic minority youth are less likely to report seeing these messages in their schools.

Prevention takes a village. All sectors of a community must be aligned in order to set healthy norms. This approach guides the Drug-Free Communities Support Program, which involves sectors from businesses and media to schools and religious organizations.

Unfortunately, numerous actors that pursue private profits at the expense of public health actively undermine these efforts. These include marijuana shops and, more recently, psychedelics shops. Our children are given conflicting messages when we tell them not to use addictive substances now being promoted throughout their neighborhoods.

Given the increasing embrace of mind-altering drugs at the state level, it’s no surprise that drug use has risen. A study published in the Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry found that recreational marijuana legalization was associated with a 13 percent increase in past-month marijuana use among youth ages 12 to 17, and a 22 percent increase among young adults ages 18 to 25. Between 2012 and 2023, the prevalence of marijuana use among 19- to 30-year-olds increased from 28.1 percent to 42.4 percent, while it more than doubled from 13.1 percent to 29.3 percent among 35- to 50-year-olds, according to the Monitoring the Future survey. Over this same period, annual overdose deaths nationwide more than doubled from 41,502 to 105,007.

As highlighted in the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions’ The Hyannis Consensus: The Blueprint for Effective Drug Policy, the nation’s drug policy “should promote a health standard that normalizes the non-use of substances.” Our drug policies should not make it easier to use licit and illicit substances.

A person holds a glass pipe used to smoke meth following the decriminalization
of all drugs in downtown Portland, Oregon on January 25, 2024. 
                                                                                  PATRICK T. FALLON/AFP/Getty Images

 

Other things being equal, the harms of drug use will decline as the prevalence of drug use declines. Notably, the White House recently estimated that the societal cost of illicit opioids was $2.7 trillion––with a “t”––in 2023, which is “equivalent to 9.7 percent of GDP.” Viewed through this lens, prevention is essential and must remain central to drug policy efforts. A proactive, upstream approach premised on prevention will also reduce strain on downstream systems like treatment and recovery.

Policymakers must remember that prevention programs are cost-effective. A 2016 report from the surgeon general explained:

Interventions that prevent substance use disorders can yield an even greater economic return than the services that treat them. For example, a recent study of prevention programs estimated that every dollar spent on effective, school-based prevention programs can save an estimated $18 in costs related to problems later in life.

National Prevention Week is also a fitting time to spotlight novel approaches to prevention. The Icelandic Model is particularly promising. A 2019 study explained that “by working to increase social and environmental protective factors associated with preventing or delaying substance use and decreasing corresponding risk factors, the model prevents substance use by intervening on society itself and across a broad spectrum of opportunities for community intervention.” In practice, this approach may encourage youth to join community groups and participate in extracurricular activities, which are protective factors against substance use.

To scale what we know works, White House Office of National Drug Control Policy director nominee Sara Carter should relaunch a national prevention campaign, similar to the National Youth Anti-Drug Media Campaign. Those public awareness efforts were particularly effective in reducing rates of tobacco use, and will help set strong anti-drug cultural norms and promote health.

The current administration deserves praise for centering prevention in a recent statement of its drug policy priorities. We fully support its plan to “encourage educational campaigns and evidence-based prevention programs, particularly in schools and communities.” But it’s time we back it up with dollars and programs. As we recognize National Prevention Week, we must not forget about the importance of prevention and its role in helping more Americans live healthy, drug-free lives.

Dr. Kevin Sabet is President of Smart Approaches to Marijuana (SAM) and the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions (FDPS) and a former White House drug policy advisor across three administrations.

The views expressed in this article are the writer’s own.

Source: https://www.newsweek.com/save-americas-youth-lawmakers-should-invest-drug-prevention-opinion-2071582

From clincoln-dfaf.org@shared1.ccsend.com – 15 May 2025

 

For the first time in years, there’s encouraging news in the fight against the overdose crisis. According to provisional data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, an estimated 80,000 people died from drug overdoses in 2024—30,000 fewer than the year before, marking a 27% decrease and the largest single-year decline ever recorded. This milestone reflects the impact of prevention, treatment, and recovery efforts across the country and reinforces the urgent need to continue investing in strategies that save lives.

 

Drug Free America Foundation proudly joins communities nationwide in recognizing National Prevention Week 2025, a public education platform led by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). Held annually during the second week of May, National Prevention Week showcases the incredible work of individuals, organizations, and communities who are committed to preventing substance use and misuse and promoting positive mental health.

Why Prevention Matters Now More Than Ever

The need for strong prevention strategies has never been more urgent. According to the 2023 National Survey on Drug Use and Health, an estimated 70.5 million people aged 12 or older (that’s nearly 1 in 4 Americans) used illicit drugs in the past year. Marijuana was the most commonly used, followed by hallucinogens and the misuse of prescription pain relievers. These findings underscore the critical importance of investing in prevention today to protect the health and well-being of future generations.

Prevention in Action: Raising Awareness and Building Resilience

This observance highlights the importance of raising awareness about substance use and mental health challenges through data-driven prevention strategies and evidence-based programs that have proven effective in creating healthier, safer communities. It also serves as a reminder of the power of collaboration and community experience in improving public health outcomes and building strong, lasting partnerships.

National Prevention Week is about more than just awareness—it’s about sharing knowledge, disseminating high-quality resources, and empowering people with the tools they need to live healthy, substance-free lives.

 

Showcasing our newest initiative: The Trauma & SUD Action Force Initiative (TSAFI)

The Trauma & SUD Action Force Initiative (TSAFI) is an international effort committed to bridging the gap in trauma-informed care within Substance Use Disorder (SUD) services—from prevention and treatment to recovery—using approaches grounded in neuroscience and scientific evidence.

TSAFI unites experts, organizations, and decision-makers to promote the recognition and integration of trauma within all aspects of SUD care.

By combining insights from neuroscience and psychology, TSAFI addresses the neurological and social dimensions of trauma, ensuring a comprehensive and informed response to its role in SUD.

Discover more here or get involved by reaching out to tsafi@wfad.se or visiting https://tsafi.wfad.se/.

Source: From clincoln-dfaf.org@shared1.ccsend.com – 15 May 2025 

 

 

Issued by DEA Public Affairs – May 15, 2025

Dianova and G2H2 launched a series of debates with a session dedicated to prevention and treatment initiatives for children and adolescents – 16/05/2025

Substance use prevention targeting children and adolescents is a science that relies on evidence-based interventions to address the complex factors contributing to substance use disorders – Photo by Ernest Brillo on Unsplash

On Tuesday 12 May, the first session in a series of debates organized by G2H2 was opened. Entitled ‘People, power and policies in global health: perspectives from civil society’, the series was organized in the run-up to the 78th World Health Assembly, held from 19 to 27 May.

Co-hosted by Dianova and the Geneva Global Health Hub (G2H2) , the session ‘Growing up safe: public health approaches to drug use prevention and treatment for children and adolescents’ brought together high-level participants, including Anja Busse (WHO) and Wadih Maalouf, (UNODC).

G2H2 is a network of civil society organisations based in Geneva that promotes information exchange and joint political action on global health issues – Dianova International is a member of G2H2.

The main objective of the session, as outlined by Gisela Hansen (moderator, Dianova International), was to reconnect drug policies with public health, focusing on the prevention and treatment of substance use among children and adolescents. The aim was to promote models centred on health and human rights, especially in vulnerable or disadvantaged contexts around the world.

Contributions follow from each of the following experts:

  • Anja Busse (World Health Organization)
  • Oriel Esculies (Proyecto Hombre, Spain)
  • Shrook Mansour Ali (Psychiatric Care Development Foundation, Yemen)
  • Cristina von Sperling Afidi (KKAWF, Pakistan)
  • Rajesh Kumar (SPYM, India)
  • Cressida de Witte (WFAD, Sweden)
  • Rebecca Haines-Saah (University of Calgary, Canada)
  • Wadih Maalouf (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime)

Anja Busse (WHO)

Head of the Unit on Drugs, Alcohol and Addictive Behaviours at the WHO. Anja has been involved in this field at the global level since 2005 and has been supporting science-based strategies for the treatment and care of drug dependence.

Anja took the floor and began by reminding  the WHO’s commitment to promoting global health, particularly among the most vulnerable. The WHO Constitution (1946) emphasizes the importance of healthy child development: “Healthy  development of the child is of basic importance, the ability to live harmoniously in a changing total environment is essential to such development.”

“A public health response to substance use prevention and treatment means reaching the highest number of people with the most effective, least costly, and least invasive strategy or intervention” 

This involves creating environments in which children and adolescents can grow up healthy and safe, and where it is easier for them to avoid alcohol, tobacco and drugs. The burden of responsibility should primarily be placed on the system and on all of us rather than on the individual.

Safer is an initiative launched by the World Health Organization (WHO) in 2018, aiming to prevent and reduce alcohol-related harm in various countries – image: excerpt from presentation by Anja Busse, WHO

UNODC data also reveal that, in 2021, around 5.3% of 15–16-year-olds had used cannabis in the previous year, and that, in most countries and regions, cannabis use is more prevalent among young people than in the general population.

  • Download .pdf presentation by Anja Busse

Anja highlighted that the UNODC and the WHO have published several documents on the health and development of children and adolescents, as well as international standards on drug use prevention. These include strategies targeting the population as a whole, as well as those used in schools, the health system, the workplace, the community, and finally, families. She emphasised one of the basic principles of prevention: ‘The earlier we act, the better’, although it is never too late to implement interventions.

Science based strategies targeting the general population have the widest impact, but they must also consider implementing interventions for the most at-risk groups.

Children and adolescents face several obstacles when seeking mental health and drug services – image: excerpt from presentation by Anja Busse, WHO

According to Anja, the most effective strategies target multiple and multi-level vulnerabilities rather than limiting themselves to narrow interventions in single settings. Finally, Anja emphasised the need for well-conducted planning involving many stakeholders and for an effective social and health system providing accessible mental healthcare services at all levels, which is not the case everywhere.

While it is acceptable for a government to restrict or regulate the availability, distribution and production of drugs, it is important to avoid the unnecessary punishment of people who use drugs.

After reviewing various organizational prevention methods and their effectiveness, Anja also highlighted interventions that research has found to be ineffective or of questionable or unproven effectiveness. These include media awareness campaigns (not effective); use of social media and influencers (effectiveness unknown); information sessions on the consequences or harms of drugs (not effective); sports and other leisure activities (lack of evidence, controversies) strategies targeting children/youth particularly at risk (lack of evidence) and drug testing in schools (no evidence).

Documents

  • Guidelines on mental health promotive and preventive interventions for adolescents (available in six languages)
  • Global Accelerated Action for the Health of Adolescents
  • Alcohol, Smoking and Substance Involvement Screening Test (ASSIST)
  • UNODC/WHO International Standards on Drug Use Prevention
  • A Global Health Strategy for 2025-2028

Oriol Esculies – Proyecto Hombre (Spain)

Oriol is a psychologist with over thirty years’ experience of helping people with addiction problems. He is the International Commissioner of the Proyecto Hombre association and coordinator of the Oviedo Declaration.

The impact of drugs, including tobacco and other legal substances, is enormous. This is not only an issue of security, economics or the law, but also a health issue affecting millions of people, including children and adolescents, in all aspects of their health: physical, emotional, intellectual and social.

We must invest in health now, while our children are healthy; otherwise, the future problem of substance use will be greater, not only for them, but for society as a whole – this is the paradox of prevention.

Some of the stakeholders involved in the Oviedo Declaration, following its presentation at the Commission for the Study of the Constitution (CND) in March 2024 – Photo: Proyecto Hombre, all rights reserved

This also presents a significant challenge to decision-makers and governments, as it necessitates planning and governance with a long-term vision. Launched last year, the Oviedo Initiative is a declaration comprising ten proposals in line with international standards on prevention. It is also a global mobilisation to incorporate prevention into drug policies once and for all. It is an inclusive, collective campaign that is already supported by over 3,000 institutions and several observers, including the UNODC.

  • Read article on the Oviedo Declaration and support the Declaration, available in 48 languages

The main strength of this initiative, which builds bridges between local and global levels, lies in the voluntary work of 174 focal points within countries. At Dianova International, we are honoured to contribute to this initiative as the focal point for Switzerland.

We hope that the resolution on prevention recently adopted by the CND in Vienna last March will mark a turning point towards the accelerated implementation of effective and forward-looking drug prevention policies.


Shrooq Mansour Ali, Psychiatric Care Developmental Foundation (Yemen)

As a public health expert and the Yemen focal point for the Oviedo Initiative, Shrooq works for the Yemeni NGO, the Psychiatric Care Developmental Foundation, providing mental health and psychological support services to vulnerable young people.

She points out that, after ten years of conflict, Yemen is facing one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, exacerbated by ongoing violence, the consequences of climate change and the collapse of the economy, institutions and services. According to the 2024 Humanitarian Needs Assessment, approximately half of Yemen’s population, or more than 18 million people, require humanitarian assistance.

Research has shown that populations affected by armed conflict are at a higher risk of using drugs as a coping mechanism in response to such dramatic situations.

Furthermore, factors such as prolonged psychological trauma, disrupted education, unemployment and chronic poverty in Yemen further increase the risks. Despite this, mental health and substance use issues remain highly neglected. Therefore, ensuring adequate care for substance use issues in humanitarian contexts is a priority.

As the focal point for the Oviedo Declaration in Yemen, Shrook and her colleagues face significant challenges in advancing the initiative within government structures due to the many divisions between the government recognised by international institutions in the south and the de facto authorities in the north. This means that all activities must be coordinated with different entities, which is made more difficult by the sensitive nature of the issue.

Yemen lacks reliable data on substance use. As one of the Oviedo Declaration’s recommendations highlights, there is a need to focus on evidence-based strategies grounded in the collection and evaluation of data. This data would serve as a basis for implementing prevention programmes and national policies in this area.

Problems associated with substance use exist in Yemen and can no longer be ignored or denied.


Cristina von Sperling Afridi, Karim Khan Afridi Welfare Foundation (KKAWF), Pakistan

Following the tragic loss of her son, Karim, in 2015, Cristina established the Karim Khan Afridi Welfare Foundation (KKAWF) to support young people and raise awareness of addiction. The foundation’s work is based on five pillars: drug awareness, sport, the environment, art and culture, and civic engagement.

Currently in Pakistan And across the region Drug use prevention strategies are significantly underrepresented In public policies agendas. The Oviedo declaration launched in 2024 represents a timely and powerful call to action urging nations to prioritize prevention in the drug policies For Pakistan this framework offers a critical opportunity to redirect focus towards long-term sustainable solutions.

Cristina emphasised the urgency of the situation: Pakistan lies at the heart of the Golden Crescent, one of the world’s most notorious drug producing region. Of all the countries in the region, Pakistan is the most affected by the drug menace. It harbors the largest heroin consuming population in the region, a crisis now compounded by the rise of crystal meth.

The growing threat of drug use among young people poses considerable social, health, and economic challenges for the nation. The KKAWF Foundation plays an active role in preventing drug use. It raises awareness among policymakers, civil society and other stakeholders of the importance of prevention.

Prevention must become the central pillar of national drug policies, but this requires essential resources, coordination and commitment — and urgently so!

The KKAWF develops numerous partnerships in its advocacy work for prevention. Here, the Foundation’s president, Cristina Von Sperling Afridi (right), with a representative of the Green Crescent Federation – Photo: KKAWF, all rights reserved

One of the Foundation’s main areas of focus is fostering collaboration between the government, civil society organisations, and the private sector, as only a unified, strategic approach can effectively address this public health crisis. It is also crucial to integrate drug education into school curricula at secondary and higher education levels.

The KKAWF advocates an evidence-based, stigma-free approach that promotes emotional intelligence, resilience, and critical thinking.

Cristina believes that prevention must become a way of life, not just a programme. She believes that only by cultivating a culture of prevention will it be possible to protect future generations.


Rajesh Kumar, Society for the Promotion of Youth and Masses (SPYM), India

Rajesh is the executive director of SPYM, an NGO that has worked in the field of addiction for over 40 years, receiving several national awards for its work with marginalised communities. SPYM has consultative status with ECOSOC, and Dr Kumar has served on numerous government and international bodies.

India’s proximity to the Golden Crescent and Golden Triangle has made the country a destination for large quantities of drugs. Substance use is therefore on the rise, particularly among children. In response to this serious violation of children’s rights, SPYM began working with children suffering from addiction in 2010.

In India, approximately 4 million children use opiates, 2.6 million inhale drugs, and 2 million use cannabis. Even with a population of over 1.4 billion, these figures represent a huge problem, particularly given that only 1% of affected children seek help.

While it is estimated that 99.9% of children do not use drugs, it is essential to invest in treatment and scientifically validated prevention strategies based on collaboration with families, communities and schools to ensure they stay on this path. These groups have a duty to ensure that substance use prevention and mental health are part of their regular activities, which is why SPYM has developed the Navchetna programme under the auspices of the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment.

  • Download .pdf presentation by Rajesh Kumar

The Navchetna school programme is designed with different modules tailored to students according to their age. It is run by trained teachers under the supervision of the Ministry of Education.

A significant part of SPYM’s work is carried out for the benefit of the well-being of the most disadvantaged children and adolescents – Photo: SPYM, all rights reserved

Once their training is complete, the ‘master trainers’ must in turn train up to 100 teachers within two years, with the ultimate goal of training one million teachers, although so far, only 100,000 have been trained. The programme also uses videos, which are currently available in English and Hindi and will soon be available in 12 regional languages.

SPYM also develops numerous programmes and activities to help vulnerable people, particularly children and teenagers. These include a community-based early intervention programme run by peers in nearly 300 districts in the country most affected by drug use, residential treatment centres for various populations including children and adolescents in conflict with the law, activities focused on life skills and rehabilitation, and advocacy activities.

SPYM and KKAWF are both associate members of Dianova International.


Cressida de Witte – World Federation Against Drugs (WFAD, Sweden)

Cressida is the project coordinator and communications manager for the WFAD. She leads projects for this organisation in various countries, including the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, India, and Georgia. She is also a member of the WFAD committees on gender and youth.

The continuum of care includes a wide range of interventions, from health promotion to recovery and follow-up, including various prevention strategies and different phases or modalities of treatment.

Diagram produced by Dr Audrey Begun – Theories and Biological Basis of Substance Misuse

The Continuum of Care in addiction treatment refers to a comprehensive approach that guides and tracks patients over time through various levels and intensities of care – Image: excerpt from presentation by Cressida de Witte

Although prevention programmes for young people generally target school-age children, adolescents and young adults due to the high risk of experimenting with substances, research has shown that prevention efforts should start even earlier.

The early years of a child’s life are a critical period for brain development. This is when the foundations of decision-making, impulse control and resilience are laid. As younger children learn to manage their emotions, resolve conflicts and set goals, they develop skills that will inform healthier choices in adolescence and adulthood.

However, prevention is not solely the responsibility of the child; it also depends on their environment, which is why action must be taken at all levels, from the macro to the micro, and from family dynamics to community support.

The WFAD is a multilateral community with ECOSOC consultative status, composed of over 470 NGOs in 73 countries. The organisation’s three pillars are capacity building through webinars, training courses and forums; advocacy at national, regional and international levels to strengthen prevention, treatment and recovery; and project development, particularly international projects. One such project is a youth project in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Sober Youth and Healthy Communities: Transforming Violent Youth in Kinshasa. Learn more about the project.

Within the framework of these advocacy efforts, the organisation launched the ‘Global Youth Declaration on Prevention, Treatment and Recovery’. Presented at the 68th session of the CND in March 2025, the declaration is based on six recommendations aimed at ‘ensuring access to prevention, treatment, rehabilitation and recovery services that are youth-friendly and respectful of their rights, in order to ensure a healthy, safe and drug-free future for all young people worldwide’. The declaration is available in seven languages.


Rebecca Haines-Saah – University of Calgary (Canada)

Rebecca is a public health sociologist and associate professor at the University of Calgary. Her research interests include youth drug use, harm reduction approaches, and drug policy reform.

As a teenager, she was cast in a popular Canadian television programme in which her character experimented with substance use. This, in some way, launched her career and her commitment to supporting young people she said.

Rebecca believes that we need to radically rethink drug prevention for young people. Unfortunately, in North America as elsewhere, prevention has long been based on values rather than scientifically validated evidence of what works and what doesn’t. Past prevention campaigns, such as Nancy Reagan’s ‘Just Say No’ motto, were never evidence-based or evaluated.

“Prevention has been based on values rather than evidence for too long, which is why we need to radically rethink drug prevention for young people” – excerpt from presentation by Rebecca Haines-Saah

Even worse, an evaluation of the D.A.R.E. (Drug Abuse Resistance Education) programme – a series of lessons delivered by police officers in schools – showed that it was associated with a slight increase in substance use! It was hypothesised that the most marginalised young people reacted badly to the presence of police officers in the classroom. These campaigns primarily relied on stereotypes and stigmatisation of young people.

“In Canada, it has been highlighted that the most effective drug prevention programmes have very little to do with drugs” 

If we want to improve prevention outcomes among young people, she stresses, we need to focus less on educating them about specific substances, and instead strive to promote community well-being, as well as individual and family resilience. That’s where we need to invest.

Scientific research indicates that effective strategies include psychosocial and developmental interventions that enhance conflict resolution and problem-solving abilities, social-emotional learning, and anything else that helps teenagers manage challenging situations with their peers and cope with trauma and community conflict. These strategies have demonstrated several positive long-term outcomes.

Rebecca also highlighted the implementation of a community-based prevention model in Calgary and other parts of the country. Planet Youth, the model implemented in Calgary and elsewhere, was developed based on the Icelandic prevention model: a participatory, evidence-based approach that has dramatically reduced substance use, particularly tobacco and alcohol.

Finally, Rebecca presented a slide on the ‘prevention pyramid’, particularly focusing on the first level: the more effort made to create equitable social and economic conditions, the better the results. She believes that this is a much more ambitious and difficult goal to achieve than simply setting up a programme or activity. However, it is on this point that our vision must be aligned.

The more effort that is made to create equitable social and economic conditions in prevention, the better the results.

In addition to prevention needs, Rebecca emphasised the urgent need to address young people’s harm reduction needs to prevent drug poisoning deaths. Drug poisoning is currently the leading cause of death among 10- to 18-year-olds in western Canada, ahead of cancer and car accidents, so this is a public health emergency.


Dr Wadih Maalouf – UNODC

Wadih is a public health professional who holds a PhD in mental health and drug epidemiology from the Johns Hopkins School of Public Health. With over 25 years’ experience, he is now the global coordinator of the addiction prevention programme at UNODC, and is one of the world’s leading prevention experts.

Wadih began by emphasising the importance and timeliness of this conversation because it is based on scientific evidence. A large number of standards have now been developed for prevention and treatment, thanks to collaboration between UNODC and WHO, and the science is available. He also noted that science is receiving greater recognition, not only from organisations working in the field, but also from civil society. This is evident in the 3,000 stakeholders who have rallied around the common agenda promoted by the Oviedo Declaration.

This recognition is also evident at government level, as demonstrated by the Commission on Narcotic Drugs’ resolutions, which call for early prevention to target different stages of development rather than drug use. These resolutions also call for multisectoral prevention, despite all the challenges posed by multilateralism.

There is now a desire to develop science-based, multisectoral prevention programmes for young people.

In his view, there is a real desire to prioritise science and prevention, particularly for young people, and to work across multiple sectors. With the right ingredients — science, political commitment, and action on the ground — it is possible to turn this knowledge into action.

As a people-centred approach, prevention must also focus on the environment and context in which people live, as well as their level of vulnerability. This systemic approach must aim to leave no one behind.

To achieve this, we must focus on different age groups, contexts of vulnerability and gender. This is an important consideration in the context of vulnerabilities, particularly for children, whose developmental trajectories may be affected in different ways.

The current generation of young people has the highest potential ever seen, which is why it is essential that they are meaningfully engaged in prevention efforts.

Young people are not only the beneficiaries of prevention; they must also be its agents because every child has the right to grow up healthy, and we have the means to make that happen.

From sfunes@drugfreeamericafoundation.ccsend.com – 16 May 2025

 

Today you can find marijuana everywhere, dispensaries around every corner or easily accessible through social media. This normalization is leading researchers to investigate its effects on various health conditions and the dangers associated with overconsumption of marijuana. This research shows that there is an association between marijuana use and the weakening of our immune system. Its consumption affects key parts of our defences against cancer while contributing to faster tumor progression, particularly for gastrointestinal conditions.

 

In general, individuals with substance use disorders, including cannabis use disorder (CUD), are more likely to experience delays in diagnosis and reduced involvement in their medical care. In addition, behavioral and psychiatric conditions linked to marijuana use such as anxiety and depression may prevent the adherence to the required treatment leading to negative prognosis.

 

Two recent studies, one on chronic pancreatitis and the other on colorectal cancer, highlight how CUD is linked to poorer outcomes in individuals suffering from chronic pancreatitis and colorectal cancer.

 

In the first study, researchers analyzed over 1,000 patients and found that those with pre-existing CUD were more likely to die within 5 years of receiving a colon cancer diagnosis. Among those who had a documented history of CUD prior to being diagnosed, the difference in outcomes were stark:

 

Five-year mortality rate:

  • Patients with CUD: 55.9%
  • Patients without CUD: 5.1%

 

In the second study, researchers linked CUD to worsened clinical outcomes in individuals with chronic pancreatitis, a painful and progressive condition where the pancreas becomes inflamed and damaged over time. These patients were found to be at greater risk of pancreatic flare up, pancreatic cancer, all-cause mortality, and pancreatic necrosis.

 

This association held firm even after the researchers accounted for opioid use, suggesting that marijuana itself may contribute to disease progression and complications.

 

CUD affects 3 in 10 users in the U.S., according to the CDC. As it becomes more normalized, the risks for vulnerable populations, in this case those with colon cancer and pancreatitis, continue to grow. These risks are too significant and call for more research, awareness and education, serving as a critical reminder that marijuana use is not harmless, especially when dependence develops.

 

For resources related to marijuana, check out www.dfaf.org/education.

 

Source:

From sfunes@drugfreeamericafoundation.ccsend.com

And for further related information. visit:

 

Today, Senators Mark Kelly (D-AZ), Thom Tillis (R-NC), and Chris Coons (D-DE) introduced bipartisan legislation to fund public service announcement (PSA) campaigns and contests to help young Americans understand the dangers of drug use.  

The Youth Substance Use Prevention and Awareness Act would expand the Department of Justice’s Bureau of Justice Assistance Comprehensive Opioid, Stimulant, and Substance Use Program (COSSUP) for research-based PSAs launched by state and local governments to help youth in their local communities.

“As drug addiction continues to destroy the lives of young people and their families in red and blue states alike, we need to address the problem in ways that speak directly to teens,” said Senator Kelly. “Arizona has already taken the lead in promoting PSA campaigns against substance use, and this bill will help my state and other states reach more people about the dangers of drug use and save lives.”

“We must do everything we can to make young adults aware of the dangers of substance abuse,” said Senator Tillis. “I am proud to co-lead this bipartisan legislation with Senator Kelly to expand COSSUP so we can coordinate with states and local entities to conduct public service announcements and spread awareness.”

“Too many young Americans know firsthand the harms of opioid addiction and deserve every opportunity to be leaders in combatting this crisis in their communities,” said Senator Coons. “This bill will give them the resources and opportunity to use what they know to save lives.”

The Youth Substance Use Prevention and Awareness Act is supported by Arizona Attorney General Mayes, Partnership to End Addiction, Drug Policy Alliance, Addiction Policy Forum, Community Anti-Drug Coalitions of America (CADCA), the National Association for Children Impacted by Addiction (NACoA), the Brent Shapiro Foundation, the Alexander Neville Foundation, National Crime Prevention Council, MATFORCE, the Substance Awareness Coalition Leaders of Arizona (SACLAz), and Gang Free North Carolina.

See what Arizona stakeholders are saying about the Youth Substance Use Prevention and Awareness Act:

“Fentanyl is the leading cause of death for Americans between the ages of 18 and 45. Cartels are even targeting Arizona teenagers on social media, leading to overdoses in children as young as 14 years old. Our Fentanyl PSA contest has been one of the most successful ways my office has engaged the next generation of Arizonans in the fight against the fentanyl crisis, and we’ve made inroads toward making sure every young person in Arizona knows how to protect themselves and their friends from fentanyl,” said Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes. “Thank you, Senator Kelly, for putting this bill forward and creating new federally-funded opportunities for other local law enforcement and government offices to offer PSAs like the one we’ve seen such success with. We need every tool in our tool belt as we continue to fight the scourge of fentanyl in our communities.”

“Research consistently demonstrates that early use of addictive substances heightens the risk of addiction later in life, with the likelihood increasing the earlier use begins. Preventing and delaying substance use among young people is essential to ending our nation’s addiction crisis. The most effective prevention takes a comprehensive approach, addressing the diverse factors that influence youth substance use while meeting the unique needs of individual communities. Public awareness campaigns, guided by research and regularly evaluated to ensure effectiveness, play a vital role in this holistic and evidence-based approach. The Youth Substance Use Prevention and Awareness Act will help communities use federal funding to prevent youth substance use by including research-based public service awareness campaigns in their prevention strategies,” Linda Richter, PhD, Senior Vice President of Prevention Research and Analysis, Partnership to End Addiction.

“At the Alexander Neville Foundation, we’re dedicated to helping young people and their caregivers understand the serious dangers of substance misuse, especially fentanyl and social media harms. Our goal is to raise awareness and offer the support necessary for young individuals to make informed, healthy choices. The Youth Substance Use Prevention and Awareness Act is a perfect match for our mission, as it boosts public service announcement campaigns designed to prevent substance misuse among youth. This important legislation plays a key role in tackling the fentanyl crisis and substance misuse, ensuring that young people receive the right education at the right time. By supporting evidence-based prevention programs, we’re working toward a safer, healthier future, one where young people can thrive both online and offline, free from the dangers of substance use,” said the Alexander Neville Foundation.

“When NACoA was founded in 1983, schools had counselors and student assistance programs equipped to support children impacted by the disease of addiction — that is no longer the norm. Today, 1 in 5 children in the U.S. live in a household where a parent has a substance use disorder (American Academy of Pediatrics). The National Association for Children Impacted by Addiction (NACoA) supports this vital legislation, because locally driven, peer-centered education can break the intergenerational cycle of this chronic, progressive and fatal disease. Every dollar invested in prevention can save up to $18 in future costs (SAMSHA) — and it’s always easier to help a child than to heal a broken adult,” said President/CEO NACoA Denise Bertin-Epp RN, BScN, MSA.

“The Youth Substance Use Prevention and Awareness Act is a positive step towards stopping youth drug and alcohol use before it starts.  Nine of 10 individuals who develop a drug addiction began using drugs as teenagers, our nation needs to make the protection of our children and their developing brains a top priority. The Youth Substance Use Prevention and Awareness Act will provide youth with the information necessary to help them make healthy choices. This legislation can save lives.  The Substance Awareness Coalition Leaders of Arizona support this legislation,” said Merilee Fowler, Executive Director, MATFORCE, Community Counts.

Background:

The Comprehensive Opioid, Stimulant, and Substance Use Program (COSSUP) was developed as part of the Comprehensive Addiction and Recovery Act (CARA) of 2016. COSSUP’s purpose is to provide financial and technical assistance to states, units of local government, and Indian tribal governments to develop, implement, or expand comprehensive efforts to identify, respond to, treat, and support those impacted by illicit opioids, stimulants and other drugs.

Source: https://www.kelly.senate.gov/newsroom/press-releases/kelly-tillis-coons-introduce-legislation-to-address-youth-drug-use/

by Connery, Lucy MPH; Tomilin, Kailyn MPH; Lynch, Joshua DO, FACEP  – Emergency Medicine News 

Introduction

Since the first wave of the opioid epidemic in the 1990s, more than 550,000 people from various backgrounds have died of an overdose in the United States.1 In 2023, opioid overdose deaths decreased 3% nationwide and by 10% in states like New York—the first decline in the last decade.2 Furthermore, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recently reported a near 24% decline in overdose deaths between October 2023 and September 2024 compared to the previous year.3 While these milestones may bring hope to communities across the country, community leaders are also reporting alarming racial and ethnic disparities in these health trends. Emergency departments (EDs) are at the frontlines of the opioid epidemic, treating individuals who are in acute withdrawal or postoverdose.4 Therefore, emergency physicians and ED staff members must be aware of the changing demographics of the opioid epidemic and the resources available to effectively address opioid use disorder (OUD).

Figure 1: 

The waves of the opioid epidemic

The Waves of the Opioid Epidemic

The distinct waves of the opioid epidemic presented unique challenges in communities across the United States, necessitating rapid and adaptive responses from public, private, and nonprofit sectors to address the evolving patterns of substance use, shifting demographics, and emerging public health threats. Table 1 summarizes the four waves of the opioid epidemic.

Table 1 – Summary of demographics, data, and trends of the opioid epidemic

Wave Time Period Primary Driver Most Impacted Demographics Data Trends & Consequences
First wave 1990-2010 Increased opioid prescribing, aggressive pharmaceutical marketing, and regulatory shortcomings from federal agencies Non-Hispanic White individuals, ages 45-54 1999-2009: Prescription opioid overdose deaths rose from ~3,442 to 13,523
Second wave 2010-2013 Opioid-prescribing regulations tightened, shift from prescription opioids to heroin due to cost and accessibility Non-Hispanic Black individuals, ages 45-64
  1. 2000-2013: Heroin-related overdoses nearly quadrupled
  2. 2010-2016: Heroin-involved deaths increased from 1% per 100,000 to 4.9% per 100,000
Third wave 2013-2019 Proliferation of synthetic opioids, particularly fentanyl Younger individuals (ages 25-34) and non-Hispanic Black populations (ages 45-64)
  1. 2012-2016: Drug overdose deaths rose from 1,600 to over 18,000 nationwide
  2. 2013-2019: Opioid overdose rates from synthetic opioids (particularly fentanyl) increased over 1,000%
Fourth wave 2019-present Increasing presence of fentanyl mixed with stimulants (eg, cocaine, methamphetamine) and other contaminants (eg, xylazine) Non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, and Indigenous populations
  1. 2018: Synthetic opioid overdose rates increased 79% for White individuals and over 100% for Black individuals
  2. 2018-2022: EMS agencies’ nonfatal opioid overdose encounters increased 3.4% for White, 7.4% for Black, and 5.7% for Hispanic people

The First Wave

The first wave of the opioid epidemic was marked by a drastic rise in opioid prescribing and overdose deaths across the United States in the 1990s.9 Many experts believe that this surge was driven by marketing strategies from pharmaceutical companies promoting aggressive prescribing for opioids, such as OxyContin.10,11 This, coupled with insufficient oversight and regulatory shortcomings by governmental agencies, including the US Food and Drug Administration, permitted the dissemination of misleading information about the safety and efficacy of these drugs.10,11

During this first wave, non-Hispanic Whites aged 45-54 had the highest opioid overdose mortality rates.12 This health disparity can be associated with inequitable access to health care and medications for addiction treatment (MAT) among different racial and ethnic groups, as well as older adults seeking medical care more frequently than younger populations.13,14 Once efforts were made to control over-prescribing of opioids, many individuals sought illicit substances to manage cravings and withdrawal symptoms. This uptick in illicit opioid use, specifically heroin, led to a second wave of the opioid epidemic by 2010.9

The Second Wave

The second wave of the opioid epidemic was marked by increased overdoses in non-Hispanic Black individuals ages 45-64.15 This age group was most impacted for a variety of reasons; as regulations around opioid-prescribing tightened, access to legally obtained opioids decreased. Many people with OUD transitioned to using illicit opioids to manage cravings and withdrawal symptoms.16 Between 2000 and 2013, the number of heroin-involved overdoses nearly quadrupled.17 Between 2010 and 2016, heroin-involved deaths increased from 1% to 4.9% per 100,000.9 Although there have been many changes in the age of those who are most affected by the opioid epidemic, the shift in race-based demographics has remained consistent.

The Third Wave

In 2013, the third wave of the opioid epidemic emerged and was characterized by overdose deaths involving synthetic opioids, particularly fentanyl.18 Non-Hispanic Black communities were disproportionally impacted, with the rate of fentanyl overdose deaths increasing among non-Hispanic Black people by about 140% every year between 2011 and 2016.12 Unlike the first and second waves, two distinct age groups experienced the most dramatic increase in opioid-involved overdose deaths during the third wave of the opioid epidemic: opioid overdose death rates increasing by 4.6 per 100,000 for men aged 25-44 and 3.7 per 100,000 for men aged 45-64.19 One potential reason for this shift in age may be that younger people are more likely to misuse illicit substances compared to older adults.20 Older adults are more likely to receive prescription medications like opioids compared to younger people and, therefore, are less likely to seek illicit substances from other sources.21 Figure 1 displays the different waves of the opioid epidemic (as defined by the CDC) and the demographics of those who were most impacted by each wave.5,22-24

The Fourth Wave

Although national leaders like the CDC recognize only three waves of the opioid crisis, many academic journals have published literature on a fourth wave of the epidemic.18,25-27 This fourth, and current, wave is characterized by increased rates of opioid overdose deaths with involvement of stimulants.26,27 This presents a distinct challenge across communities in the United States because many people who use stimulants are not seeking opioids and may not have a tolerance. Fentanyl is the primary driver of all opioid overdose deaths in the United States; because of its shorter period of euphoria compared to heroin, sedatives like xylazine and medetomidine are being added to the illicit fentanyl supply to lengthen its effects.28,29 These sedatives do not respond to naloxone and have effects including hypotension and respiratory depression, further complicating overdose response and prevention strategies.

The disparity in overdose rates among different racial and ethnic populations is particularly evident when looking at the third (and fourth) wave(s) of the opioid epidemic. In May 2024, the CDC announced the first decline in opioid overdose deaths nationwide since 2018, but there were alarming racial disparities in these health outcomes.3,30,31 Notably, opioid overdose deaths decreased among White people by 14%, but decreased by only 6% for Black communities and 2% for Asian or Pacific Islanders. Overdose deaths also increased for Native American/American Indian populations by 2%.30,31 These changes in the demographics of people most impacted by the opioid epidemic call for action at the local, state, and federal levels to address racial bias and health care discrimination.

Emergency Medicine Breeds Innovation

Being that EDs are often the first point of interaction with healthcare services for most people with OUD, emergency medicine physicians and staff members are critical stakeholders in addressing the opioid overdose epidemic across the United States.4 Recent shifts in overdose death rates across races demonstrate the systemic issues in the U.S. healthcare system, including health inequities, discrimination, and implicit bias. To begin addressing these health inequities, EDs must employ various interventions for OUD to meet patients where they are; these interventions should include initiation of MAT, linkage to outpatient treatment, and distribution of harm reduction supplies.4

Medication for Addiction Treatment and Electronic Referrals (MATTERS) is a New York-based initiative that, since its inception in 2016, has supported EDs in linking people with OUD to treatment and resources within their own communities. Its rapid referral platform connects people with OUD to a network of over 250 addiction treatment centers that offer MAT and agree to accept any patient, regardless of insurance status, polysubstance use, or previous treatment history. Developed by Joshua Lynch, an emergency physician, MATTERS was created to address the inefficiencies in the way our healthcare system addressed OUD. Referrals take as little as 3 minutes to complete, and patients are automatically provided with medication and transportation vouchers, peer support referrals, and follow-up services to ensure continuity of care and retention in treatment. These resources are automatically provided to patients at the time of referral—all without making a single phone call. For individuals who are not ready for treatment, MATTERS distributes free harm reduction supplies, including drug checking strips, naloxone, and sterile syringes via direct mail. Additionally, MATTERS has deployed over 20 vending machines across New York State to dispense these free supplies 24/7.

Conclusion

While each wave of the opioid epidemic has affected communities differently, the third and fourth waves have revealed and intensified health disparities, particularly among Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) communities.32 To effectively reduce overdose rates and address opioid use disorder, it is essential for emergency physicians and ED staff members to prioritize equitable, inclusive, and culturally competent prevention and treatment strategies.4 MATTERS provide various services to patients and providers alike to effectively respond to the opioid epidemic, including linkage to treatment, access to telemedicine services, and distribution of free harm reduction supplies across New York State. Providers seeking resources for OUD can access educational materials and support by visiting www.mattersnetwork.org.

Correction

In the April issue (EMN. 2025;47(3):2,11,15), the 2nd sentence of the 11th paragraph of the article, “STEMI Critics Are Right. We’re Missing Too Many Heart Attacks,” has been changed to Why did we need that? (How do I pronounce that again?)—the case for the new OMI/non-occlusive myocardial infarction (NOMI) paradigm is powerful. This change has been made online.

JOSHUA LYNCH, DO, FACEP is the founder and Chief Medical Officer of the MATTERS program. He is also an associate professor of Emergency & Addiction Medicine at the University at Buffalo Jacobs School of Medicine, a senior physician with UBMD Emergency Medicine, clinical co-chair of the UB Clinical & Research Institute on Addictions, and medical director of Mercy Flight of Western New York.

LUCY CONNERY, MPH is the marketing coordinator at MATTERS. She also serves as an adjunct professor for Daemen University’s Health Promotion and Master of Public Health departments and secretary of the Urban Roots Cooperative Garden Market’s Board of Directors.

KAILYN TOMILIN, MPH is the program evaluator at MATTERS and has written several evidence-based articles on emerging drug threats and contaminants in the United States. She has a passion for public health and plans to spend her career helping to improve health outcomes for underserved populations.

Source: https://journals.lww.com/em-news/fulltext/2025/05000/the_changing_demographics_of_the_opioid_epidemic.10.aspx

Statement by the Queensland Cabinet and Ministerial Directory

Published Tuesday, 06 May, 2025 at 10:09 AM

The Honourable Tim Nicholls – Minister for Health and Ambulance Services

Record-breaking raids in war on illicit tobacco and dangerous vapes

  • Queensland has seized the nation’s largest ever haul of illegal cigarettes and vapes by a health authority, under Queensland Health-led Operation Appaloosa. 
  • More than 30 locations were raided, with 76,000 vapes, 19 million cigarettes and 3.6 tonnes of loose tobacco seized.
  • The raids come as more than $5 million in fines were issued in the first week of the Government’s nation-leading fines – over $1 million more than in the final four months of Labor. 

Queensland has stepped up the war against illicit tobacco and dangerous vapes, with the nation’s largest ever haul of illegal products by a health authority, in an effort to keep them out of the hands of kids.  

More than 76,000 vapes, 19 million illicit cigarettes and 3.6 tonnes of loose illicit tobacco – with a combined estimated street value of $20.8 million – were seized during the record-breaking Operation Appaloosa in March.

Queensland Health raided more than 30 locations across Central Queensland, Wide Bay, Metro North, Metro South, and West Moreton, supported by the Queensland Police Service and the Therapeutic Goods Administration.

This crackdown came ahead of the 3 April 2025 commencement of the nation’s toughest on-the-spot fines for the sale of illicit tobacco and vapes, which means individuals can be fined $32,260 and businesses up to $161,300 if caught selling illicit tobacco and vapes.

In just the very first week of these new fines, illegal traders were hit with fines totalling $5,094,560. To put that into perspective, Labor averaged less than $250,000 in fines per week in their final months in office. 

Minister for Health Tim Nicholls said the Crisafulli Government was determined to keep dangerous vapes out of the hands of children by stamping out illegal chop shops.

“Labor allowed organised crime gangs to set up illegal chop shops in plain sight across the State, putting our kids at great risk,” Minister Nicholls said.

“We need to do everything possible to keep dangerous illegal vapes away from Queensland’s young people, which is why we’ve boosted enforcement and introduced serious new fines. 

“We’re hitting these illegal traders where it hurts most, by seizing their illicit goods to deprive them of generating a profit and hitting them with the nation’s toughest fines.

“The is the latest in our crackdown on illegal chop shops and we’ll continue to target this organised crime and keep dangerous vapes out of the hands of kids.”

Illicit tobacco or vape sales can be reported via the Queensland Health website or calling 13 QGOV (13 74 68). 

 

Source: https://statements.qld.gov.au/statements/102504#:~:text=Queensland%20has%20s

From: Dr Karen Randall – Vermont School of Medicine
Sent: 01 May 2025 02:55

There is no other medication on the market where a patient can decide what type and how much to consume.  And, as with all medications, the more is not always the merrier.  Every drug has an LD50 where the harms exceed the benefits.  Given the high potency of most products, the LD50 is lower and the harms more evident.  Every day, as I start my shift in the emergency ward, I would guess that 1/4 to 1/3 are directly a consequence of cannabis

-cannabis hyperemesis – here’s a very simple calculation of low end estimated costs.  We see a hyperemesis patient at least once a day.  If this patients treated in the ER – IV fluids, medications without x-rays/ct scan/admission, the cost is about 5000 US dollars (likely higher now).  For a year, that cost – is ~1.8 million dollars.  There are 25 ERs in Colorado the yearly cost is 45.6 million dollars!  These are for very simple visits and this is a very low estimate.  Add on cost for CT scan, Ultrasounds, X-rays, admission, etc and the cost skyrockets.  The county that I live in was promised so much money in tax revenue.  Last year, this county took in less than 200,000.  So, the cost of treatment for one associated disease entity is higher than tax excess.  The remaining health care costs get passed to the public/the citizens.  Meanwhile the cannabis companies take out the profits and go.

  •                -cannabis psychosis
  •                -accidental ingestions
  •                -cardiovascular injuries – MI, heart failure
  •                -lung damage
  •                -pregnancy harms

And the list goes on.

Additionally, likely half of the ED visits I see are related to abuse of a substance of some sort.

In the states, cannabis as a medicine is most definitely held to the same standards of quality, purity and dosing as FDA approved medications.  The industry also touts a plethora of diseases that are cured by cannabis;

 

The above is a published diagram of all the ailments “treated” by cannabis.  One is that it treats cancer – most cancer medications go through years of rigorous testing and then blinded studies prior to being approved.  And yet, the cannabis industry puts these claims out and people fall for the rhetoric.  I saw a 42 y/o male who had liver cancer – he opted to treat with cannabis.  By the time I saw him, he was immediately placed into hospice and died 3 days later as his cancer had widely spread.

I have, from the last 10 years, thousands of clinical stories of harms that we seen in the ER.  Costs are exorbitant.  But wait to until the long term side effects happen – lung disease will be more rapid, more advanced and less reversible than that of cigarettes.  Cardiovascular side effects – hardening of the arteries, heart attacks – will leave many younger people (40’s) with life long debilitating cardiac disease.  And finally, I believe we will see a marked increase in the number of people diagnosed with early onset dementia – since cannabis is a soil scrubber – it has the potential for many contaminants.  Many of these contaminants are heavy metals.  Heavy metals get deposited in the brain/amygdala and will remain there for the life of the person – leading to earlier onset dementia.  Additionally, as cannabis hardens/alters the cardiac arteries, it also hardens intracranial arteries – leading to decreased blood flow and strokes.

 

Source: Dr. Karen Randall, FAAEM, Certified in Cannabis Science and Medicine – University of Vermont School of Medicine 

 

Drug use remains a persistent public health crisis affecting communities across the nation. The complexity of substance abuse requires a coordinated response from multiple agencies and sectors. When these entities work in isolation, gaps in care emerge and resources are used inefficiently. A collaborative approach offers the most promising path forward in addressing this multifaceted issue.The Current Landscape of Drug UseRecent data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health indicates that approximately 59.3 million Americans aged 12 or older used illicit drugs in the past year. Even more concerning is that only about 10% of individuals with substance use disorders receive specialized treatment. These statistics underscore the magnitude of the challenge and the urgent need for comprehensive strategies.The opioid epidemic continues to claim lives at an alarming rate, with over 100,000 drug overdose deaths recorded annually in recent years. Meanwhile, methamphetamine use has surged in many regions, and the emergence of potent synthetic drugs has further complicated prevention and treatment efforts.Breaking Down Silos Between AgenciesHistorically, responses to drug use have been fragmented across law enforcement, healthcare, social services, education, and community organizations. Each sector approaches the issue through its own specialized lens, often with limited awareness of complementary services or resources available elsewhere.

Breaking down these silos requires intentional structural changes. Joint task forces that bring together representatives from various agencies can facilitate information sharing and collective problem-solving. These coalitions should include representatives from public health departments, hospitals, mental health services, law enforcement, schools, community organizations, and recovery support services.

Regular interagency meetings allow stakeholders to share data, identify trends, and develop coordinated strategies. Shared databases and information systems enable real-time communication about emerging threats and available resources, while protecting client privacy through appropriate safeguards.

Collaborative Prevention Strategies

Prevention represents the most cost-effective approach to reducing substance use. When agencies collaborate on prevention initiatives, they can leverage their collective expertise and resources to maximize impact.

Schools can partner with public health departments and law enforcement to implement evidence-based prevention curricula. Community-based organizations can work with healthcare providers to identify and support at-risk youth. Faith communities can collaborate with social services to offer supportive environments and positive activities for young people.

Prevention efforts should address not only the risks of substance use but also underlying factors such as trauma, mental health issues, poverty, and social isolation. This holistic approach requires input from diverse agencies with expertise in these various domains.

Creating Seamless Pathways to Treatment

When someone seeks help for substance use, they often encounter a confusing maze of services spread across different agencies. Collaborative approaches can create more seamless pathways to appropriate care.

One successful model involves establishing centralized assessment and referral systems where individuals can receive comprehensive evaluations and be connected to appropriate services based on their specific needs. These “no wrong door” approaches ensure that regardless of which agency someone initially contacts, they can be guided to the full spectrum of available resources.

A Residential Treatment Center for Youth offers a critical component within this continuum of care. These specialized facilities provide structured environments where young people can receive intensive therapeutic interventions away from environments that may contribute to substance use. When integrated into a broader system of coordinated care, residential treatment centers can work closely with schools, juvenile justice systems, and community-based services to ensure smooth transitions and ongoing support for youth and their families.

Shared Funding and Resource Allocation

Limited resources often create competition between agencies addressing substance use. Collaborative approaches can help overcome this challenge through shared funding mechanisms and strategic resource allocation.

Pooled funding models allow agencies to combine resources for greater impact. Joint grant applications can access funding streams that might be unavailable to individual organizations. Cost-sharing arrangements for shared staff positions or facilities can extend limited budgets.

Some communities have established dedicated funding streams for substance use initiatives through tax measures or fees. These resources can be allocated through collaborative decision-making processes that ensure they address community priorities and gaps in services.

Data Sharing and Outcome Measurement

Effective collaboration requires shared data systems and agreed-upon outcome measures. When agencies use different metrics to evaluate success, it becomes difficult to assess the collective impact of their efforts.

Communities that have made progress in addressing substance use typically establish common data elements that all participating agencies collect and report. These might include measures of substance use prevalence, treatment access and completion, overdose rates, related criminal justice involvement, and social indicators such as employment and housing stability.

Regular analysis of this shared data allows partners to identify trends, evaluate the effectiveness of interventions, and make evidence-based adjustments to strategies. This approach transforms the collaborative from a mere networking group into a data-driven learning community.

Overcoming Barriers to Collaboration

Despite its benefits, interagency collaboration faces significant challenges. Differing organizational cultures, competing priorities, confidentiality concerns, and turf issues can impede cooperative efforts.

Successful collaborative address these barriers through formal agreements that clarify roles, responsibilities, and information-sharing protocols. Regular relationship-building activities help develop trust between partners. Training on confidentiality laws and regulations ensures that information can be shared appropriately while protecting client privacy.

Leadership commitment from the highest levels of participating organizations is essential to overcoming institutional resistance. When agency heads model collaborative behavior and allocate resources to support cooperative efforts, staff at all levels are more likely to embrace the approach.

Community Engagement as a Unifying Force

Community members, particularly those with lived experience of substance use, bring valuable perspectives to collaborative efforts. Their involvement can help ensure that strategies are culturally appropriate, respectful, and responsive to community needs.

Recovery community organizations, family support groups, and neighborhood coalitions should be equal partners in planning and implementing interagency initiatives. Their participation helps build public trust and ensures that services address the actual barriers and needs experienced by those seeking help.

Final Word

The fight against drug use requires the coordinated efforts of multiple agencies working together toward common goals. By breaking down silos, sharing resources, creating seamless pathways to care, and engaging the community, these collaborative can address substance use more effectively than any single agency working alone.

The most successful models recognize that substance use is influenced by complex biological, psychological, and social factors that cross traditional agency boundaries. Only through true collaboration can communities provide the comprehensive response needed to prevent drug use, support recovery, and promote health and wellbeing for all residents.

While challenges to collaboration exist, communities across the country have demonstrated that with commitment, creativity, and persistence, agencies can work together effectively to reduce the impact of substance use and build healthier communities for all.

Source: https://dailytrust.com/how-agencies-can-come-together-in-the-fight-against-drug-use/

by Joe Edwards – Newsweek
Update, 05/06/2025, 12:11 p.m. ET: This article was updated with comment from Chip Lupo.

A new analysis by WalletHub has revealed the states struggling most with drug use, with New Mexico, West Virginia and Nevada ranking at the top.

Why It Matters

The study evaluated all 50 states and the District of Columbia using 20 metrics ranging from arrest and overdose rates to opioid prescriptions and employee drug testing laws. More than 80,000 drug overdose deaths were recorded nationwide in the 12 months ending in November 2024, according to CDC data cited by WalletHub.

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The findings come amid rising concerns over the spread of powerful synthetic drugs e fentanyl. In 2024 alone, the Drug Enforcement Administration seized the equivalent of 380 million lethal doses of fentanyl, according to WalletHub.

What To Know

According to WalletHub, the top 10 places with the highest overall drug use issues are:

  1. New Mexico
  2. West Virginia
  3. Nevada
  4. Alaska
  5. Washington, D.C.
  6. Oklahoma
  7. Missouri
  8. Colorado
  9. Louisiana
  10. Arkansas

The study found New Mexico to have the worst drug problem in the U.S., particularly among teens. It leads the nation in teen illicit drug use and early marijuana experimentation. Adults in the state also rank third for illicit drug use.

Contributing to the crisis are weak drug prevention policies, a lack of adults with drug problems receiving treatment, and a high number of children exposed to substance abuse at home. New Mexico also has one of the highest rates of drug overdose deaths per capita, according to the study.

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West Virginia ranks second in the nation for drug problems, with the highest drug overdose death rate and fourth-most campus drug arrests per capita.

The state faces a shortage of mental health and substance abuse professionals, limiting access to treatment, according to the study.

Additionally, many children are exposed to drug-related issues at home, with one of the highest rates of kids living with someone struggling with drug problems.

Nevada ranks third for the worst drug problems in the U.S., with nearly 30 percent of students exposed to drugs at school and the third-highest rate of early teen marijuana use, the study found.

The state struggles to address addiction, the report suggested, with few treatment facilities and counselors, and a high percentage of untreated adult drug users.

On the other side of the spectrum, Hawaii, Utah, Nebraska, Connecticut, and Florida were the lowest ranking states, suggesting relatively fewer drug-related issues according to WalletHub’s metrics.

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What People Are Saying

WalletHub analyst Chip Lupo said in the report: “Drug problems can start from multiple sources, like taking illegal substances with friends or getting hooked on a prescription that was originally given for a legitimate medical issue. As states fight drug addiction, they need to consider all angles and make sure they are not just addressing things from a law enforcement perspective but also providing the resources necessary to help people with addictions get clean.”

Lupo told Newsweek: “Washington and Oregon have seen their rankings slide over the past three years, driven largely by worsening scores in drug use and enforcement.

Over the past three years, Washington has experienced a significant decline in its fight against drug abuse, rising steadily in the ranks toward worse conditions. In 2023, the state ranked 33rd overall, but by 2024 it had worsened to 31st, and by 2025 it reached 18th—marking a troubling upward trend toward the most severe drug problems.

“The most alarming shift came in the ‘Drug Use & Addiction’ category, where Washington’s rank deteriorated from 19th in 2023 to 15th in 2024 and 5th in 2025—placing it among the five worst states in that area.

“Similarly, Oregon’s overall rank declined from 19th worst in 2023 to 12th worst in 2025. Its drug use and addiction rank worsened from 10 to three. While its access to rehab remained relatively strong (ranking between eight and 10), persistently low law enforcement performance and increasing drug use dragged down its overall standing.”

Source: https://www.msn.com/en-us/health/other/map-shows-states-with-highest-drug-use-issues/ar-AA1E3A4t

by Dr Max Pemberton (The Mind Doctor) in the Daily Mail on 17 March 2025

Source: Daily Mail – 17 March 2025

The ex-England football manager reflects on his personal journey, belief and resilience …

During Sir Gareth’s football career as a defender and midfielder, he played for Crystal Palace, Aston Villa and Middlesbrough and was in the England squad between 1995 and 2004. He took over as manager in 2016 and led the team to the 2018 World Cup semi-final, 2022 World Cup quarter-final and Euro finals in 2020 and 2024.

He stepped down as Manager in July 2024,  two days after England lost to Spain in the Euros.

Sir Gareth has been credited with revitalising the England team and was knighted in the King’s New Year Honours in December.

He is the latest in a line of academics, business leaders and other notable figures to deliver the Richard Dimbleby Lecture, which has been held most years since 1972 in memory of the broadcaster.

Previous speakers have included King Charles III, when he was the Prince of Wales, tech entrepreneur and philanthropist Bill Gates, and Christine Lagarde, then the managing director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

‘Too many young men are isolated’

Sir Gareth’s talk focused on the importance of belief and resilience for young men, and he cited three things needed to build these: identity, connection and culture.

He referred to a report, released earlier this month by the Centre for Social Justice, which said boys and young men were “in crisis”, with a “staggering” increase in those not in education, employment or training.

“Too many young men are isolated,” Sir Gareth said in his talk. “Too many feel uncomfortable opening up to friends or family. Many don’t have mentors – teachers, coaches, bosses – who understand how best to push them to grow. And so, when they struggle, young men inevitably try to handle whatever situation they find themselves in, alone.”

“Young men end up withdrawing, reluctant to talk or express their emotions,” he added. “They spend more time online searching for direction and are falling into unhealthy alternatives like gaming, gambling and pornography.”

Referencing his own experiences, he said the UK needed to do more to encourage young people – especially young men – to make the right choices in life and to not fear failure.

Rather than turning to teachers, sports coaches or youth group leaders, Sir Gareth said he feared many young men were searching for direction online. There, he said they were finding a new kind of role model, one that too often did not have their best interests at heart.

“These are callous, manipulative and toxic influencers, whose sole drive is for their own gain,” he said.

“They willingly trick young men into believing that success is measured by money or dominance, that strength means never showing emotion, and that the world, including women, is against them.”

He also said young men don’t get enough opportunities to fail and learn from their mistakes.

“In my opinion, if we make life too easy for young boys now, we will inevitably make life harder when they grow up to be young men,” he said. “Too many young men are at risk of fearing failure, precisely because they’ve had so few opportunities to experience and overcome it. They fail to try, rather than try and fail.”

The ex-footballer also reflected on what his career has taught him about belief and resilience.

“If I’ve learned anything from my life in football, it’s that success is much more than the final score,” he said. “True success is how you respond in the hardest moments.”

 

Source: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/ceqjpzg0qwno

 

by Dr Ross Colquhoun, Consultant to Drug Free Australia – March 26, 2025
Summary:
Key Findings:
1. Mortality and Relapse Risks – Research indicates that opioid-dependent individuals face heightened mortality risks when starting or discontinuing methadone treatment and, to a lesser extent, while in MMT. Reviews have consistently found no significant difference in mortality and criminality between those in MMT and those who have not been in treatment. Studies suggest that methadone is a significant factor in the recent increase in overdose-related deaths, as shown by the disproportionate numbers of overdose deaths associated with the prescribing of methadone for chronic pain relief in the US.
2. Long-Term Dependency and Treatment Retention – Methadone is found to retain more people in treatment and to prolong opioid use rather than facilitate recovery. Many individuals remain dependent for decades, experiencing difficulties in achieving abstinence due to severe withdrawal symptoms and long-term neurological changes caused by sustained opioid use.
3. Effectiveness in Reducing Illicit Drug Use – While methadone is promoted as a harm reduction strategy, findings suggest it does not significantly reduce illicit drug use in the long term, with many users continuing to inject heroin and other substances alongside methadone treatment.
4. Impact on Public Health and HIV/HCV Transmission – Contrary to some claims, studies indicate that methadone has a negligible effect on preventing the transmission of blood-borne diseases like HIV and hepatitis C. Research suggests that education, awareness campaigns, and access to ancillary medical, psychological, and social services are more effective at reducing risky behaviours than OAT programs.
5. Comparison with Naltrexone – Naltrexone, an opioid antagonist, is shown to be a safer alternative with better long-term outcomes. Studies demonstrate that long-acting naltrexone implants significantly reduce opioid use, have lower relapse rates, and allow individuals to regain normal cognitive and social functioning without ongoing opioid dependency.
6. Social and Psychological Consequences – Methadone treatment often leads to stigma and social limitations, with patients reporting dissatisfaction due to daily dosing requirements, the inability to travel freely, and a diminished quality of life. Many individuals perceive methadone as a “liquid handcuff” that prolongs addiction rather than offering a pathway to recovery.
7. Policy Implications and Recommendations – The paper suggests a re-evaluation of harm reduction policies that heavily rely on methadone. Instead, it advocates for greater accessibility to naltrexone-based treatments and comprehensive support services that focus on achieving full recovery rather than maintaining opioid dependence.
Conclusion:
While methadone remains a widely used treatment for opioid dependency, this review raises significant concerns regarding its long-term efficacy, safety, and impact on individuals’ lives. The findings suggest that long-acting naltrexone devices present a more viable alternative for those seeking complete abstinence, and public health strategies should shift towards supporting opioid-dependent individuals in achieving full recovery from addiction, restoration of cognitive function, and resumption of more productive activities rather than indefinite substitution therapy.
1. Introduction
This paper critically examines the effectiveness, safety, and long-term outcomes of opioid agonist treatments (OAT), particularly methadone, compared to opioid antagonists like naltrexone, in managing opioid dependency. The study reviews a vast body of research, including randomized controlled trials and cohort studies, highlighting key concerns regarding mortality, relapse rates, health effects, and the social implications of long-term OAT use. This monologue is organised as follows: Section 2 provides a review of the relevant literature, focusing on the effectiveness of Opioid Agonist Treatment (OAT), including retention in treatment, use of opioids and other drugs, injection of drugs, sharing of injection equipment, morbidity, and mortality while in treatment while not in treatment. In Section 3, I detail the research that relates to the effectiveness of OAT in the prevention of the transmission of blood-borne viruses. Section 4 presents the results of the research on long-term MMT, recent changes in the demographics of OUD people, and the structural brain changes from chronic drug use, while Section 5 reports on the evidence examining the effectiveness of slow-release naltrexone implants, and Section 6  concludes with a discussion of the research findings for methadone and naltrexone and makes recommendations, based on the evidence.
2. The Effectiveness of Opioid Agonist Treatment (OAT)
 Good evidence for the effectiveness of methadone is scant, consisting of poorly designed and implemented, mainly observational studies and very few quality, long-term RCT studies that are free of serious bias, with a history of ad-hoc-cherry-picking of dependent variables that look promising. It is also marked by extravagant claims based on wishful thinking and unsubstantiated assumptions, or at best, misleading associations (e.g. needle sharing and coincidental HIV transmission among IUDs and the claim that methadone was a critical component and cause of low infection rates, when research demonstrated that it was not protective of HIV transmission) (Ameijden, 1885) and the realisation of the harm that it causes only when the harm has already been done (e.g. the mortality rates of six times more on leaving MMT, compared to when people are in MMT (Caplehorn and Drummer, 1999; Santo, et al. 1995), and failure to safely and responsibly implement the program and rarely making any admission of these failings (e.g. that ancillary services were essential for the effective and responsible use of methadone and the implementation of dosing with virtually none of these services being made available to the patients, including medical examinations (Ward, 1995)) and in all probability concealment of the real level of harm (e.g. as revealed by the hugely disproportional number of fatalities caused by unscrutinised prescribing of methadone for chronic pain relief in the early 1990s in the US) (CNC, 2012). Most heinous is the irrational rejection and offhand denial of the solid evidence for the effectiveness of naltrexone in the effective treatment of OUD.
In this monologue, the evidence to support this thesis will be methodically documented and rigorously defended.
It is important to set the stage by making explicit the tragic consequences of opioid use disorder OUD and the urgent need to find a solution to stem the tide of death and destruction that is causing in our communities. Illicit opioid use, especially heroin injection, causes significant personal and public health problems in many countries across the globe (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2008). Apart from the burden on users, their families and the broader community, opioid dependence increases the risk of premature mortality (Darke et al., 2006). This elevated risk is concentrated in several causes of death: accidental drug overdose, suicide, trauma (e.g. motor vehicle accidents, homicide, or other injuries), the spread of HCV infections and risky behaviour that facilitates the transmission of HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases (Degenhardt et al., 2004, Degenhardt et al., 2006, Darke et al., 2006).
According to Santo and colleagues (2021), researchers claimed that multiple randomised controlled trials and observational studies had found that “methadone treatment decreases illicit opioid use and other drug use, improves social functioning, decreases offending behaviour, and improves health” claims that had been made by earlier researchers (Ward et al., 1998, Mattick et al., 2003). All these outcomes it was claimed, were due to the circumstances surrounding attending dosing facilities, such as having to spend less time finding and pursuing illicit opioids without reducing their dependence on opioids, the use of other illicit drugs, or the risks involved. It is noteworthy that these researchers do not associate OAT (methadone or buprenorphine) with any reduction in mortality or that it was protective against HIV or HCV, which had been the most influential claims that led to many countries adopting OAT programs.
However, early reports of research into the effectiveness and safety of methadone as a substitute treatment for opioid dependency raised concerns that were confirmed by later research, which initiated the search for a safer agonist substitute than methadone. In 1998, Ward (1995) stated that: “Opioid pharmacotherapy is not without its own risks” and that it does not “completely remove the excess mortality risks that opioid-dependent persons are known to face” (Darke et al., 2006). Moreover, studies had shown “high mortality during the period of induction onto methadone “ (Caplehorn, 1998, Buster et al., 2002). Later research confirmed that the period at induction onto methadone and after cessation of methadone dosing carried elevated mortality risks (Caplehorn and Drummer, 1999; Buster et al., 2002; Brugal et al., 2005).
In a report of this more recent research conducted by Santo and colleagues (2021), the authors collected and analysed data on all-cause or cause-specific mortality among people with opioid dependence while receiving and not receiving (OAT) from all observational studies and from randomized clinical trials (RCTs). In all. 15 RCTs, comprising 3852 participants, and 36 primary cohort studies, of 749,634 participants, were analysed.
The authors introduced their paper by proclaiming that “methadone and buprenorphine were classified by the World Health Organization as essential medicines for opioid agonist treatment (OAT) for opioid dependence and that there is “robust evidence from a recent systematic review that during OAT, overdose and all-cause mortality are reduced among people with opioid dependence”, citing a published paper of Sordo, et al.(2017), which concluded that “people who cease OAT are at the highest risk of all-cause and overdose mortality in the first 4 weeks after treatment cessation and that risk of mortality is elevated in the first 4 weeks of OAT compared with the remainder of time of receiving OAT”. This paper did not address the broader issue of “overdose and all-cause mortality” being “reduced among people with opioid dependence”, but only reviewed the deaths of people with Opiate Use Disorder (OUD), while they were in OAT and during the period when they had recently commenced or ceased the treatment.
In their review, Santo and colleagues (2021) aimed to (1) examine and compare all-cause and cause-specific crude mortality rates (CMRs) during and out of OAT, for both randomised clinical trials (RCTs) and observational studies; (2) examine these rates according to specific periods during and after treatment; (3) examine and compare all-cause and cause-specific CMRs for OAT provided during incarceration, after release from incarceration while receiving OAT, and according to the amount of time receiving and not receiving OAT after release from incarceration; and (4) to examine the association between risk of mortality during and out of OAT by participant and treatment characteristics. They claimed that this kind of systematic review of the evidence related to the use of OAT and other causes of death had not been done before.
They concluded that among the cohort studies, the rate of all-cause mortality during OAT was more than half of the rate seen among those who had left OAT. They found that 45 deaths in total were reported across Randomised Clinical Trials (RCTs) and that 7 of 15 RCTs (47%) reported no deaths. They concluded that there was no significant difference in all-cause mortality for patients allocated to OAT compared with comparison groups and that three of 15 RCTs (20%) evaluated the administration of OAT to people with OUD who were incarcerated where no deaths were reported.
They went on to report that in the “first 4 weeks of methadone treatment, rates of all-cause mortality and drug-related adverse events were almost double the rates during the remainder of OAT. Further, all-cause mortality was 6 times higher in the 4 weeks after OAT cessation (RR, 6.01; 95% CI, 4.32-8.36), remaining double the rate for the remainder of the time they were not receiving OAT.” The researchers concluded that the results suggested that “RCTs of OAT were underpowered to examine mortality risk” and that “there was no significant association between OAT and mortality risk in the pooled community RCTs. They found that viral hepatitis mortality was higher among those who received OAT in 7 studies. they also found that people with opioid dependence were at substantially lower risk of suicide, cancer, drug-related, alcohol-related, and cardiovascular-related mortality during OAT compared with time while not receiving OAT and while they had hypothesised a relationship between OAT and mortality risk due to injection-related injuries and diseases, such as bacterial infections, “no such relationship was identified.”
However, depending on which comorbidities were considered, researchers reported divergent findings. For example, in one study, Nosyk et al. (2009), found retention was higher among people with greater comorbidity (measured as the number of chronic diseases), while two other studies both suggested that there was no association between HIV or HCV status and retention in OAT (Kimber, 2010; Gisev, 2015)
An Australian study suggested that depression and other substance use disorders were associated with increased retention in OAT, whereas psychosis was associated with reduced retention. Moreover, cohort studies that had adjusted for comorbidity did not find changes in the estimated mortality risk by time during and out of OAT (Degenhardt et al. 2009).
Despite the reported findings, they concluded that the results of the systematic review meta-analysis, showed that OAT was “an important intervention for people with opioid dependence, with the capacity to reduce multiple causes of death.” They suggested that despite this positive association, few people with OUD stay in OAT for very long, and participation remains limited in the US and globally, perhaps due to the low uptake of OAT and a perception among OUDs that there were more negative aspects to OAT than there were benefits.
As indicated above, the study cited Sordo, et al.(2017), who did not provide this “robust” evidence of the benefits of OAT or that, overdose and all-cause mortality were reduced among people with opioid dependence., but compared “all-cause deaths” for people retained on methadone and buprenorphine and those who had recently left treatment, and concluded that “Retention in methadone and buprenorphine treatment is associated with substantial reductions in the risk for all-cause and overdose mortality in people dependent on opioids.”, compared to those who leave treatment and for the first two weeks after they enter treatment. This infers that mortality is higher for those who are retained on methadone and is even higher when people first commence OAT and when they leave an OAT program than opiate-dependent people who had never entered treatment. It does not say otherwise, as it does not include people who never entered OAT programs and who continued to use other opioids, whether prescribed or otherwise, or those who had managed to detoxify and achieve abstinence from all drugs, including methadone. They then concluded that “The induction phase onto methadone treatment and the time immediately after leaving treatment with both drugs are periods of particularly increased mortality risk, which should be dealt with by both public health and clinical strategies to mitigate such risk and base their predicted reduction in deaths on improved strategies to keep people dependent on the substitute opioids for longer periods.” They conclude that “further research must be conducted to properly account for potential confounding and selection bias in comparisons of mortality risk between opioid substitution treatments, as well as throughout periods in and out of each treatment.” (Sordo, et al., 2017)
It suggests that those who are inducted into OATs are more likely to die than if they had never been dosed with methadone. It becomes apparent that high-dose methadone leaves the user at high risk of unintentional overdose and death when they use other drugs that suppress respiration due to the synergistic effect of these drugs. It is well documented that the risk of overdose is greatly increased when opioids, including methadone, are used in combination with other CNS depressants, such as alcohol and benzodiazepines (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
Further to this, a study by the CDC in 2012 in the US, found that “by 2009, methadone accounted for nearly one-third of all opioid-related deaths, even though it represented only 2% of opioid prescriptions.” It was thought that methadone’s long half-life led to overdose deaths. The report also noted that “methadone accounted for 39.8% of single-drug opioids prescribed for pain relief (OPR) deaths, highlighting its significant role in overdose fatalities when used alone.” This suggests that while the number of prescriptions was significantly lower compared to other opioids prescribed for pain relief, the risk was higher as the overdose death rate for methadone was significantly greater than that for other OPRs for multidrug and single-drug deaths. (CDC, 2012). Although the figures for mortality for OUD people undergoing MMT are not made available, it strongly suggests that the risk of mortality associated with the use of methadone for OUD people is far greater than advocates for MMT are willing to admit.
Opiate use is inherently dangerous, with death rates among groups not in treatment ranging from 1.6 to 8.4% with, on average, over 29 studies showing a death rate of 5.1% (Caplehorn et al., 1996). Moreover, patients in methadone maintenance show death rates of between 0.76% and 4.4%. Patients who had been discharged from methadone treatment show death rates between 1.65 and 8.4% averaging 4.9% from six studies (Caplehorn et al., 1996). However, diverted methadone has been implicated in higher death rates. In Scotland 79% of drug-related deaths were found to involve methadone, either alone or in combination with other drugs (Ling, Huber, & Rawson, 2001)
It may also suggest that ongoing dysregulation and discomfort while taking methadone and withdrawal symptoms both when leaving MMT and following a missed dose, and the inability of those in MMT to achieve abstinence are the reasons that people leave OAT programs as they find it impossible to succeed given the severity and prolonged and severe withdrawal symptoms This seems to be directly related to the unacceptable rise in deaths, when these people resume injecting other, more potent opioids and other CNS depressant drugs. In light of this, it is inconceivable that these ‘experts’ would not consider the preferred option of their patients becoming abstinent and meeting the needs of their patients based on the evidence of the efficacy of using extended-release naltrexone to facilitate this course of action.
In defence of their assertion as to the proven effectiveness of reducing illicit opiate use and the other claimed benefits of OAT, Sordo and colleagues (2017) referenced the Cochrane reviews of the evidence presented by Mattick and colleagues (2003 and 2009) and Larney and colleagues (2014). The authors reported eleven studies that met the criteria for inclusion in this review, all were randomised clinical trials, and two were double-blind. There were a total number of 1969 participants. The sequence generation was inadequate in one study, adequate in five studies and unclear in the remaining studies. The allocation of concealment was adequate in three studies and unclear in the remaining studies. Methadone appeared statistically significantly more effective than non-pharmacological approaches in retaining patients in treatment and in the suppression of heroin use as measured by self report and urine/hair analysis (6 RCTs, RR = 0.66 95% CI 0.56-0.78), but not statistically different in criminal activity (3 RCTs, RR=0.39; 95%CI: 0.12-1.25) or mortality (4 RCTs, RR=0.48; 95%CI: 0.10-2.39). The 2009 paper found that there was a significant improvement in reduced injecting and retention in treatment, however, there was no significant difference in criminality and mortality between those on methadone maintenance medication and those not receiving treatment, which contradicted the findings of Sordo, although Mattick’s review included the broader group of those with OUD including those who had never been in OAT. The inference is that OAT did not significantly decrease mortality or criminality among OUDs. In the Cochrane Review of 2014, Larney and colleagues found that a moderate dose of “buprenorphine did not suppress illicit opioid use measured by urinalysis and was no better than placebo” and that there was high-quality evidence that buprenorphine, “was less effective than methadone in retaining participants” and “For those retained in treatment, no difference was observed in suppression of opioid use as measured by urinalysis or self-report.”. Again, these studies did not provide evidence of the effectiveness of OAT programs, either by dosing people on methadone or buprenorphine, but merely compared the two pharmacotherapies with both linked to unacceptable risk.
In the Sordo (2017) paper, they made the claim that OST has been shown to reduce mortality, and they cite a paper published in 2009, written by Degenhardt et al., as evidence of this claim. However, this paper does not show that this is the case as the results were reported as:
“ Mortality among 42,676 people entering opioid pharmacotherapy (methadone) was elevated compared to age and sex peers, where drug overdose and trauma were the major contributors. Mortality was higher out of treatment, particularly during the first weeks, and it was elevated during induction onto methadone but not buprenorphine, a partial agonist/antagonist. Mortality during these risky periods changed across time and treatment episodes. Overall, mortality was similarly reduced” (compared to those who had withdrawn from the treatment) “whether patients were receiving methadone or buprenorphine”. It was estimated that the program produced a 29% reduction in mortality across the entire cohort”. That is, for those who were in OAT or had recently commenced or ceased OAT.
They concluded that:
“Mortality among treatment-seeking opioid-dependent persons is dynamic across time, patient, and treatment variables. The comparative reduction in mortality during buprenorphine induction may be offset by the increased risk of longer out-of-treatment time periods. Despite periods of elevated risk, this large-scale provision of pharmacotherapy is estimated to have resulted in significant reductions in mortality” That is, only while people are retained in treatment,
However, Mattick et al., in a paper published in 2003) admitted that: “The need for supervised daily dosing of methadone in a defined treatment setting, and evidence of increased overdose death on induction into MMT “ (not to mention the even higher mortality among those leaving OAT programs), “ prompted the search for alternative pharmacological treatment options. As a partial agonist, buprenorphine produces less depression of respiration and consciousness than methadone, thereby reducing the overdose risk. They state that buprenorphine is longer acting than methadone, allowing for less than daily dosing, although it has been found not to be effective in retaining people in treatment, as it is not effective in suppressing opioid craving and is not favoured by injecting drug users (IDUs) as it blocks the effect of opiates and it is not without risks when people inject it,” (Mattick, 2014) and it was reported “buprenorphine did not suppress illicit opioid use measured by urinalysis and is no better than placebo and that there was high-quality evidence that buprenorphine”, “was less effective than methadone in retaining participants”. This statement is very telling as it was earlier declared that a substitute for methadone needed to be found because of the poor outcomes of MMT and that buprenorphine seemed superior (Mattick et al., in a paper published in 2003). So, it seems that there were doubts, even alarm, about the effectiveness and safety of methadone some 15 years before given the unacceptable rate of mortality upon induction onto methadone and for a period following cessation of the treatment (Sordo 2017; Degenhardt et al., 2009).
To further investigate the efficacy of OAT, Degenhardt and colleagues (2009) conducted a large-scale demographic study of OUDs entering OAT over a period of.10 years in NSW.
The stated aims of the study were to:
• “(i) Estimate overall mortality for all persons entering opioid pharmacotherapy between 1985 and 2006, by demographic and treatment variables;
• (ii) Examine whether demographic or treatment variables were related to mortality levels during and following cessation of treatment;
• (iii) Estimate mortality risk, according to specific causes of death, during time within treatment and following cessation of treatment;
• (iv) Estimate the number of lives that may have been saved by the provision of methadone and buprenorphine in NSW over this period (ie. Within treatment and following cessation of treatment)
• (v) That is, to consider the estimated lives saved from the improved clinical delivery of these treatments” by keeping people on methadone for longer periods (indefinitely) therefore reducing deaths when they leave and re-enter treatment.
And further:
“Mortality among opioid-dependent people entering opioid pharmacotherapy is elevated compared to age and sex peers, with overdose, external causes and suicide the major contributors. This elevated mortality is higher when out of treatment (i.e., treatment reduces mortality only while people are retained in treatment), and it is particularly elevated during the first weeks out of treatment. The elevation in mortality varied in ways that probably reflect heroin availability and use. Mortality was highest during induction onto methadone”. (Degenhardt, 2009).
Nowhere in this paper does it state that OAT programs reduced mortality among opioid-dependent people who have not entered treatment, nor does it offer any evidence to support this contention.
Moreover, methadone is associated with continued injection of heroin and other drugs, as the overall median duration of injecting is longer for those who start methadone compared to those who don’t. For those who do not start methadone treatment, the median time of injecting is 5 years (with nearly 30% ceasing within a year) compared to a prolongation of opioid use and injecting for up towards 40 years (albeit at a reduced frequency) or more for those who continue with opioid substitution treatment (Kimber, Copeland, Hickman, Macleod, McKensie, De Angelis & Robertson, 2010). This means that if the time in agonist treatment is up to 8 times as long, the harm that is associated with injecting drugs, will inevitably result in an overall increase in mortality and morbidity.
It must be asked why Sando did not simply refer to some of the earlier studies that were enthusiastically referred to as robustly and overwhelmingly validating the efficacy of OAT and had convinced many that methadone was effective and achieved reductions in heroin use and other drug use, unsafe injecting, criminal activities, social dysfunction, and mortality, and prevention of BBV transmission. The reason appears to be that these studies were flawed and did not provide convincing evidence of the effectiveness of methadone among the population of OUDs attending community-based methadone dispensing facilities or in the prison system.
 Many of the papers justifying methadone were conducted over only 6-12 months with some as short as a few weeks, often with small samples (often only 7 or 8 subjects in each arm) and with using non-representative populations. A breakdown of some early studies indicates several problems that make these claims doubtful.
The Dole et al. (1969) study that was considered a landmark study confirming the benefits of methadone had a duration of 12 months and looked at two groups: MM (16) vs. Control (16), and reported on daily heroin use. With an odds ratio of 0.01 (0.0–0.2), it tended to support the contention that methadone was effective in reducing heroin injecting. While it is expected that there would be a decline in heroin use, compared to the control group, who inevitably would continue to use heroin, and given its addictive properties, the study did not report on other variables that were considered to be vitally important, such as mortality, the use of other drugs, the dropout rates, and the movement in and out of the program, changes in health status and social functioning, among others, as they may not have been tested for or they did not reach significant levels and were not reported. Moreover, the very small number of subjects that were not randomly allocated to treatment levels raises some doubts about the robustness of these results.
A similar outcome was reported by Gunne & Gronbladh (1981), with a study duration of 24 months. The study compared MM (17) to a control group (17) with an odds ratio of 62.4 (8.0–487.9). Again, it seems that the reported outcomes that more were retained in MM treatment were expected, although the width of the CI (e.g., for treatment retention and discontinuation of illicit drug use) indicated variability, likely due to the small sample size and/or the heterogeneity in the study design, and that the subjects were not randomly allocated makes the results unreliable. Again, they did not report on other variables that are of vital interest perhaps because they were not significantly different.
However, several studies with larger subject numbers, were completed: Newman & Whitehill (1976), with a study of duration 36 months MM (50) vs. Placebo (50) found a reduction in imprisonment for those on OAT (0dds ratio 0.02; CI 0.0–0.4); Vanichseni et al. (1992) in a study with a duration of 45 days compared MM (120) vs. Methadone detoxification (120) (Interim), and found that numbers that were discharged for heroin use were different between the two groups with an odds ratio 0.3 (0.1–0.9); Yancovitz et al. (1992) showed a similar pattern with a trial period duration of one month comparing MM (121) vs. Control (118), found that discontinuing regular illicit drug use favoured the MM group with an odds ratio of 38.4 with a wide CI of 4.0–373.1; Strain et al. (1993) reported on four outcomes of a study with a duration of 20 weeks that compared MM 50 mg (84) vs. Placebo (81) to test the odds of each group testing positive to morphine >50% of the time, completing 45 days in treatment, returning a positive urine test for morphine and retention in MMT at 20 Weeks with each trial favouring the MM group, with odds ratios of 4 (CI 0.2–0.6), 6.1 (3.4–10.6),  0.3 (0.2–0.5), and 4.1 (2.1–8.2), respectively. Apart from the study by Newman & Whitehill (1976), which included 50 subjects in each comparison group and had a duration of 36 months, the duration of these other studies was very short. Notwithstanding, this study is flawed as it chose “imprisonment,” a curious dependent variable to test, because it can relate to the commission of a crime prior to coming into MMT or during MMT and that may be unrelated to drug use. Like this, of the many variables that are touted as being positively affected by MMT, each study reported on a single and predictable variable.
The choice of the variable to be measured seems to be done ad hoc, rather than a priori. This occurs when there are no significant differences that were predicted are found, such as reduced mortality or transmission of BBVs, and the researcher goes searching among the results to find a variable that did reach statistical significance when the data are reanalysed and results retested. It is also apparent that the many other variables that are meant to be impacted by MMT did not reach significance as they were not reported. It raises the possibility that many other studies that did not find any significance were never sent for publication or were rejected by the door-keeper editors of the major journals, who actively censor research that does not adhere to their views about OAT.
This research on the effectiveness of OAT is neither relevant nor informative, as it doesn’t touch on the important issues, such as mortality, morbidity, continued injecting of opioids and other drugs, reduction in risky behaviour, improved health and social outcomes, including the transmission of BBV, nor does is it sound in its methodology, design or analysis of findings, as it rarely extends over sufficient time to be useful as many people cycle in and out of treatment or tend to stay on methadone for 20 to 40 years. Even though, death represents the more relevant effect of abuse and the more reliable outcome measurable in population studies, mortality is rarely reported in RCTs of treatment of opioid dependence and is seldom considered to assess the efficacy of treatments. The issue of association between intermediate and surrogate indicators and the actual outcome of interest (i.e., quality and duration of life) seems to be extremely relevant in the interpretation and generalization of the results of these studies and should be the subject of high-quality long-term RCT studies. The high rates of mortality among people leaving MMT, and large numbers cycle in and out of treatment, and disproportionate mortality among people prescribed methadone for chronic pain relief should have been predictable had these precautionary studies been done (Amato, 2005).
An exception was a prospective open cohort study, conducted over a period of 27 years. Kimber et al. (2010) examined survival and long-term cessation of injecting in a cohort of drug users and assessed the influence of opiate substitution treatment on these outcomes. 794 patients with a history of injecting drug use presented between 1980 and 2007; 655 (82%) were followed up, and (85%) had received OAT. Results showed that of the total number of those in the cohort, 277 participants achieved long-term cessation (5 years or more) of injecting, and 228 died. Half of the survivors had poor health-related quality of life. The median duration from first injection to death was 24 years for participants with HIV and 41 years for those without HIV. For each additional year of opiate substitution treatment, the hazard of death before long-term cessation fell by 13% (95% confidence interval 17% to 9%) after adjustment for HIV, sex, calendar period, age at first injection, and history of prison and overdose. Exposure to opiate substitution-agonist treatment (OAT) was inversely related to the chances of achieving long-term cessation of injecting. They concluded that although survival benefits increased with cumulative exposure to treatment, the “treatment does not reduce the overall duration of injecting” and, therefore, did not have an impact on the transmission of BBV, which was declared to be a major benefit of OATs.
The study reported by Yancovitz et al., (1991) that was mentioned earlier, comprised 149 subjects who were randomly assigned to a treatment group and to a control group of 152 not on OAT at an interim methadone maintenance clinic. The treatment group was on a maintenance dosage of 80 mg/day. One-month urinalysis follow-up data of 129 subjects originally assigned to the treatment group and 121 assigned to the control group showed a significant reduction in heroin use in the treatment group with no change in the control group. A higher percentage of the treatment group were in treatment at the 16-month follow-up. The researchers claimed that the limited services interim methadone maintenance group reduced heroin use while waiting for entry into a comprehensive treatment program, which resulted in an increased number entering treatment compared to the group that received no treatment. This was not only very short-term (one month of drug testing), but it did not have any bearing on the experience of those who attended unsupported methadone dispensing facilities over many years. Moreover, it must be asked, as they were all dependent on opioids, what was it that the control group was meant to do but to continue to use heroin while they waited to join the MMT program? While it was no surprise that those receiving methadone were spared the inconvenience of having to source heroin each day, it seemed that, in any case, many did. Further to that, there appeared to be no other benefits of being dosed on methadone that were worth reporting (Yancovitz et al., 1991).
In a 1981 study by Gunne and Grönbladh, the sample size was notably small, with only 34 participants divided equally between the methadone maintenance treatment (MMT) group and the control group. Such limited sample sizes can significantly impact the statistical power of a study, making it difficult to detect true effects. Additionally, small samples may not accurately represent the broader population, limiting the generalizability of the findings. Therefore, while the study reported positive outcomes for the MMT group, these results should be interpreted with caution due to the potential limitations imposed by the small sample size. Again there were no other significant findings that were worth reporting despite their importance in evaluating the efficacy of MMT. (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012)
In 2007, Kinlock and colleagues conducted a randomized clinical trial examining the impact of methadone maintenance initiated in prison on post-release outcomes. The study involved 204 incarcerated males with pre-incarceration heroin dependence, who were assigned to one of three groups: counselling only, counselling with transfer to methadone maintenance upon release, and counselling with methadone maintenance initiated in prison and continued post-release. Findings at 12 months post-release indicated that participants who began methadone maintenance in prison had higher treatment retention and lower rates of opioid use compared to the other groups.
Regarding the relevance of the 2007 study by Kinlock and colleagues, which involved men with pre-incarceration heroin dependence, the findings demonstrated that initiating methadone maintenance treatment (MMT) in prison led to higher treatment retention and lower rates of opioid use post-release compared to other groups. However, generalising these results to populations beyond incarcerated individuals would not be valid. The unique environment of incarceration, along with factors such as structured daily routines, limited access to illicit substances, and diversion of methadone, were likely to influence treatment outcomes differently than in non-incarcerated settings. In conclusion, the authors say, “Methadone maintenance initiated prior to or immediately after release from prison appears to have a beneficial short-term impact on community treatment entry and heroin use.
Therefore, while the study provided some insights into the impact of initiating MMT. during incarceration, further research was necessary to determine if these findings were applicable to prisoner populations and if they persist in being dosed, let alone other populations, such as individuals undergoing long-term, community-based treatment programs. It is also apparent that prisoners who leave jail while being dosed on methadone are at elevated risk of overdosing and death, especially when they find it difficult to find a dosing facility once released and withdrawal symptoms become intolerable.
A later meta-analysis of opioid-related mortality by Gahji and colleagues in 2019 tended to confirm this heightened risk of overdose, when they found that in a total of 32 cohort studies (representing 150 235 participants, 805 423.6 person-years, and 9112 deaths) that met eligibility criteria, crude mortality rates were substantially higher among methadone cohorts than buprenorphine cohorts. Relative risk reduction was substantially higher with methadone relative to buprenorphine when time in-treatment was compared to time out-of-treatment. This statement means that when comparing the effectiveness of methadone versus buprenorphine in reducing a specific risk (likely overdose or relapse), methadone appeared to provide a greater reduction in risk, but only when considering the time that patients were actively in treatment versus the time they were out of treatment.
This suggests that while people are actively in treatment, methadone provides a stronger protective effect against overdose, death, or other risks compared to buprenorphine.
It also means that looking at overall death rates, more deaths occurred in methadone patients compared to buprenorphine patients.
To make sense of this information, it is necessary to understand the mechanism that leads to methadone deaths being 6 times higher during the period after leaving an MMT program, that results in over 30% of the deaths of those using prescription opioids when only 2% of the opioid pain relief prescriptions are for methadone and 79% of the overdose deaths among a group of hardened long-term opioid addicts and leads to an unacceptable death rate among those on MMT.
Users can develop tolerance to methadone, like other opioids. Tolerance occurs when the body adapts to the drug’s effects over time, requiring higher doses to achieve the same therapeutic or subjective effects. However, tolerance develops unevenly across different effects of methadone, and some effects may persist even as others diminish. Even after withdrawal symptoms begin, significant levels of methadone remain in the body due to its long half-life (24–36 hours). This creates a dangerous scenario where a person experiencing withdrawal might take additional opioids (e.g., heroin, fentanyl, or oxycodone) to relieve symptoms, inadvertently risking overdose from the combined effects of residual methadone and the new opioid. Methadone and other opioids both suppress breathing. Even partial residual methadone can synergize with a new opioid dose, overwhelming the respiratory system. Tolerance to respiratory depression is incomplete, so combining opioids can lead to a fatal overdose even in tolerant individuals (SAMHSA).
SAMHSA (2012) warns that relapse during methadone withdrawal is a high-risk period for overdose due to fluctuating tolerance and residual methadone and CDC Data shows that individuals discontinuing methadone or other opioids face a 5–10× higher overdose risk in the first 2 weeks of withdrawal.
After 1–3 days, withdrawal begins, but methadone levels are still substantial. Adding another opioid risks immediate overdose, and after 4–14 days, methadone levels decline further, but tolerance may drop rapidly. Relapse doses that were once “safe” can now be fatal. {SAMSHA, 2012)
Moreover, it seems that those who have gone into MMT hoping for substantial benefits, as promised by the advocates, have not experienced an improvement in health or social functioning. Rather, they are subject to numerous negative effects as they develop tolerance to methadone. These include tolerance to methadone’s pain-relieving effects can develop, particularly in individuals using it long-term for chronic pain. Higher doses may be needed over time to maintain efficacy. Tolerance to the euphoric and sedative effects develops relatively quickly. It heightens overdose risk if users resort to other CNS depressants to get pain relief and who want to experience the euphoria that initially lead to becoming dependent on opioids. It also includes partial tolerance to respiratory depression however, this tolerance is incomplete, and overdose remains possible if methadone is combined with other depressants (e.g., benzodiazepines, alcohol). However, other effects of methadone are not diminished over time, such as little to no tolerance develops to methadone’s constipating effects, chronic use can suppress testosterone, estrogen, and cortisol production, leading to issues like low libido, fatigue, or osteoporosis as tolerance to these effects is minimal. These complications can become debilitating and users become desperate to detox and be free of this drug and dropping out of MMT and exposing themselves to high risks of overdose.
As reported by Mattick and colleagues, “a consistent finding in the studies of methadone-assisted heroin detoxification is the high rates of relapse to heroin use following cessation of methadone doses” (Mattick et al., 2009a, p 65) with a high risk of overdose and death. Despite this admission, the same authors state that “Methadone assisted withdrawal has shown to be safe, effective and acceptable” (Mattick, et al., 2009a, p85)
.
It seems that users are aware of these aspects of being on MMT for long periods and are not choosing to enter these programs. Further to this, it is likely that despite the continued endorsement of the effectiveness and safety of MMT in the face of overwhelming evidence that says otherwise, health practitioners are not keen to refer opioid-dependent people to MMT, particularly in view of the changing demographics of this group from predominantly heroin users to chronic pain patients who become addicted to prescription opioids. This accounts for the lack of expansion of the number of new people entering MMT.
3. The Effectiveness of OAT in Reducing Transmission of HIV.
 The move towards a harm reduction approach was given impetus by what was discovered about the association between injecting drug use and the transmission of blood-borne infections such as HIV and hepatitis B and C. (NDARC, 1995; Ward 1995)
By the early 1980s, reviewers of short-term uncontrolled-observation studies supporting the use of OAT claimed that there was sufficient evidence “to conclude that methadone maintenance treatment led to substantial reductions in heroin use, crime, and opioid-related deaths, and that it was highly likely that methadone maintenance would also contribute significantly to preventing the spread of HIV among injecting opioid users”, and were used to endorse methadone maintenance as part of shift toward Harm Reduction of NCADA and the subsequent expansion that took place in methadone services around Australia. In 1985, there were some 750 people on MMT programs in NSW, and by 1995, this had increased nine-fold to over 6,750 participants. An important aim of research over the decade before 1995 was to determine whether methadone maintenance contributed to the prevention of the spread of HIV among injecting drug users. They thought that there were two ways in which this might be established: from studies that examined whether being in methadone maintenance was protective against HIV infection, and by those which examined the extent to which methadone maintenance reduced the likelihood of needle sharing among its recipients. Such was the conviction that methadone was the key to the prevention of the harm associated with opioid use that the contribution of ancillary services to successful methadone maintenance treatment was subject to debate as it was unclear what proportion of clients would want and if they would make use of such services, and what kinds of problems might be addressed by them. In any case, there was a reduction in the types and numbers of services that were provided at methadone clinics due to the rapid expansion of services delivered by the private sector. (Ward, 1995). However, research that was available at the time, made it clear that the provision of ancillary services such as education, awareness campaigns, exposure to primary health care services, and the provision of condoms for those with OUD, were the major factors in changing behaviour that led to the comparatively low rates of HIV transmission in Australia. (Wodak and McLeod. 2008;Ward, 1995; Ameijden, 1994).
A series of studies conducted over 6 years, examined methadone programs in Amsterdam and found that they “were not protective against HIV infection, not associated with significant reductions in injection-related risk behaviour, and not protective in terms of preventing the transition from non-injecting to injecting opiate use.” However, they reported that the provision of advisory/counselling services, public awareness campaigns, education about risk factors and HIV testing played a decisive role in achieving some positive outcomes (Ameijden, 1994).
Another report found that there was a lack of convincing evidence that attending exchange programs or receiving methadone treatments had a beneficial effect on the HlV prevalence, HIV incidence, or current sharing of equipment. They also found indications that voluntary HIV Antibody testing and/or counselling reduced high-risk behaviour (van Ameijden, van den Hoek, et al.,1994). In an earlier paper published in 1992, the authors studied a cohort of human immunodeficiency virus-seronegative injecting drug users in Amsterdam and found that there was no evidence that receiving daily methadone treatments at methadone posts and obtaining new needles/syringes via the exchange program were protective.
The studies conducted and reported by Ward (1995) had as its broad purpose, “in light of the literature reviewed and recent changes to the New South Wales public methadone programs, an attempt to build upon the methodology and the findings reported by Ball and Ross in examining the relationship between aspects of treatment received and treatment outcomes and to investigate the role of factors outside of treatment (life events, social support) in predicting outcomes” (Ward, 1995). However, contrary to the evidence before him, he took the view that the reviews concerning the use of methadone as a treatment for opioid dependence had found that there was sufficient evidence to conclude that methadone maintenance treatment led to substantial reductions in heroin use, crime and opioid-related deaths, and that it is highly likely that methadone maintenance would also contribute significantly to preventing the spread of HIV among injecting opioid users. These reviews, therefore, supported the endorsement of methadone maintenance as part of NCADA and the subsequent expansion that took place in methadone services around Australia.
Alex Wodak, a leading figure in the adoption and implementation of harm reduction, claimed in 2008 that the “scientific debate about harm reduction is now over: harm reduction has been shown convincingly to be effective in reducing HIV, and to be safe and cost-effective. (Wodak & McLeod., 2008)
He was happy to concede that “Enduring abstinence is, after all, the ultimate way to minimise harm”. It is well known that abstinence can facilitate a reasonable quality of life by not being tied to MMT and to a never-ending regime of drug dependence that prolongs the harm associated with it, while being hopelessly addicted to a lethal drug and condemned to live as a second-class citizen. He goes on to proclaim that “it has been known since at least the early 1990s that HIV among IDU can be easily controlled by the early and vigorous implementation of a comprehensive harm reduction package. This package consists of education, needle syringe programs, drug treatment (meaning methadone to be dispensed daily) and the community development of drug users.” However, other researchers found that this package is often not provided (Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004), and it begs the question of whether he believes that OAT, even in conjunction with SNPs, is effective on its own. Researchers have responded with a resounding “No!” (Ward, 1995; Ameijden, 1994; Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004)
Later in this paper, Wodak maintains that “these programmes usually provide a great deal of practical education and also serve as important entry points for drug treatment and the provision of other basic services.” (Wodak & McLeod, 2008).
Indeed, it would be more beneficial if methadone treatment was supplemented by a range of ancillary counselling, welfare and health services. The reality is that these services are often not available and rarely taken up by IUDs, as it “it is expensive to operate these specialist services and methadone programs are often situated in general or primary health care settings or in pharmacies, where access to ancillary services is not provided” (Ward, 1995; Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004). Moreover, it is not obvious why this package of services needed to be coupled with OAT, as most of the changes in behaviour among homosexual men were the result of education programs about safe sexual practices, provided by government AIDS agencies and support groups, delivered in the early to mid-1980s, well before there were many people in MMT; meaning that the men who were most at risk of contracting HIV were not in MMT. The evidence indicates that (1) voluntary HIV testing and counselling led to less borrowing, lending, and reusing equipment, and (2) obtaining needles via exchange programs led to less reusing needles/syringes. However, it appeared that “nonattenders of methadone and exchange programs had reduced borrowing and lending to the same extent as attenders” (Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004; Ameijden, 1994).
It is recommended that “education of IDUs about the risks of unsafe sexual behaviour and sharing injecting equipment should be simple, explicit, peer-based and factual about behaviours associated with the risk of HIV transmission and practical ways of reducing risk.” (Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004). Moreover, if the person has a long-acting naltrexone implant and is abstinent, as association with people using illicit drugs, as occurs around OAT and NSP facilities, tends to promote risky behaviour, the impact of education is more effective and there is no need for people to be burdened by having to take methadone each day. It has been shown that education about safe sex practices has been effective in reducing the incidence of HIV infection among those who are not IUDs and those who are, and who are most at risk of contracting the disease, are men who have sex with men and young females who have unprotected sex with multiple partners. Moreover, it was found for those in OAT that it “had little effect in changing risky behaviour and that it did not affect condom use.” (Gowing et al., 2017)
Wodak goes on to say, “needle syringe programmes and opiate substitution treatment are often regarded as the hallmark of harm reduction.” However, these programs are largely irrelevant in the quest to reduce HIV transmission, as the research shows that HIV is rarely transmitted due to drug injection as HIV does not survive long outside the human body, and its ability to cause infection diminishes rapidly once exposed to environmental conditions. Studies have shown that drying HIV causes a rapid (within a few hours) 90%-99% reduction in HIV concentration. (Moore, 1993; Guy, 2008; CDC, 1987). Gay, bisexual, and other men who reported male-to-male sexual contact are the population most affected by HIV. In 2022, gay and bisexual men accounted for 67% (25,482) of the 37,981 new HIV diagnoses and 86% of those diagnosed were men.  (CDC, 2023). The risk of sexual transmission of HIV between HIV-positive IDUs and their sexual partners is much lower at 0.02–005% per heterosexual sex act, while the risk during receptive anal intercourse between men can be 0·82% (95% CI 0·24–2·76%) (Degenhardt and Hall 2012) The risk of HIV infection via injection with an HIV-infected needle is about 1 in 125 injections. The prevalence of hepatitis C antibodies varies widely in IDUs, from 60% to greater than 90% prevalence. (Degenhardt and Hall 2012). It is estimated that men and women who inject drugs accounted for 4% (1,490) and 3% (1,161) of new HIV diagnoses, respectively. (CDC, 2023)
Wodak claimed that eight reviews of the evidence for needle syringe programs conducted by or carried out on behalf of US government agencies concluded that these programs were effective in reducing HIV and are unaccompanied by serious unintended negative consequences (including inadvertently increasing illicit drug use). More recent reviews commissioned by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the US National Academy of Science came to the same conclusions (Wodak & McLeod., 2008) It seems that some experts thought OAT was a good idea based on the relationship between people who inject drugs (PWIDs) and HIV transmission, led to conclusions about its effectiveness in preventing HIV infection which were mistaken.
Many of these studies had recorded associations between injecting opioids and other drugs and various health-related harm (HIV and HCV). However, the determination of whether such associations are causal is more problematic. To make a causal inference, it is necessary to document an association between drug use behaviours and the adverse outcome, confirm that injecting the drug preceded the outcome, and exclude alternative explanations of the association, such as reverse causation and confounding (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012). Cohort studies of injecting amphetamine, cocaine, and heroin users suggested that these practices increase the risk of premature death, morbidity, and disability, mainly from drug overdose and blood-borne viruses. These studies have rarely controlled for unsafe male-to-male sexual practices, but the association between this behaviour and transmission of HIV is too large to be wholly accounted for by this confounding variable of a large proportion are IDUs; the major causes of increased mortality are plausibility and directly related to unsafe sexual behaviour among men, and to a lesser extent, women who have unsafe multiple-partner sexual contact (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
The epidemiological study by Cornish et al. (1993) was influential in that people latched onto their findings and convinced bodies such as WHO of the benefits of OATs on preventing HIV transmission as it had shown a positive relationship between needle sharing and acquiring HIV and then others assumed that as methadone led to a reduction in injecting, then, in turn it would reduce HIV transmission. There, however, appeared to be significant problems with the study design and with the identification of confounding variables, the major one being the proportion of each group who were homosexual and engaged in unsafe sexual behaviour. The study did not randomly assign subjects to treatments, and they did not control for differences between the groups. As observational studies, including epidemiological longitudinal studies, do not establish causation primarily due to confounding variables, differences in outcomes could be due to other factors that vary between groups rather than the exposure to MMT itself. They also lack randomisation, resulting in confounders, which are variables that influence both the exposure and the outcome, making it difficult to determine whether the observed relationship is truly causal. In this study linking MMT to HIV, it is likely unsafe sex among men would be a confounder if the group who are not on MMT are more likely to be men engaged in unsafe and risky sexual behaviour. Reverse causation may also be an issue in that those who practice safe sex and who are not homosexual may be more likely to prefer methadone as they are more conscious of their health and the risks of HCV, for example, due to unsafe injecting. There are also some serious biases in this study that can be identified that can distort results. For example, as we have noted, participants in this observational study were not randomly chosen, which can lead to selection bias as it is possible that HIV-positive people were less likely to choose the MMT group as engaging in activities to acquire and inject street drugs other than heroin, mainly which has hypersexuality properties, which aligns with their lifestyle (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012).
The reality is that in 2022, it was estimated that IUDs accounted for 7% (2,651) of the 37,981 new HIV diagnoses. According to the research findings it was estimated that OUD people who injected opioids accounted for one in three PWIDs (37%) (AHIW, 2023), that 50% of PWIDs were in MMT and that MMT reduced injecting by 30% (Gowing et al., 2017 then it is possible that this reduced the number of transmissions by 0.126% or 48 cases over this period.
Wodak, despite the negligible effect of OAT on HIV transmission rates, concludes by saying that “Drug treatment is also critical, especially opiate substitution treatments. Methadone and buprenorphine maintenance treatment have been shown convincingly to reduce HIV spread “ (Wodak & McLeod, 2008), despite the evidence that suggests otherwise.
Gowing and colleagues (2017) claim that oral substitution treatment for injecting opioid users reduces drug‐related behaviours that are reputed to be a high risk for HIV transmission but has less effect on sex‐related risk behaviours. They say that “a lack of data from randomised controlled studies limited the strength of the evidence presented in this review.”
In their review, they go on to state: “Thirty‐eight studies, involving some 12,400 participants, were included. The majority were descriptive studies, or randomisation processes did not relate to the data extracted, and most studies were judged to be at high risk of bias.”
“The recommended approach for assessing risk of bias in studies included in Cochrane Reviews is based on the evaluation of six specific methodological domains; namely, sequence generation, allocation concealment, blinding, incomplete outcome data, selective outcome reporting, and ‘other issues’ (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012).
Studies (Gowing et al., 2011) showed a statistically significant decrease in injecting behaviour (either as the proportion of participants injecting, the frequency of injecting drug use, or both) after entry into methadone treatment. The relative risk of injecting drug use at follow‐up compared to baseline ranged from 0.40 (at 12 months) and (at 24 weeks) to 0.80 at 6 month follow‐up (corresponding to reductions in relative risk of 60% and 20%, respectively) and other studies all showed significantly less injecting behaviour (either as the proportion of participants injecting, or the frequency of injecting drug use, or both for cohorts receiving OAT compared to those not receiving this treatment at the time of assessment. The relative risk of injecting for substitution treatment compared to no substitution ranged from 0.45 for to 0.87 for (corresponding to reductions in relative risk of 55% and 13%, respectively)”. The problem with these studies was that they were only short-term and did not look at the effect of MMT on HIV or HCV transmission rates and other long-term adverse health effects. People tend to stay on MMT for many years and, indeed, it is suggested that they do so indefinitely (Degenhardt et al., 2009; Kimber, 2010) and that they continue to inject drugs, which in the long-term diminishes any of the early benefits.
In other words, many of those receiving OAT were not injecting opioids and even among injectors, there was no evidence that HIV transmission was affected, rather it was speculated that a reduction in frequency of injecting drug behaviour could be interpreted as a reduction in new HIV infections among this group, however, it was said that it “had little effect in changing risky behaviour” including unsafe injecting and among other things that it did not affect condom use, which was the critical factor in reducing HIV transmission.”
According to a 6-year longitudinal study among IDUs in Amsterdam, from 1987 to the end of June 1993, a cumulative total of 2678 cases of AIDS were reported in the Netherlands (circa 15 million inhabitants). Homosexual men were the largest risk group (78%), followed by injecting drug users (9%); 93% of the cumulative AIDS cases were men. In 1992, 481 new cases were diagnosed and in 1991, there were 437 new cases. Most of the AIDS cases in the Netherlands were reported from Amsterdam (700,000 inhabitants) (van Ameijden, 1994). The research of Guy et al. (2007) confirmed these estimates when they found that by far the most frequent route of HIV exposure was male-to-male sex, accounting for 70% of diagnoses and that, in terms of HIV prevention, methadone treatment programs “were not protective against HIV infection, not associated with significant reductions in injection-related risk behaviour, and not protective in terms of preventing the transition from non-injecting to injecting opiate use.” Heterosexual contact accounted for 18% of cases, with just over half of these people born in or having a sexual partner from a high-prevalence country, or were young women who had unsafe sex with multiple partners and that transmission by injecting drugs was rare. The risk of sexual transmission of HIV between HIV-positive IDUs and their sexual partners was much lower at 0.02–005% per heterosexual sex act, while the risk during receptive anal intercourse between men can be 82% (95% CI 0·24–2·76%) (Degenhardt and Hall 2012)
These findings tend to lend weight to the results of the review by Gowing et al., in 2011, who reported that OAT programs had little effect on injecting drug rates and, more importantly, it had minimal impact on changing sexual behaviour. As, has been shown, (Guy et al, 2007, CDC, 2023; van Ameijden, 1994) HIV is almost exclusively transmitted through unsafe sex practices and reductions in HIV transmission resulted from changes in risk-taking sexual behaviour, most importantly the use of condoms, it must be concluded that “OAT was almost entirely ineffectual in reducing HIV infection rates, either directly or indirectly by altering drug injecting or unsafe sexual behaviour.”
While the rate of HIV infection remains comparatively low amongst injecting drug users in Australia (Des Jarlais, 1994; Kaldor, Elford, Wodak, Crofts & Kidd, 1993), evidence of previous hepatitis B and C infection among people who have been injecting drugs for some time suggests that the proportion of exposed individuals is very high (80-90%) (Bell, Batey, Farrell, Crewe, Cunningham & Byth, 1990a; Bell, Fernandes & Batey, 1990b; Crofts, Hopper, Bowden, Breschkin, Milner & Locarnini, 1993). Thus, if HCV infections have the same transmission characteristics as HIV, HIV cases should be much higher therefore it is difficult to account for this anomaly, apart from the probability that MMT had negligible impact on HIV infection rates and that other factors were at play.
The research of van Ameijden (1994) and Ameijden and colleagues (1994) in Amsterdam followed 616 OUD people over 6 years. Their aim was to evaluate the protective effects of MMT and NSPs and of HIV antibody testing, counselling and the provision of educational material on risky behaviour.
They reported that previous studies in Amsterdam and elsewhere (van Ameijden,1992), had shown that “HIV testing and counselling were strongly associated with significantly lower levels of risky injecting behaviour and unsafe commercial sexual behaviour and found that NSPs and OAT had an impact on injecting drug use” however, it had “minimal if any, direct relationship to HIV infection rates.” They went on to say that if the effect of a prevention program aimed at reducing risky injecting behaviour is to be evaluated, the extent to which the sexual transmission of HIV influences the prevalence and incidence of the virus among injecting drug users must also be considered.
 In discussing their results, Ameijden and colleagues (1994), reported that “it appeared that nonattenders of methadone and exchange programs reduced risky injecting to the same extent as attenders.” They found that neither NSPs or OAT had any protective effect on reducing sharing of injecting equipment or on the rate of transmission of HIV. However, they found indications that voluntary HIV antibody testing and counselling/education were the factors that reduced high-risk behaviour (Ward, 1995).
Higher levels of needle sharing, with its associated risks of transmission of HCV and other blood-borne viruses, is also associated with the use of benzodiazepines by injecting drug users. A study of non-fatal heroin overdoses in Sydney revealed that 25% of individuals reported having used benzodiazepines at the time of their last overdose. Further to this Ward (1995) found that benzodiazepine misuse increased with higher doses of methadone.
 It is apparent that the rate of HIV infection is comparatively low amongst injecting drug users in Australia (Ward, 1995), due to the rapid response to the threat and quick implementation of public safety awareness and education strategies, including the most important factor; the rapid increase in the use of condoms, which occurred and had a major impact on transmission rates before methadone had taken hold in Australia. However, the evidence of previous hepatitis B and C infection among people who have been injecting drugs for some time suggests that the proportion of exposed individuals is very high (80-90%) and that a different mechanism was influencing the outcomes (Ward, 1995). Despite this, HR advocates continue to state that “methadone maintenance is effective in preventing HIV infection”, but conceded that” this may not be the case for HCV as HCV is more readily transmitted than HIV” with infection rates of between 50 and 95% (Mattick, et al.,2009a, p. 123).
4. Long-Term MMT and Changes in Demographics and the Brains of OUD people.
In the paper of Larney et al., (2020), the authors analysed the need for a comprehensive policy to combat the alarming increase in the numbers of dependent people and mortality among a largely new demographic who have become addicted to extra-medical opioids.
 Of the 8683 studies identified, 124 were included in this analysis. “The pooled all-cause CMR, based on 99 cohorts of 1 262 592 people, was 1.6 per 100 person-years (95% CI, 1.4-1.8 per 100 person-years).” All-cause CMR” (all-cause crude mortality rate) means that the number of people who died from any cause during the study was 1.6 deaths per 100 person-years, which means that of 1000 people followed over one year, about 16 of them would die on average.
It also found “substantial heterogeneity (I2 = 99.7%). Heterogeneity was associated with the proportion of the study sample that injected opioids or was living with HIV infection or hepatitis C” as opposed to those who were addicted to oral, either prescribed or extra-medical opioids, which infers a different group of newly dependent people. The pooled all-cause SMR, based on 43 cohorts, was 10.0 (95% CI, 7.6-13.2). SMR (standardised mortality ratio, where it compares the death rate in the study group to the death rate in the general population. In this study, the SMR was 10.0., which means that the people in these groups were 10 times more likely to die than the average person in the general population. A meta-analysis of mortality in opioid users calculated a pooled standardised mortality ratio of 14·7 (95% CI 12·8–16·5) (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
They conclude by stating that “excess mortality was observed across a range of causes, including overdose, injuries, and from infectious and noncommunicable diseases.” They further found that those in OAT thought that
• Methadone was seen as having a “low status” and was only used to medicate to avoid withdrawal
• Methadone was seen as easy to obtain
• There was a belief that methadone was used by those not in treatment in “emergencies” (i.e. for individuals who could not get heroin)
• Methadone clients were viewed as “losers” who had “given up”
• Participants viewed methadone as a dangerous drug that had worse side effects than heroin, including bone and muscle aches, sexual problems, dental problems, and weight gain–fear of long-term effects of methadone
• Participants held the belief that methadone caused unacceptable discomfort felt during detoxification
• Participants held the belief that methadone had a more severe opiate effect, including the increased risks of overdosing
• Having to go to a clinic every day to get methadone interfered with their daily routine, including time spent with family and the ability to find and maintain employment.
It turns out that most of these beliefs are borne out by those researchers who surveyed and interviewed people who were in MMT and the impact of MMT on individual’s lives who often refer to methadone as “liquid handcuffs” (Hunt et al., 1985; Ward 1995; Divine, 2010)
Alternative forms of treatment should be implemented as variations in patterns of drug initiation between countries and cultures suggest that entry into illicit drug use is dependent on social factors and drug availability, as well as characteristics of users and social settings that facilitate or deter use.
Cohorts of users seeking treatment or entering the criminal justice system are groups whose trajectory of use can differ from users who do not enter these systems. The available evidence suggests that a minority of individuals will no longer meet the criteria for dependence a year after diagnosis (Degenhardt and Hall 2012) and that for whom being coerced onto MMT is inappropriate for all the above-stated reasons.
It has been found that major social and contextual factors increase the likelihood of use are drug availability, use of tobacco and alcohol at an early age (ie, early adolescence), and social norms for the toleration of alcohol and other drug use. (Degenhardt and Hall 2012)
It has been identified there are four broad types of adverse health effects of illicit drug use, including diverted methadone, that exist: the acute toxic effects, including overdose; the acute effects of intoxication, such as accidental injury and violence; development of dependence; and adverse health effects of sustained chronic, regular use, such as chronic disease (eg, cardiovascular disease and cirrhosis), blood-borne bacterial and viral infections, and mental disorders (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
Many studies have recorded associations between illicit drug use and various health-related harm, but the determination of whether such associations are causal is more difficult. To make a causal inference, it is necessary to document an association between drug use and the adverse outcome, confirm that drug use preceded the outcome, and exclude alternative explanations of the association, such as reverse causation and confounding (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012).  Cohort studies of problem amphetamine, cocaine, and heroin users suggest that these drugs increase the risk of premature death, morbidity, and disability. These studies have rarely controlled for social disadvantage, but the mortality excess is too large to be wholly accounted for by this confounding; the major causes of increased mortality are plausibly and directly related to illicit drug use (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
Moreover, the chronic use of addictive drugs leads to significant changes in brain structure and function, particularly in areas involved in reward, motivation, memory, and self-control. These changes contribute to addiction, making it difficult for users to stop despite the harmful consequences of continued use of the drug.
Brain changes from chronic drug use include:
1.‘Dysregulation of the Dopamine System. Most addictive drugs increase dopamine levels in the brain’s reward system (especially in the nucleus accumbens), reinforcing drug-seeking behaviour. Over time, the brain reduces natural dopamine production and receptor sensitivity, making it harder to experience pleasure from natural rewards (food, social interactions, etc.)” (NIDA. 2020).
2.“Impaired Prefrontal Cortex Function (Loss of Self-Control). The prefrontal cortex, responsible for decision-making, impulse control, and judgment, becomes less active. This leads to poor self-regulation, making it harder to resist cravings and make rational choices” (NIDA. 2020).
3.“Changes in Brain Structure (Neuroplasticity and Damage). Chronic drug use rewires neural pathways, strengthening those linked to drug-seeking behaviour while weakening pathways involved in self-control. Some drugs (e.g., methamphetamine, alcohol) that are frequently used by people on OAT, cause neurotoxicity, leading to brain shrinkage and cognitive impairments” (NIDA. 2020).
4.“Increased Stress and Anxiety Responses. The brain’s stress system (amygdala, HPA axis) becomes overactive, making users more prone to anxiety, depression, and emotional instability when not using the drug. Withdrawal symptoms (irritability, restlessness, depression) reinforce continued drug use” (NIDA. 2020).
5.“Memory and Learning Deficits. The hippocampus, critical for memory and learning, is often damaged by chronic drug use (e.g., alcohol, opioids, cannabis), leading to cognitive impairments. Drug-related cues become deeply ingrained in memory, triggering cravings even after long periods of abstinence” (NIDA. 2020).
The consequences of chronic drug use include:
1.“Increased Tolerance and Dependence. The brain adapts to the drug, requiring larger doses to achieve the same effect (tolerance). Dependence develops, meaning the user needs more of the drug to feel normal and avoid withdrawal symptoms” (NIDA. 2020).
2.“Compulsive Drug-Seeking Behaviour (Addiction). Brain changes lead to compulsive craving and use, despite the negative consequences (legal, financial and health-related). Users also lose control over their behaviour, prioritising the drug use over relationships, work, and responsibilities” (NIDA. 2020).
3.“Mental Health Disorders. Chronic drug use increases the risk of depression, anxiety, psychosis (e.g., with meth, opioids, or cocaine), and cognitive decline. Some drugs (like cannabis or hallucinogens) can trigger long-term psychotic disorders in vulnerable individuals” (NIDA. 2020).
4.“Increased Risk of Overdose and Death. Opioids (heroin, methadone, fentanyl) depress the brain’s respiratory centres, leading to fatal overdoses. Stimulants (cocaine, meth) can cause heart attacks, strokes, or seizures” (NIDA. 2020).
5.“Social and Behavioural Consequences. Addiction often leads to job loss, financial ruin, legal troubles, relationship breakdowns, and homelessness. Increased risk of risky behaviours, such as unsafe sex, crime, and accidents” (NIDA. 2020).
It has been shown that some brain changes can be re-instated with prolonged abstinence, especially in dopamine function and prefrontal cortex activity. However, severe damage (e.g., neurotoxicity from meth or alcohol) may be irreversible, leading to long-term cognitive deficits. Behavioural therapy, medication (naltrexone), and lifestyle changes can help restore brain function over time (NIDA. 2020).
While chronic drug use rewires the brain, leading to compulsive drug-seeking behaviour, emotional instability, cognitive deficits, and loss of self-control. With sustained recovery efforts, many of these changes can be partially or fully reversed (NIDA. 2020).
The importance of ancillary services that are applicable to the environment from which those with IDUs come and the circumstances of their initiation and ongoing use of opioids and other drugs is emphasised by Ritter & Lintzeris, (2004), Wodak & McLeod, (2008).Ameijden (1994) and Degenhardt and Hall (2012) and Ward (1995). The types of interventions include public awareness campaigns, education about risky injecting and sexual behaviour, BBV testing, medical examination and treatment, psychological assessment, counselling, and timely, low-cost access to these services.
It has been shown that OAT programs entail chronic, high-level, and sustained opioid use that results in these brain changes and that they become worse over time. Naltrexone, on the other hand, is not an agonist and results in the recovery of normal brain function within a short time. It is acknowledged that the ancillary services are just as important as the users need to adjust to living in the community without dependence on drugs to self-medicate, or even more so as cessation of antagonist treatment leaves the drug users vulnerable to overdose.
There is an obvious similarity between methadone and other addictive-agonist opioids including the structural brain changes and compromised health resulting from continuing and regular use of these drugs, and the risk of fatal overdose, development of tolerance, having withdrawal symptoms and the obvious difference between the antagonist naltrexone and methadone, with one allowing the OUD person to abstain entirely from opioids including methadone and improvement in their wellbeing and their ability to return to normal within a short period of time, while the other makes it worse. Therefore, it is disingenuous for HR advocates to skate around this fact and give the impression that methadone is simply a benign medication that is beneficial for the opioid-dependent person when this is not the case  (Kosten and George 2002).
5. The Evidence Examining the Effectiveness of Naltrexone Implants
It is important to note that since methadone and buprenorphine are opioids, they can be misused and, with long-term dosing, cause brain changes and severe dysfunction. As with other opioids, buprenorphine and methadone can result in changes to the brain architecture, hormonal levels, physical and psychological dependence, and a diagnosable OUD and can be fatal when used alone or with other CNS depressants and by people who are not on OAT, which demands that the use of these medications is strictly regulated and supervised (NIDA. 2020).
Naltrexone is not an opioid but rather is a full antagonist of the mu-opioid receptor and completely blocks the euphoric and analgesic effects of all opioids (Kleber, 2007). Naltrexone does not cause physical dependence, nor does it produce any of the rewarding effects of opioids. It is not uncommon for patients to try to use opioids while on extended-release naltrexone, but it is exceedingly rare that using an opioid can override the effect of naltrexone to the extent that the opioid yields rewarding effects and lead to relapse.
Ideally, patients on extended-release naltrexone learn quickly not to use the opioids that caused their addictive behaviour, and, after sustained use of the medication, their cravings declined, and the changes to the brain return to normal (NIDA, 2020; Krupitsky et al., 2011; Lee et al., 2018; Tanum et al., 2017). Neurologically; there is some evidence to suggest that chronic administration of an opioid antagonist can induce up-regulation of opiate receptors. This means that over time, opiate receptors can be brought back to normal baseline level, thus reversing the pharmacological changes that leave an addict prone to relapse (Simon, 1997).
In a randomised, clinical trial, Waal (2009) matched one group who received a long-acting naltrexone implant and the control group who received usual aftercare but no implant. The naltrexone implants were found to be effective as they reduced heroin use compared to the control group. Significant differences were found in the use of heroin, codeine, methadone, and buprenorphine as well as polydrug use, injecting behaviour, and quality of life. It was reported that there was a high level of satisfaction with the treatment, and there were not any more adverse events than those reported by other treatments that were available to the groups. Waal concluded that naltrexone had considerable potential in helping to prevent relapse in heroin dependency and that longer-lasting formulations for naltrexone treatment were desirable to further reduce non-adherence and relapse during treatment of opiate dependence (Smythe, 2010).
Krupitsky et al. (2012) sought to compare outcomes of naltrexone implants, oral naltrexone hydrochloride, and nonmedicated treatment. In a 6-month randomised double-blind trial they reported on the percentage of patients retained in treatment without relapse and found that by month 6, 54 of 102 patients in the naltrexone implant/placebo implant group (52.9%) remained in treatment without relapse compared with 16 of 102 patients in the placebo implant/oral naltrexone group (15.7%) and 11 of 102 patients in the placebo implant/oral placebo group (10.8%) (P < .001). The placebo implant/oral naltrexone vs the placebo implant/oral placebo comparison showed a nonsignificant trend favouring the placebo implant/oral naltrexone group (P = .07). Counting missing test results as positive, the proportion of urine screening tests yielding negative results for opiates was 63.6% (95% CI, 60%-66%) for the naltrexone implant/oral placebo group; 42.7% (40%-45%) for the placebo implant/oral naltrexone group; and 34.1% (32%-37%) for the placebo implant/oral placebo group (P < .001). They found no evidence of increased deaths from overdose after naltrexone treatment ended and concluded that the implant was more effective than oral naltrexone or placebo.
The research by Kelty and colleagues (2017) sought to examine and compare mortality rates in patients with an opioid use disorder treated with implant naltrexone, methadone, and buprenorphine. They found that there were no significant differences in mortality between the groups and concluded that implant naltrexone may be associated with added benefits during the first 28 days of treatment and in female patients compared to methadone.
The study by Kalty and Hulse (2019) compared rates of fatal and serious but non-fatal opioid overdose in opioid-dependent patients treated with methadone, buprenorphine, or implant naltrexone, and sought to identify risk factors for fatal opioid overdose. They found that there were no significant differences between the three groups in terms of crude rates of fatal or non-fatal opioid overdoses. During the first 28 days of treatment, rates of non-fatal opioid overdose were high in all three groups, however, there were fatal opioid overdoses in patients treated with methadone. No fatal opioid overdoses were observed in buprenorphine or naltrexone patients during this period. Following the first 28 days, buprenorphine was shown to be protective, particularly in terms of non-fatal opioid overdoses. After the cessation of treatment, rates of fatal and non-fatal opioid overdoses were similar between the groups, with the exception of lower rates of non-fatal and fatal opioid overdose in the naltrexone-treated patients compared with the methadone-treated patients. After the commencement of treatment, gender, and hospitalisations with a diagnosis of opioid poisoning, cardiovascular or mental health problems were significant predictors of subsequent fatal opioid overdose.
They concluded that rates of fatal and non-fatal opioid overdose were not significantly different in patients treated with methadone, buprenorphine or implant naltrexone. Gender and prior cause-specific hospitalisations could be used to identify patients at a high risk of fatal opioid overdose.
Several research papers have examined the legal, ethical and practical problems posed by use of
naltrexone, including depot injections, among offenders leaving jail. Researchers concluded that
naltrexone had the potential to improve outcomes among those on probation and parole as it
appeared to be ideally suited to providing a drug-free period to facilitate some rehabilitation
into society among a group whose relapse rates and recidivism upon leaving prison were alarmingly
high, even when under the supervision of a parole officer (O’Brien & Cornish, 2006). Use of
naltrexone was seen as providing real benefits to parolees, the criminal justice system and the
community, and offered the best chance of success among drug-abusing offenders compared
to what has been offered before (Marlowe, 2006), although some thought it should be provided
as an informed decision in the context of the Treatment Court and not as coercion or as a
mandatory sentence (Presenza, 2006). As depot naltrexone appears to be efficacious,
non-psychoactive, and with few negative side-effects, it “makes it the ideal candidate for studying
 coerced treatment for addicted offenders” (Marlowe, 2006, p. 138).  Marlowe (2006) also found
 minimal legal or ethical problems with this approach. A randomised controlled study found that
 59% of probationers with a history of opiate addiction who received standard supervision
by parole officers, but not naltrexone, relapsed and were re-incarcerated within a year of their
 release. On the other hand, a similar group who additionally received oral naltrexone had a
relapse rate of only 25% (Cornish, Metzger, Woody, Wilson, McLellan & Vandergrift, 1997).
Bonnie (in Patapis & Norstrom, 2006) concluded that “the legal prospects for mandated treatment
 of probationers and parolees with naltrexone are excellent” (p. 127) if it was found that
naltrexone was medically appropriate, without significant risk, and therefore likely to prevent
 relapse, prevent crime and promote rehabilitation. However, it was also thought also that there
 was a dire need for more research regarding the use of naltrexone in a criminal justice
populations.
Five randomised controlled trials (576 patients) and four non-randomised studies (8,358 patients) that were published between 2009 and 2013, were included by Larney and colleagues (2014) in a review of the effectiveness of naltrexone implants. The risk of biased judgments were reported in the paper, with randomised studies showing mixed results and non-randomized studies showing a generally high risk of bias.
The results reported on the five trials showed no statistically significant differences in induction to treatment between naltrexone implants and placebo implants (two trials; Ι²=0%), oral naltrexone (two trials; Ι²=0%), methadone maintenance treatment (one trial), or treatment as usual (one trial).
Two trials of naltrexone implants were found to be significantly more effective than placebo implants (RR 3.20, 95% CI 2.17 to 4.72; two trials; Ι²=84%) and oral naltrexone (RR 3.38, 95% CI 2.08 to 5.49; one trial) in retention in treatment.
Five trials of naltrexone implants were significantly more effective in suppressing opioid use than placebo (RR 0.57, 5% CI 0.48 to 0.68; two trials) or oral naltrexone (RR 0.57, 95% CI 0.47 to 0.70; two trials).
Despite these positive results, the reviewers found that the evidence on “safety, efficacy, and effectiveness of naltrexone implants was limited in quantity and quality, and the evidence had little clinical use in settings where effective treatments for opioid dependence (meaning, opioid agonist therapy) were available” a conclusion that seemed to be at odds with the intention and outcome of the trials and stated without providing any evidence of how they arrived at this conclusion. (Larney et al., 2014),
A randomised control trial reported by Lee et al. (2018) found that among participants successfully inducted (n=474), 24-week relapse events were similar across study groups (p=0·44). Opioid-negative urine samples (p<0·0001) and opioid-abstinent days (p<0·0001) favoured the buprenorphine/naltrexone group compared with counselling, among the intention-to-treat population but were similar across study groups among the per-protocol population. Self-reported opioid craving was initially less with the counselling/naltrexone group than with buprenorphine/naltrexone (p=0·0012), then converged by week 24 (p=0·20). Except for mild-to-moderate counselling/naltrexone injection site reactions, treatment-emergent adverse events, including overdose, did not differ between treatment groups. Lee and colleagues suggest that extended-release naltrexone and buprenorphine-naloxone medications are equally safe and effective. They suggested that future work should focus on facilitating induction into counselling/naltrexone and on improving treatment retention for both medications. (Lee, Nunes, Novo, et al., 2018)
In North America, opioid use has now become a public health crisis, with policymakers declaring it a state of emergency. Opioid Agonist Treatment (OAT) continues to be a favoured harm-reduction method used in treating opioid use disorders. While OAT has been shown to improve some treatment outcomes successfully, there is still a great degree of variability among patients. This cohort of patients has shifted from young males using heroin to a greater number of older people and women misusing prescription opioids. The primary objective of the review of Manchikanti et al. (2021) was to examine the literature on the association between the first exposure to opioids through prescription versus illicit use and OAT treatment outcomes. The increased misuse of prescription opioids has contributed to these rising numbers of opioid users and related consequences. Nearly 108,000 people died from drug overdose in 2022 and approximately 82,000 of those deaths involved opioids (about 76%). The number of people who died from an opioid overdose in 2022 was 10 times the number in 1999; however, opioid overdose death rates were relatively stable from 2021 to 2022.
Historically, many individuals were first introduced to opioids through recreational drugs such as heroin [7, 8]. However, recent opioid use patterns have contributed to a demographic shift in which individuals developed OUD after being exposed to opioids by means of prescription drugs such as fentanyl, codeine, or oxycodone.
A significant relationship exists between sales of opioid pain relievers and deaths. Most deaths (60%) occurred in patients when they were given prescriptions based on prescribing guidelines by medical boards, with 20% of deaths in low-dose opioid therapy of 100 mg of morphine equivalent dose or less per day and 40% in those receiving morphine of over 100 mg per day. In comparison, 40% of deaths occur in individuals abusing the drugs obtained through multiple prescriptions, doctor shopping, and drug diversion. The purpose of this comprehensive review was to describe various aspects of the crisis of opioid use in the United States. The obstacles that must be surmounted are primarily inappropriate prescribing patterns, which are largely based on a lack of knowledge, perceived safety, and inaccurate belief of the undertreatment of pain. (Manchikanti et al. 2021)
In North America, opioid use has become a public health crisis with policy-makers declaring it a state of emergency. Opioid substitution therapy (OAT) is a harm-reduction method used in treating opioid use disorder. While OAT has been shown to be successful in improving some treatment outcomes, there is still a great degree of variability among patients. The cohort of patients has shifted from young males using heroin to a greater number of older people and women using prescription opioids. The present literature primarily focuses on the cohort of patients that were exposed to opioids through illicit means and little is known about the cohort of patients that started misusing opioids after receiving a prescription. This new shift in the demographic profile of opioid users and the predominance of prescription opioid use over heroin in different parts of the world, including Canada and the USA, the highest opioid-consuming countries in the world, warrants detailed examination. Given the rise of prescription opioid use in Canada and the USA, it is important that factors that may affect the effectiveness of opioid substitution treatment for this cohort of patients are evaluated (Sanger, 2018).
A study conducted by Gaulen and colleagues in 2021, included 143 patients who had successfully completed detoxification, 37 women and 106 men. The mean age was 35.7 (SD, 8.3) years in the extended-release naltrexone group 35.9 (SD, 8.9) years in the Subutex group.
In the 12‐week trial, they found that the mean follow‐up time for the extended-release naltrexone group was 10.8 (SE = 0.3) weeks and 10.6 (SE = 0.3) weeks for the Subutex tablet group (P = .251 for the log‐rank test). In the 36‐week prospective follow‐up period, the mean follow‐up time for those who continued with extended-release naltrexone was 37.5 (SE = 1.6) weeks and 37.1 (SE = 1.6) weeks for those who switched to extended-release naltrexone after the trial period. The aim of this study was to perform a secondary analysis looking at the time to first relapse to illicit opioid use among abstinent‐motivated patients who successfully completed detoxification, both in the randomized trial and the subsequent follow‐up,
The risk of the first relapse to heroin and other illicit opioids was reduced by 54% and 89% in the extended-release naltrexone group compared to the Subutex group (HR, 0.46; 95% CI, 0.28‐0.76; P = .002, and HR, 0.11; 95% CI, 0.04‐0.27; P < .001), respectively. The risk of any relapse to heroin or other illicit opioids was also significantly reduced in the extended-release naltrexone group compared to the Subutex group (HR, 0.15; 95% CI, 0.09‐0.27; P < .001 and HR, 0.05; 95% CI, 0.03‐0.09; P < .001, respectively), with a total of 14 and 11 relapses, respectively, in the extended-release naltrexone group and 95 and 147 relapses, respectively in the Subutex group (P < .001 both groups). The pooled risk of first or any relapse to any illicit opioids strongly favoured the extended-release naltrexone group (HR, 0.35; 95% CI, 0.22‐0.55; P < .001 and HR, 0.08, 95% CI, 0.05‐0.12; P < .001, respectively). The aim of this study was to perform a secondary analysis
looking at the time to first relapse to illicit opioid use among abstinent‐motivated patients who successfully completed detoxification, both in the randomized trial and the subsequent follow‐up,
.
The 36‐week follow‐up study period included 117 patients
receiving extended-release naltrexone There was no significant difference in time to first relapse to heroin or other illicit opioids between those continuing with extended-release naltrexone treatment and those switching to extended-release naltrexone after week 12. Among those who continued to use extended-release naltrexone, there were 27 relapses to heroin compared with 29 relapses among those switching to extended-release naltrexone. In both groups, there were 18 relapses to other illicit opioids in the 36‐week follow‐up. However, in the group switching to extended-release naltrexone, there were more relapses to other illicit opioids during the first four weeks compared to the group continuing with extended-release naltrexone (HR, 0.45; 95% CI, 0.22‐0.94; P = .034) despite the equal number of relapses in the two groups throughout the study period. On the other hand, this difference between the groups became insignificant after adjustment for the use of illicit opioids, injecting days, mental health, self‐assessed problematic drug use, alcohol abuse, cannabis use, use of amphetamines and benzodiazepines, and money used on drugs, assessed prior to baseline. This study showed that opioid‐dependent patients who had successfully completed detoxification and were randomized to treatment with extended-release naltrexone had a substantially reduced risk of relapse to heroin and other illicit opioids compared to those randomly allocated to Subutex. The overall risk of relapse to any illicit opioids was about three times in favour of treatment with extended-release naltrexone. Their finding of low relapse rate to heroin and other illicit opioids found in the extended-release naltrexone group is consistent with other treatment studies of extended-release naltrexone. The low relapse rate of heroin and other illicit opioids on extended-release naltrexone treatment continued throughout the 36‐week follow‐up period. The authors suggested that the aspect of motivation for opioid abstinence should be taken into consideration in clinical practice when deciding on treatment for individuals with opioid dependence. For opioid‐dependent individuals who could successfully complete detoxification and who are motivated for longer‐term abstinence from opioids, extended-release naltrexone could be offered as a first‐line treatment.
6. Conclusions
This paper has included several recent studies that examined the efficacy, safety, and outcomes for opioid-dependent people and the use of medication to facilitate recovery from this debilitating and life-threatening use and dependency on these drugs.
The conclusions to be reached are that:
1. Methadone is associated with ongoing use and injection of opioids and other drugs over long periods of dependence on this drug, It, therefore, leads to greater levels of harm compared to those who never started methadone and who quit using opioids.
2. Methadone is associated with cycling in and out of treatment, which is characterised by high rates of mortality, especially in the period immediately following induction into a methadone program and in the first few weeks of ceasing methadone dosing.
3. It is well recognised that most drug fatalities are the result of polydrug use, especially when people use a combination of respiratory depressants, such as. other opioids, alcohol and benzodiazepines. The advocacy and use of high-dose methadone are common factors in overdoses and heighten the risk of death, especially when a person uses another opioid and or other CNS depressants. High-dose methadone is fatal for people who enter a methadone treatment program, who are occasion users of opioids and who lack tolerance or for those who do not experience the desired euphoric effect of the drug who then use another opioid being unaware that the longer-acting methadone is still in their system and of the synergistic effect that results in overdose, after they leave treatment.
4. Methadone is a treatment that is not favoured by drug users as it diminishes the euphoric effect of other opioids, and it often results in users dangerously injecting the methadone syrup and that they need to be dosed daily and that it be dispensed from a dedicated facility or from a pharmacy. Users and advocates complain that it impedes their lives and is inconvenient, citing the inability to go on a holiday or attend important family events and that it takes too much of their time. The need to go to the clinic each day is due to the high rates of diversion and misuse of the medication, which can result in the overdose and death of others, including children. These people, who complain about the inconvenience of daily dosing of methadone, which is subsidised by the government, disingenuously forget to mention that illicit opioid use is much more costly and requires the users to dedicate much more of their time acquiring their drugs through commission of crime, sex work, doctor shopping or selling and using the drug and doing this four times each day on average, than it does to attend a methadone clinic.
5. Methadone was promoted as an important preventative measure in the spread of blood-borne viruses, most importantly the spread of HCV and HIV among IDUs. This has been shown not to be case, as it is based on false assumptions. The research shows that the prevalence of HCV is higher among people who use and attend methadone and needle exchange clinics and facilities. The changes in behaviour that stemmed HIV infection rates predated the widespread availability of methadone. Moreover, it is not protective of the rates of HIV transmission as it is almost exclusively spread through unsafe sexual behaviour, with studies showing that methadone does not influence this behaviour, including condom use, which is the major preventative measure for transmission of this virus.
6. Adverse health effects of sustained chronic, regular use, such as chronic disease (eg, cardiovascular disease and cirrhosis), blood-borne bacterial and viral infections, and mental disorders are exacerbated by the long-term dosing of methadone (Degenhardt and Hall 2012). Advocates for OAT and the disease model of addiction purport to be experts and maintain that methadone is a treatment medication, equivalent to insulin in treating diabetes, but are being deliberately misleading when they infer that methadone is not the same to the extent as any other opioid is not the same, in its effect on cognitive functioning and brain structure and the development of tolerance, withdrawal symptoms, craving for the drug and continued use despite unwanted and negative consequences. Despite this, they maintain that “like morphine, heroin, oxycodone, and other addictive opioids, methadone causes dependence”, but because of its “steadier influence on the mu-opioid receptors, it produces minimal tolerance and alleviates craving and compulsive drug use, and that methadone therapy tends to normalize many aspects of the hormonal disruptions found in addicted individuals” (Kosten and George 2002)
7. Methadone does not facilitate abstinence from these addictive drugs. On the contrary, because of the very high mortality rates when people leave a methadone program, and high rates of relapse to heroin injecting behaviour, it is strongly advocated that people stay on this drug for an indefinite time. Many people who were coerced into the methadone program and who wanted to stop their dependency on the drug find that it is virtually impossible to withdraw from it, and many have been on it for 40 years or more.
8. A CDC report of a study in the US, found that by 2009, prescribed methadone accounted for nearly one-third of all opioid-related deaths, even though it represented only 2% of opioid prescriptions. It was thought that methadone’s long half-life led to overdose deaths. The report also noted that methadone accounted for 39.8% of single-drug OPR deaths, highlighting its significant role in overdose fatalities when used alone. This suggests that while the number of prescriptions was lower compared to other opioids, the risk was higher as the overdose death rate for methadone was significantly greater than that for other OPR for multidrug and single-drug deaths.  It concluded that “Methadone remains a drug that contributes disproportionately to the excessive number of opioid pain reliever overdoses and associated medical and societal costs” and cautioned that “Healthcare providers who choose to prescribe methadone should have substantial experience with its use.”.
 9. Methadone is an inferior and unsafe treatment for these people compared to naltrexone slow-release implants and, to a lesser extent buprenorphine, and this has resulted in very low numbers of people who have OUD, who are entering OAT programs despite their availability.
10. However, buprenorphine is even less popular among opioid drug users as it blocks the effect of opioids as it is a partial agonist and precipitates withdrawal symptoms if the user uses other opioids and does not reverse the brain changes caused by chronic use of opioids. (NIDA. 2020) The uptake of OAT has stagnated. Despite the rise in the misuse of opioids and associated deaths (an increase of 240% over the last 10 years), methadone numbers have remained the same at 53,300 (accounting for population growth), over the same period with the evidence indicating that those who are on OAT are the mainly the same people who commenced the program some 30 to 40 years ago, even though many were cycling in and out of the program and many have died.
11. The randomised trials and research around the application of naltrexone slow-release medication, that have been presented in this paper, that are disregarded by methadone advocates, indicate that naltrexone implants are a beneficial, effective and safe, while people are in treatment, and most importantly when they leave treatment, as they provide an opportunity to be rid of their dependency, to reverse the debilitating changes to the brain and to resume a normal and preferred life free of their addiction.
12. The evidence to date indicates that the use of naltrexone implants is a superior, more effective, and safer treatment for opioid dependence on most criteria, including, cessation of illicit opioid use and injecting, crime, social cohesion, employment, and importantly, a reversal of brain changes, and dysfunction, compared to methadone. Not surprisingly, it was not superior in retention in treatment as methadone is highly addictive and indefinite retention in treatment is the major goal of MMT. It is noteworthy that none of the methadone studies reported very few as being able complete detoxification and to attain abstinence from opioids and, presumably, they remained addicts with no realistic chance of normalising their lives, whereas this was the stated goal for those entering naltrexone treatment, which was shown to be highly effective, when combined with ancillary services, particularly for those who were motivated to do so.
It is galling therefore, when academics and researchers refuse to accept research findings that do not suit their ideological position and dismiss that which is well conceived and constructed because it does not fit their worldview or the current political realities.
Source: Dr Ross Colquhoun, Consultant to Drug Free Australia

by Lisa Ryckman – NCSL’s associate director of communications. (National Conference of State Legislatures)

Somewhere in America right now, a teenager searches the internet for drugs. The pills they buy might look like the real thing—Xanax, maybe, or Adderall—but chances are, they’re not getting what they think they are.

The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration estimates that six out of 10 pills bought online actually might contain lethal doses of the opioid fentanyl, says Rahul Gupta, director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy.

“So, the odds of dying from those pills is worse than playing Russian roulette with your life,” he told a session at the 2023 NCSL Legislative Summit.

“Substance use cuts across every geographic boundary, every sociocultural boundary. It doesn’t matter what race you are, how rich or poor you are, where you live.”

—Rahul Gupta, Office of National Drug Control Policy

More than 110,000 Americans died from drug overdoses in 2022, Gupta says.

“Substance use cuts across every geographic boundary, every sociocultural boundary. It doesn’t matter what race you are, how rich or poor you are, where you live,” he says. “It’s got your number.”

An iteration known as “tranq dope”—a potent cocktail of fentanyl, heroin and the animal tranquilizer xylazine—is the latest scourge to hit the streets, Gupta says. It is particularly problematic because the xylazine tends to increase the effect of the other drugs.

The costs of opioid addiction and trafficking fall mostly on the states: an economic loss of $1.5 trillion in 2020 alone, Gupta says. He outlines a two-pronged federal approach that includes treating addiction and disrupting drug trafficking profits. Making the drug naloxone, which can reverse an overdose, available over the counter has been a game-changer, he says, as have efforts to disrupt the fentanyl supply chain—chemicals from China, production in Mexico and sales in the U.S.

“We’re going after every choke point in this supply chain,” Gupta says, “and we’re putting sanctions on all of these folks to make sure that we’re choking off those important points the cartels and others depend on to create this deadly substance that kills Americans.”

Expanding Treatment Access

In Oklahoma, fentanyl overdose deaths increased sixfold from 2019 to 2021, and fentanyl was involved in nearly three out of four opioid-related deaths, compared with 10%-20% in previous years, says state Sen. John Haste, vice chair of the Health and Human Services Committee.

The Legislature focused on prevention and treatment by expanding access to naloxone, including requiring hospitals and prisons to provide it to at-risk patients and inmates upon release, he says. Telehealth can now be used for medication-assisted treatment, and fentanyl test strips have been legalized, Haste says.

The state Department of Mental Health and Substance Abuse has launched a campaign to reduce the number of accidental overdoses through education awareness and resource access, he says. As part of the campaign, the department is placing more than 40 vending machines in targeted areas that freely dispense naloxone and fentanyl test strips. “This is the largest program of its kind in the country,” Haste says. “All around Oklahoma, you can see messages reminding the public to utilize test strips and naloxone on billboards, buses, local businesses and other strategic locations.”

Opioid Alternatives

In Hawaii, legislators are looking at safe alternatives to opioids for pain relief.

“It’s easy to say, just stop opioids, stop all drugs,” says Rep. John Mizuno, chair of the Hawaii House Committee on Human Services. “We know that chronic pain is complex; in addition to pain, you’ve got mental health. We need to think about the person’s quality of life. We’ve got to balance the patient’s right to manage his or her pain.”

Mizuno suggests that legislators meet with their state’s top pain management physician to learn about safe pain alternatives, including nerve blocks, implanted medication pumps, physical therapy, acupuncture, massage therapy, chiropractic treatment and medical cannabis.

His state has asked that Medicaid expand coverage for native Hawaiian healing that previously has been covered only for tribal members.

Mizuno says coverage is the main barrier to safer treatments, many of which might not be paid for under private health insurance or federal programs.

“But the best thing to do is work with your colleagues, work with your medical providers, and try to get these safe alternatives (covered),” Mizuno says. “It’s a lot better than being addicted to opioids.”

Source: https://www.ncsl.org/events/details/states-and-feds-are-partners-in-fight-against-opioid-epidemic

by H Horning, DFAF, 28 April 2025

Published by the NATIONAL DRUG-FREE WORKPLACE ALLIANCE

 As the workplace division of Drug Free America Foundation, NDWA’s mission is to be a national leader in the drug-free workplace industry by directly assisting employers and stakeholders, providing drug-free workplace program resources and assistance, and supporting a national coalition of drug-free workplace service providers. For more information and drug-free workplace resources, visit NDWA at www.ndwa.org.

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You play a key role in supporting your employees’ well-being, including those struggling with substance use disorder (SUD). With millions affected by SUD worldwide, it’s important to create a workplace culture that encourages support and understanding for those facing this challenge.

Substance use disorder is often intertwined with mental health issues like anxiety and depression, making it difficult for employees to seek help. However, by offering flexible, personalized support, you can help them take meaningful steps toward recovery.

The first step is recognizing that everyone’s journey is different. Some employees may be ready to make changes, while others might need more time. By offering tailored resources, such as counseling, therapy, and peer support, you can meet employees where they are in their recovery process.

Many employees don’t seek help due to stigma, fear of judgment, or lack of awareness about available resources. To combat this, create a work environment where mental health discussions are encouraged and seeking help is confidential. Make sure employees know what resources are available and are reminded regularly about those programs, whether through an Employee Assistance Program (EAP) or community-based programs.

Check out Drug Free America Foundation’s Guide on Stigma in the Workplace here for more guidance on how to avoid stigma and support your employees in recovery.
Goal-setting is another important aspect of recovery. Encourage employees to set clear, achievable goals, such as finding and supporting healthier ways to cope with stress. Providing incentives to encourage employees to try out things like yoga classes, or walking challenges is an easy way for employers to boost these activities. These goals should be approached with curiosity, allowing employees to experiment and reflect on what works best for them.

A supportive work environment is also crucial. Studies1 indicate that employees who have faced depression or anxiety appreciate when managers initiate conversations about mental health and are willing to adjust workloads as needed. To foster a supportive and healthy workplace culture, encourage managers to talk openly about mental health and recognize substance use disorder as a condition that may require empathy and assistance.

By creating a supportive, stigma-free environment, you can help your employees manage substance use disorder and foster a healthier, more productive workplace. Providing access to the right resources and being proactive about support can make a lasting impact on your team’s well-being.

Source: McConnell, Kim. “The Challenge of Change: How Employers Can Modernize Workplace Substance Use Support.” How Employers Can Modernize Workplace Substance Use Support | Spring Health, Spring Health, 1 Apr. 2024, www.springhealth.com/blog/how-employers-can-modernize-workplace-substance-use-support

Documents and insiders reveal how one of the world’s major money laundering networks operates.

The New York Times Selam Gebrekidan and Joy Dong        Reporting from Phnom Penh and Sihanoukville, Cambodia          March 23, 2025

Every few weeks, fireworks light up the night sky in Cambodia, set off by scammers to salute their biggest swindles.

By the time the shells pop and crackle, somebody’s life savings are probably gone. Maybe the victim fell for an online romance scam or bought into a fake cryptocurrency exchange. Whatever the scheme, the money has vanished, sucked into a complex money-laundering network that moves billions of dollars at a dizzying speed. The F.B.I., China’s Ministry of Public Security, Interpol and others have tried to combat scammers, who ​often lurk on social media and dating apps, luring people into bogus financial schemes or other ruses. Telecom companies have blocked numbers. Banks have issued repeated warnings.

Yet the industry persists because its money-laundering operation is so efficient. Unsuspecting victims worldwide lose tens of billions of dollars each year, money that must be scrubbed of its criminal origins and deposited into the legitimate economy. The money-laundering system is so hydra-headed that when governments strike it in one place, it pops up in another.

This underworld peeks out in the Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh, home to a global clearinghouse for money launderers. It can be glimpsed, too, in the coastal city of Sihanoukville, a notorious refuge for fraudsters. Scammers ply their trade from call centers, operating in fortified compounds or on the upper floors of unfinished high-rises. Seaside restaurants are packed with money launderers and other criminals doing business over spicy Chinese food.

Outside the Golden Sun Sky Casino & Hotel in Sihanoukville, Cambodia, in March. Documents show that the British and American authorities have linked this casino to online scammers and human trafficking.

We obtained a cache of documents, a kind of money-laundering handbook, and spoke to nearly a half-dozen scammers and their launderers. The documents are not linked to any one scam or victim but reveal a method for moving illicit money that has proved all but impossible to stop. The map locates the Cambodian capital city of Phnom Penh, in south-central Cambodia, as well as the southern coastal city of Sihanoukville.

The money launderers are as vital to criminals as getaway drivers are to bank robbers. Without them, there would be no loot.

Once scammers persuade strangers to part with their savings, they need to quickly move money from one account to another, and one country to another, before ​their targets discover the ruse and alert their banks​ or the police.

In the end, the money arrives “clean” — with virtually no trace to the original scam. So how does it get done? Following the trail led us, surprisingly, to an established financial conglomerate in Cambodia called Huione Group.

This is not a back-alley shop with a side hustle in cleaning dirty money. Huione is an established firm that does brisk and legitimate business in Southeast Asia and has satellite companies in other parts of the world. Its QR codes are everywhere in Cambodia — customers use them to pay their bills in hotels, restaurants and supermarkets. Huione ads are plastered along major highways. Its suite of financial services include banking and insurance.

But Huione (pronounced Hu-WAY-wahn) is a constellation of affiliates, and not all of them are legitimate. One arm offers bespoke money laundering services, according to the documents, which come from the company, and interviews with two people who are directly familiar with the operation. They spoke on the condition of anonymity out of fear for their safety. The company did not respond to requests for comment.

Another affiliate openly runs an online bazaar for criminals to find money launderers. The precise size of this marketplace is practically impossible to measure, but the analytics firm Elliptic has linked it to $26.8 billion in cryptocurrency transactions since 2021. The industry is so opaque that it is difficult to separate legitimate transactions from illegal ones, but Elliptic says the bazaar is the world’s largest illicit internet market.

Hun To, a cousin of Cambodia’s prime minister, is a director of one Huione company.

Huione’s clients include large criminal enterprises, such as a group in Myanmar that exploits human trafficking victims, according to a scammer, a money launderer and examinations of their cryptocurrency trade by the analytics firms Elliptics and Chainalysis.   .

Huione is a constellation of affiliates. The headquarters of one of its companies, Huione Pay, is in Phnom Penh, Cambodia.

And yet, this money-laundering network operates with impunity. The group has never been targeted for sanctions by any government. The cryptocurrency company Tether has frozen some of the group’s accounts, at the behest of unspecified law enforcement officials, and the messaging app Telegram has shut down some of its channels. But neither measure made a lasting effect.

This is how it works.

Imagine you’re a scammer, cheating people out of their life savings. You need a way to get money out of countries around the world. You need a matchmaker.

A matchmaker is a trusted intermediary who will shepherd your loot home. A good matchmaker has a worldwide network of people, known as mules, who can move money within hours.

The money mule can be a person or a shell company that controls a local bank account or a cryptocurrency wallet.

Once you find a matchmaker, he will deposit money into escrow, essentially ensuring he won’t run away with your money along the way. Now you are ready to start your scam.

Let us say that you’ve tricked someone into sending you $40,000.

Step 1: You, the scam boss, cut a deal with a matchmaker. For a U.S. scam, the matchmaker typically demands 15 percent of the proceeds for himself and his mules.

Step 2: Your matchmaker finds the right mules for the job, and gets you a deal.

Step 3: The matchmaker sends you the mule’s bank account or crypto wallet details. You send that information to your victim.

Step 4: Your victim sends $40,000 to your money mule’s account.

Step 5: The mule moves the money from one account to another account and eventually converts it to cryptocurrency.

Step 6: Finally, the mule takes a cut for his services and sends the rest to the matchmaker. The matchmaker pays himself, and gives you $34,000.

Moving Bricks: Huione makes money at every step of the process.

First, one affiliate, which until recently was called Huione Guarantee, hosts the marketplace where scammers can find matchmakers. The matchmakers are essential to the system and their work is so repetitive that the Chinese name for it is “moving bricks,” according to Yanyu Chen, an anthropologist who studies money-laundering schemes in Cambodia. The online bazaar is made up of thousands of chat groups on Telegram.

Some Huione Pay branches advertise money-exchange services, including converting between Tether cryptocurrency and U.S. dollars.

On these Telegram channels, anonymous users advertise money laundering services with the wink and nod of barely disguised language. The posts are public; anyone with the Telegram app can see them. Some merchants also sell stolen personal data, applications for impersonating others and other essential services to scammers.

One channel, called “Demand and Supply,” had more than 400,000 users with hundreds of daily messages, including advertisements for money-laundering services. After we sent questions to Huione Group and others in late February, Telegram said it had removed the channel. But another quickly sprung up, with some 250,000 members joining within a week.

Huione Guarantee did not respond to repeated requests for comment but has denied its relationship with Huione Group, the financial conglomerate. It even changed its name in October, shedding the Huione name. But it told customers on Telegram that Huione Group remained one of its “strategic partners and shareholders.”

Second, the bazaar guarantees the laundering transactions. Why? Because there is little honor among thieves, and scammers get scammed, too. To prove their credibility, matchmakers and money mules pay a deposit to Huione Guarantee, which holds it in escrow. This assures scammers that nobody will abscond with their money (or if someone does, that person will lose some of their own money).

The price to launder money is determined by the crime committed to get it. Scams like impersonating government officials incur a higher cost because the victims are more likely to call the police or alert their banks.

Location affects the price, too. Launderers charge up to 60 percent to clean money in China. That is because the country has https://archive.is/o/CGkoc/https:/www.mps.gov.cn/n2254314/n2254487/c7725322/content.html since 2020, arresting thousands of people and freezing large sums of money in a nationwide crackdown.

China and Cambodia have agreed to collaborate on law enforcement operations, leading to multiple arrests of mostly lower-level criminals. This has not made a dent on the scamming and money-laundering industries.

While the matchmaker deals are worked out privately, one-on-one, the bazaar makes money, too. It sells ads on public groups, charges maintenance fees for private groups and takes small cuts from deals. Most of the transactions are denominated in the cryptocurrency Tether, but some are conducted in cash, gold and through bank transfers. (The bazaar even issued its own cryptocurrency last year.)

The bazaar denies any criminal association in disclaimers posted on its website and on Telegram channels. “All business in the public groups is provided by third-party merchants, which has nothing to do with Huione Guarantee,” one post says.

Third, another Huione affiliate, Huione International Pay, is more directly involved in laundering money. It is a matchmaker itself, according to internal company documents and two people familiar with its operations.

The documents and insiders indicate that Huione International Pay operates with the efficiency of a legitimate, professional bank. It is based inside the conglomerate’s headquarters in Phnom Penh, a glass and concrete building with two panda statues standing guard by the entrance.

Huione International Pay operates out of the conglomerate’s headquarters in Phnom Penh, according to two people familiar with the operation.

One company department handles customer relations for scammers and other illicit actors. Another monitors Telegram channels. A third department tracks money mule accounts in at least a dozen countries, according to internal documents we reviewed.

Huione’s companies operate with a veneer of legitimacy in a country with “very limited regulatory enforcement, if any at all,” said John Wojcik, a threat analyst with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. The conglomerate’s obscure ownership structure creates challenges for targeted law enforcement, he said. But even if Huione were shut down, other operators would quickly replace it, according to Mr. Wojcik.

“We can already see competitors now positioning themselves,” he said. The National Bank of Cambodia, which regulates financial institutions, said the government was committed to ensuring that “financial transactions are safe and transparent.” It said the government was working to comply with international anti-money-laundering recommendations.

The national bank said that it had not renewed a license for Huione’s payment service (the one with the QR codes) to operate in Cambodia because it “did not meet the renewal requirements.” Huione quickly announced plans to register its business in Japan and Canada.

Hunting Mules: Money mules are the people who run the bank accounts and wallets.

Some mules open these bank accounts using fake identities, which artificial intelligence has made easier to create, according to Elad Fouks, who monitors fraud for Chainalysis.

Mules spread out the deposits and withdrawals to make them less noticeable to banks. Transactions below $10,000, for example, are less likely to draw attention. Most accounts and virtual wallets that are used for money laundering are active only for a few weeks or months. Still, the mules — and not matchmakers or scammers — run the highest risk of getting caught.

In one U.S. court case that outlines the mechanics of such operations, the lead defendant, Daren Li, ran a money mule syndicate that registered 74 U.S. shell companies to launder nearly $80 million. The companies set up accounts at Bank of America and elsewhere.

When victims sent money to the accounts, the funds quickly moved to a bank in the Bahamas. From there, the money was used to purchase Tether cryptocurrency held on the exchange Binance.

Within days, the money moved to another virtual wallet.

Mr. Li worked with Huione International Pay to launder money, according to records we reviewed. But both the F.B.I. and the Secret Service declined to confirm the link. Mr. Li pleaded guilty in November to conspiracy to commit money laundering.

Payday: Imagine, once again, that you are a scam boss. Something has gone wrong: Your mule has been arrested; the bank froze his account; or maybe he ran off with your money. In these cases, your matchmaker arbitrates disputes.

If the mule is at fault, the matchmaker will help retrieve the deposit from escrow and get it to you. If nobody is to blame, the losses are chalked up to the cost of doing business.

But, if all goes well, you will have your payday, usually in Tether, which you can convert to U.S. dollars at a casino or using Huione’s payment company.

The buildings adjacent to the Golden Sun Sky Casino & Hotel in Sihanoukville have hosted large scam operations, British authorities say. You can use that money to pay your employees.

These days, scamming operations mimic professional institutions, employing thousands of people in marketing, sales and human resources departments. Often, many employees are victims of human trafficking who are coerced into scamming faraway targets. Some scammers even model their organizations on 19th century company towns, paying wages only after employees complete a season of work. Until then, workers receive company credit.

The wages enrich the restaurants, casinos and brothels that make a killing from captive employees who are often confined to fortified compounds.

Also on the scammer payroll are attractive models who are paid to join video calls and persuade victims to part with their cash. Some of them swap their faces using artificial intelligence.

Scammers, like everyone else, have to pay their landlords — for housing and, in their case, for protection.

And then there are the behind-the-scenes services, many of which can be bought through Huione’s bazaar. Scammers pay software developers to build websites that imitate investment platforms. They need internet and computer infrastructure. And they pay thieves to steal personal data on potential victims: national identification numbers, credit card information, location data and even details about previous hotel stays.

Some of the money will go to dealerships that sell luxury cars. Some is used to buy property in places like London and Dubai. And of course, some of it will go to fireworks.

Source: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/23/world/asia/cambodia-money-laundering-huione.html

Scott Strode and his company have an active take on recovery and sobriety.

Wall Street Journal    Andy Kessler         March 23, 2025

It wasn’t hard to find Scott Strode when we first met. He was the big guy in a black T-shirt with the word “SOBER” splashed across it. Mr. Strode is founder of the Phoenix, a national “sober active” community. Addiction statistics in the U.S. are sobering. According to Mr. Strode’s book, “Rise. Recover. Thrive,” one-third of Americans have substance-abuse issues or mental disorders.

When drinking, Mr. Strode felt valued. “People wanted to spend time with me. And I found community,” he says. “It’s just what we were building it around wasn’t healthy.” Alcohol. Cocaine. Dependency. Until one night he finally hit bottom. “I couldn’t imagine someone having to tell my mom this is how I died.”

The road to sobriety wasn’t easy for Mr. Strode, but he found solace in physical challenges. “I saw a poster for ice climbing,” he said. “It gave me something to strive for, and that led me into the boxing gym and triathlons and racing Iron Mans.” But it wasn’t enough. “I realized when I took other people with me, I felt lifted in a different way.”

I wasn’t sure what he meant. “Getting into recovery is like getting out of a burning building,” he said. “But there are other people in there, so you have to reach back in to help get them out. By using my passion to help others, it filled a void. That was really what the Phoenix was born from.”

The Phoenix Multisport active recovery community, its original name, started in Boulder, Colo., roughly 20 years ago. It was funded by friends and a few grants—no fees. Others might have been content with helping one community. Not Mr. Strode. After a few years, he started helping active-duty service members and many others in Colorado Springs and set up a location in Denver.

What’s the magic? “Your life gets so much bigger, and you start to realize what’s possible. You connect somewhere where you feel valued, accepted and loved.” Climbing. Hiking. Running. Yoga. A fellow rider and Phoenix member, Ben Cort, told him, “I got sober because I didn’t want to die. I stayed sober because I wanted to live.”

A mother who heard about the Phoenix approached Mr. Strode and offered him $200,000 to expand to San Diego to help her son. Sadly, her son passed away before they could get there, but the idea of scaling to other communities kicked in for Mr. Strode. Maybe people’s desire to help others could be leveraged and help the Phoenix scale. “We opened up this opportunity on our website for folks to raise their hand to become volunteers,” Mr. Strode said. “We thought we’d get a few. We got 700.” Over the next 10 years, they were in 28 locations.

In 2016 the Phoenix received some funding from the philanthropic organization Stand Together. One of their pillars is to help solve addiction. They discussed scaling, and Mr. Strode told them that for each location, “it starts with a man and a bike.” In January 2020 they mutually agreed on $50 million in funding with a goal of “serving one million people impacted by substance use” in five years. A stretch, for sure. But it had to go from push to pull—“stimulating volunteers in places where we can’t reach.”

What started in Boulder with a deal with CrossFit is now in every state—almost 200 communities with more than 5,000 volunteers. “We have served over 800,000 since Phoenix started.” It scales because it works—83% of Phoenix participants stay sober after three months, compared with an average of 40% to 60% from other programs.

That’s the power of volunteers. And technology. The Phoenix has a mobile app called NewForm. Anyone can have a profile. The Phoenix isn’t in your community? Start one yourself. The app links to other nonprofits, such as SeekHealing, that help people overcoming trauma, a potential cause of addiction. The Phoenix also sets up sober supportive spaces at concerts and festivals—the app can reveal “thousands of other sober people in those spaces.”

“We distribute tablets in prisons across the country, so you can come to Phoenix virtually,” Mr. Strode says. “We joke that we’re the sober Peloton in prisons.” Smart. Plus, “you don’t have to turn to those old cellphone numbers in your phone when you return home. You can actually find new connections and community to help support you on your healing journey.”

What about other addiction programs? “At the Phoenix, we’re really focused on helping people with what’s possible in their recovery. So it’s very forward-looking. We start to dream of what’s possible in our sober life. In the 12-step community, people often identify as their disease. ‘I’m Scott, I’m an addict, I’m an alcoholic.’ But I always say, ‘I’m Scott, I’m in recovery, I’m an ice climber and so much more.’ We see everybody for their intrinsic strength, not a problem to be fixed.”

The Phoenix should hit its goal of one million people helped later this year. I’m convinced after talking to Mr. Strode that 10 million is a reachable goal.

Source: https://www.wsj.com/opinion/a-new-approach-to-addiction-phoenix-fitness-community-mental-health-a3591f99

Kentucky Attorney General Russell Coleman is tapping into his state’s love of college basketball to promote his drug prevention campaign aimed at young people

U.S. News & World Report
Louisville guard J’Vonne Hadley celebrates after scoring against the Clemson during the second half of an NCAA college basketball game in the semifinals of the Atlantic Coast Conference tournament, Saturday, March 15, 2025, in Charlotte, N.C. (AP Photo/Chris Carlson)

FRANKFORT, Ky. (AP) — Tapping into his state’s love of college basketball, Kentucky Attorney General Russell Coleman has recruited two players from top programs and given them roles as social media influencers to promote his drug prevention initiative aimed at young people.

Social media videos released Tuesday feature University of Kentucky forward Trent Noah and University of Louisville guard J’Vonne Hadley. The separate messages bridge their schools’ storied rivalry by offering a common theme — the importance of staying active and disciplined as part of the “Better Without It” campaign. Their videos coincide with the start of the NCAA basketball tournament.

“March always brings madness to the commonwealth, and this year it also brings a lifesaving message: our young people are ‘Better Without It,’” Coleman said.

The Bluegrass State is using prevention and treatment efforts to fight back against a drug addiction epidemic. Kentucky’s drug overdose death toll reached nearly 2,000 in 2023, with fentanyl — a powerful synthetic opioid — blamed as the biggest culprit. It marked a second straight annual decline in deaths, but the state’s top leaders say the fight is far from over. Kentucky lawmakers last year created tougher penalties for fentanyl dealers when their illicit distribution results in a fatal overdose.

Coleman launched the drug prevention campaign last month with pitches from college coaches. The messages from Noah and Hadley are a key part of Coleman’s playbook. In a state where top college athletes become household names, he’s enlisting some of them to deliver positive, anti-drug messages.

“To reach Kentucky’s young people with an effective statewide drug prevention message, we need the right messengers,” Coleman said in February. “That’s why we’re partnering with some of the biggest names in Kentucky’s college athletics to tell … young people they are truly better without it.”

In a previous video, University of Kentucky women’s basketball player Cassidy Rowe urges viewers to find pursuits that give them joy and that they can work toward. She said basketball taught her resilience, accountability and discipline — traits she applies to her everyday life.

“If you’re feeling pressured, I would just encourage you to stay true to yourself and not let others influence you to become something that you’re not,” she said in the video released last month.

The drug prevention campaign encourages young people to be independent, make their own decisions and stay informed about the dangers of drug use, while highlighting the positive effects of a drug-free lifestyle, Coleman’s office said.

Last year, the Kentucky Opioid Abatement Advisory Commission approved Coleman’s two-year, $3.6 million proposal to establish the youth education campaign. Through name, image and likeness deals and other partnerships, student-athletes, influencers and others will promote positive messages about a drug-free lifestyle, the office said.

Source: https://www.usnews.com/news/health-news/articles/2025-03-19/kentuckys-better-without-it-anti-drug-campaign-recruits-college-basketball-players-to-reach-youth

March 18, 2025

This blog was also published in the American Society of Addiction Medicine (ASAM) Weekly, on March 18, 2025. 

For many people trying to recover from a substance use disorder, perhaps for the majority, abstinence may be the most appropriate treatment objective. But complete abstinence is sometimes not achievable, even in the long-term, and there is a need for new treatment approaches that recognize the clinical value of reduced use.

According to a recently published analysis of data from the 2022 National Survey on Drug Use and Health, two thirds (65.2 percent) of adults in self-identified recovery used alcohol or other drugs in the past month1. There is increasing scientific evidence to support the clinical benefits of reduced substance use and its viability as a path to recovery for some patients. Reducing drug use has clear public health benefits, including reducing overdoses, reducing infectious disease transmission, and reducing automobile accidents and emergency department visits, not to mention potentially reducing adverse health effects such as cancer and other diseases associated with tobacco or alcohol.

The FDA has historically favored abstinence as the endpoint in trials to develop medications for substance use disorders. Abstinence has been evaluated using absence of positive urine drug tests, absence of self-reported drug use, and regularly attending sessions where drug use is assessed. But abstinence is a high bar comparable to requiring that an antidepressant produce complete remission of depression or that an analgesic completely eliminate pain. Recognizing this limitation, the FDA encourages developers of opioid2 and stimulant3 use disorder medications to discuss with FDA alternative approaches to measure changes in drug use patterns.

A model for reduced use as an endpoint exists with treatments for alcohol use disorder. Reduction in alcohol use is relatively easy to measure since alcoholic beverages tend to be purchased and consumed in standard quantities, and substantial evidence supports the clinical benefit of reduction in heavy drinking days (defined as 5 or more drinks/day for men and 4 or more drinks/day for women). Consequently, the percentage of participants with no heavy drinking days is accepted by the FDA as a valid outcome measure in trials of medications for alcohol use disorder4. The FDA recently announced a new tool through which investigators can determine if proposed treatments for alcohol use disorder (AUD) work based on whether they reduce “risk drinking” levels. The new tool can be used as an acceptable primary endpoint in studies of medications to treat adults with moderate to severe AUD.

Use reduction could readily be used as an endpoint in the development of treatments for tobacco use disorder too, since the number of cigarettes smoked per day is easily measured and there is evidence that 50 percent reduction in cigarette use produces meaningful reduction in cancer risk5. Thus, the NIH and FDA have recently called for consideration of meaningful study endpoints in addition to abstinence in research on new smoking-cessation products6; though abstinence is still required as the main outcome for medication approval.

Objective assessment of use reduction for illicit substances presents a greater difficulty given variability and uncertainty of the composition and purity of illicit drugs purchased. This challenge may account for part of the reluctance of the pharmaceutical industry to invest in developing new medications aimed at reducing drug use. Also, anecdotally, the expectation that medications that can produce complete cessation are the only treatments that will advance to market has discouraged addiction neuroscientists and some in the pharmaceutical industry from advancing new medication targets or compounds relevant to reduced use or other endpoints besides abstinence. Nevertheless, there is increasing research demonstrating the relative strength of quantitative measures of drug use frequency versus binary measures of abstinence in assessing the efficacy of drug use disorder treatments.

A 2023 analysis of pooled data from 11 clinical trials of treatments for cocaine use disorder found that reduction in use, as defined by achieving at least 75 percent cocaine-negative urine screens, was associated with short- and long-term improvement in psychosocial functioning and measures of addiction severity7. A 2024 secondary analysis of data from 13 clinical trials of treatments for stimulant use disorders (cocaine and methamphetamine) found that reduced use was associated with improvement in several indicators of recovery, including measures of depression severity, craving, and domains of symptom improvement (legal, family/social, psychiatric, etc.)8.

A secondary analysis of seven clinical trials of treatments for cannabis use disorder found that reductions in use short of abstinence were associated with meaningful improvements in sleep quality and reduction of cannabis use disorder symptoms9. Fifty percent reductions in days of cannabis use and 75 percent reductions in amount of cannabis used were associated with the greatest clinician-rated improvement.

Little research has been conducted on alternative endpoints in opioid use disorder treatment, but it will be needed to advance medication development in this area. Among the important research questions that still need answering is whether treatment aimed at reducing opioid use could produce better overdose-related outcomes than treatment aimed at cessation of use, since many fatalities arise from a return to use after tolerance to the drug is lost following periods of abstinence. Even in the absence of clinical trial evidence, however, any reduction in illicit substance use can reasonably be argued as beneficial, entailing less risk of overdose or of infectious disease transmission, less frequent need to obtain an illegal substance with the attendant dangers, and so on10. Decreased substance use also makes it more likely that the individual can hold a job, be a supportive family member, and so on.

Broadening the goals of treatment to include reduced use or other clinically meaningful outcomes as a main outcome for medication approval could potentially expand therapeutic interventions and help increase the number of people in treatment. It could also reduce the stigma that is typically associated with return to use. Setting abstinence as the goal of treatment can be obstacle to treatment engagement for those who are unready or unwilling to make that commitment. And when attempts at abstinence falter, these expectations can compound the sense of failure the patient experiences.

There is little scientific evidence to support the stereotype that people who return to use after a period of abstinence inevitably do so at the same intensity. Some research on post-treatment patterns of alcohol and other drug use in adolescents suggests that returns to use, when they occur, are often at a lower intensity than before11. People in recovery sometimes draw a distinction between resumption of a heavy and compulsive use pattern and isolated, one-time returns to substance use, recognizing that brief “slips” or “lapses” don’t need to be catastrophic to recovery efforts and may even strengthen the person’s resolve to recover.

When returns to use are catastrophic, the sense of failure at living up to the abstinence expectation could play a role in exacerbating further substance use. So could the rules of treatment programs or recovery communities that require abstinence. It too often happens that patients are discharged from addiction treatment if they return to use, which as the American Society of Addiction Medicine notes in its recent guidance document Engagement and Retention of Nonabstinent Patients in Substance Use Treatment, is illogical and inconsistent with our understanding of addiction as a chronic disease: excluding a person from treatment for displaying symptoms of the disorder for which they are being treated12.

Recognizing that recovery is often nonlinear, a more nuanced view of treatment is needed, one that acknowledges that there are multiple paths to recovery. Expecting complete abstinence may be unrealistic in some cases and can even be harmful. It can pose a barrier to seeking and entering treatment and perpetuate stigma and shame at treatment setbacks. By the same token, reduction of substance use has important public health benefits as well as clinical benefits for patients, and recognition of this could greatly advance medication development for treatment of addiction and its symptoms.

Source: https://nida.nih.gov/about-nida/noras-blog/2025/03/advancing-reduction-drug-use-endpoint-in-addiction-treatment-trials

  • In trials to develop medications for substance use disorder, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has historically favored abstinence as the endpoint/goal, rather than reduced use.

The details: A model for evaluating treatments based on reduced use instead of abstinence exists with alcohol use disorder (AUD) and is in the works for smoking.

  • The percentage of participants with no heavy drinking days is accepted by FDA as a valid outcome measure in trials of medications for AUD. The National Institutes of Health and FDA have recently called for consideration of study endpoints in addition to abstinence in research for new smoking cessation products.
  • Reduction in alcohol or tobacco use is easy to measure since alcoholic beverages/tobacco products tend to be purchased and consumed in standard quantities. Substantial evidence supports the clinical benefit of reduction in heavy drinking days.

But:

  • Objective assessment of use reduction for illicit substances presents greater difficulty given variability and uncertainty of the composition and purity of illicit drugs.
  • Little research has been conducted on alternative endpoints in OUD treatment.

Why it’s important:

  • Reducing drug use has clear public health benefits, including reducing overdoses, infectious disease transmission, car accidents, and emergency department visits, as well as reducing adverse effects such as cancer and other diseases associated with tobacco or alcohol.
  • Broadening the goals of treatment could potentially expand treatment options, increase the number of people in treatment, and reduce stigma associated with return to use. Expecting complete abstinence may be unrealistic in some cases and can pose a barrier to treatment.
Source: https://drugfree.org/drug-and-alcohol-news/nida-director-rethinking-sud-treatment-goals/

by Gould, H., Zaugg, C., Biggs, M. A., Woodruff, K., Long, W., Mailman, K., Vega, J., & Roberts, S. C. M. (2025).

Mandatory warning signs for cannabis: Perspectives and preferences of pregnant and recently pregnant people who use cannabis. 

Marijuana and the Risks to Pregnancy & Breastfeeding

Marijuana contains almost 500 components including the psychoactive ingredient THC that can pass through the placenta to the baby during pregnancy, causing harm to the fetus. When a breastfeeding mother uses marijuana, the baby can be exposed to THC and other toxins stored in the mother’s fat tissues, which are slowly released over time, even after the mother has stopped using marijuana.

Explore the various risks of marijuana use during pregnancy and breastfeeding through the resources below. Access expert insights, research updates, training courses, videos, and our new PhotoVoice project—designed to empower mothers with knowledge and support.

We’re launching an empowering initiative for mothers and mothers-to-be with lived experience of substance use in Florida. Lived experience could mean in treatment, recovery or affected by substance use in any way. This transformative project combines photography and storytelling to give participants a platform to share their experiences, connect with others, and advocate for healthier, drug-free futures for their families.

Through this six-month journey, participants will have the opportunity to connect with a supportive community, explore the power of visual storytelling, and contribute to meaningful change. This project aims to raise awareness about the importance of substance use prevention, celebrate the strength of mothers, and inspire collective action for healthier communities.

A recent qualitative study exploring the perspectives of people who used marijuana before or during pregnancy in states where mandatory warning signs (MWS) are required found that fear-based signs were ineffective in discouraging the purchase and use of marijuana, highlighting a crucial gap between intent and impact.

 

The study, which included a small sample size of 34 interviews, found that these signs often left pregnant individuals feeling judged, stigmatized, and perhaps defensive. While these signs are intended to deter marijuana use during pregnancy, pre- and post-partum, they may instead alienate pregnant people.

 

According to participants in this study, many found the warning signs unhelpful, vague, and even misleading. Some questioned the credibility of the sources of the facts provided, while others pointed out that the signs did little to change behavior, particularly since many had already made up their mind before entering the dispensary. Instead of prompting reconsideration, the signs triggered distrust, and for some, even shame.

 

A cause for greater concern is the study’s suggestion that MWS- marijuana signs may discourage pregnant people from seeking care or discussing marijuana use with healthcare providers. Fear of punishment, especially for marginalized communities, can create barriers to open conversations about substance use, leaving pregnant individuals without guidance and the support they deserve.

 

So, if fear-based messages are not effective, what is? Participants in the study offered a clear answer: health information should be evidence-based, clear, and supportive of autonomy. Rather than vague threats or legal warnings, people preferred messages that provided specific, research-backed information on the potential risks, allowing them to make informed choices about their health. Sources such as the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecologists and the CDC were considered more trustworthy, especially when they explained the biological mechanisms that make marijuana harmful and explicitly stated what is known and what still needs to be studied.

 

While the sample size of this study is small, it underscores an important point: to effectively communicate the known risks of marijuana during pregnancy and postpartum, we need science-based messaging that is both transparent and compassionate. And while researchers are still uncovering the full picture of how marijuana affects pregnancy; the existing science strongly suggests that marijuana use during pregnancy and postpartum is linked to many health risks for both parent and child.

 

Public health research often suggests that emphasizing positive, health-promoting behaviors is more effective than focusing solely on risk and punishment. For people who are already skeptical of government messaging, a more transparent and supportive approach may be the key to building trust and fostering meaningful conversations about marijuana use during pregnancy.

To ensure that the message about the risks of marijuana use during pregnancy reaches those who need it most, it is essential to avoid stigmatizing or alienating language that could undermine trust. Instead, we should focus on presenting science clearly and empathetically to promote informed decision-making.

Source: https://www.marijuanaknowthetruth.org/marijuana-and-pregnancy/

This article gives a useful summary of the viewpoints of the various Canadian candidates for premiership
“After briefly approaching overdose deaths as a health problem, the ‘war on drugs’ appears to be making a comeback.”
Tyler Sekulic, a volunteer with the Tri-Cities Community Action Team, plants some of the 1,500 purple flags around Coquitlam’s Lafarge Lake April 14 to mark the the ninth anniversary of British Columbia’s declaration of a toxic drug emergency.
Close to 51,000 Canadians died from apparent opioid toxicity between January 2016 and September 2024, making the unregulated toxic drug supply one of the most pressing health issues in Canada.

For context, that’s nearly 16,000 more Canadians than were killed in the Second World War, and more than double the number of people killed in Canada by AIDS.

The spike in deaths began when the synthetic opioid fentanyl began to appear in illicit drugs sold on the street starting around 2014. Fentanyl can be relatively cheaply manufactured locally and is 20 to 40 times more potent than heroin. The illicit, unregulated supply has only become more unpredictable and deadly since.

Over the last decade there’s been a push in Canada to move addiction away from the realm of the criminal — what is often referred to as the “war on drugs” — and to recognize it as a public health problem. Broadly speaking, that means that instead of arresting people who use drugs for possession, doctors and advocates have pushed for people who use drugs to be able to access evidence-based harm reduction interventions, opioid agonist therapy and, in some cases, safer, predictable prescription drugs such as hydromorphone or benzodiazepines.

Today, however, the move away from the “war on drugs” seems to be in flux.

There’s widespread discontent in the visible increase in homelessness, mental health crises and drug use across the country, with people on the left criticizing the government for not rolling out more accessible harm reduction programs and housing solutions and people on the right calling for involuntary treatment and increased criminal sentences for drug-related offences.

As The Tyee waits for official platforms to drop, we take a look at how each federal party has been framing the crisis and fact check some of their proposed policies.

This article won’t be covering Bloc Québécois because the party doesn’t table policies that directly affect British Columbians.

The Liberal Party of Canada

The Liberals’ 2021 platform promised to introduce a comprehensive strategy to end the opioid crisis, invest $25 million in public education to reduce stigma, invest $500 million to support provinces and territories in providing evidence-based treatment, create standards for treatment programs and reform the Criminal Code to repeal mandatory minimum penalties for substance use-related infractions to keep lower-risk and first-time offenders out of the criminal justice system.

DJ Larkin, executive director of the Canadian Drug Policy Coalition, says that while the Liberals had some early commitments to evidence-based policy reform, such as support for decriminalization and prescribed alternatives, things fell flat because there was no followup.

The Liberals didn’t bother to explain what decriminalization or safer supply was, “or help the public understand and combat some of the misinformation around how those programs work,” Larkin said.

Funding ‘goes towards enforcement efforts’

In October 2023 the federal government released its Canadian Drugs and Substances Strategy, in which the “preponderance of funding goes towards enforcement efforts, with very little going towards harm reduction,” Larkin said.

Funding for “treatment” seems to go towards research and prison-based health care, Larkin added, noting “it’s quite unclear the extent to which they’ve really made that investment.”

Limited decriminalization

Health Canada supported B.C.’s request to implement a decriminalization pilot project in January 2023, and then-party leader Justin Trudeau said the government would support other provincial or territorial decisions implementing similar programs.

But in 2022, Health Canada denied the Drug User Liberation Front’s request for an exemption under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, which DULF had sought so it could buy, test and sell drugs at cost through its compassion club safer supply project.

From a policy perspective this was a “huge error,” Larkin said. The request was “well supported by evidence, it was well thought out and it was very well structured.” The exemption could have been a “huge turning point” in the crisis and would have helped generate evidence for how a compassion club model of safer supply distribution worked, Larkin said.

DULF asked pharmaceutical companies if it could buy pharmaceutical-grade drugs from them but was told it had to get permission from Health Canada first. When that permission was denied, DULF was punished for buying drugs illegally.

Harm reduction, treatment funding

In 2022 the federal government announced a $40-million investment for 73 community-led projects across Canada that focused on “evidence-informed” prevention, harm reduction and treatment.

It also invested $150 million over three years for an Emergency Treatment Fund in 2024, which helped municipalities and Indigenous communities respond to issues around substance use and overdoses.

The government has not yet published standards for treatment programs, something former chief coroner Lisa Lapointe emphasized a need for.

Larkin said the treatment industry has a “total lack of transparency,” where it’s not known how much a private facility is charging, what its policies are, what happens when someone is discharged or if they’re allowed to be on opioid agonist treatment.

The Conservative Party of Canada

The 2025 Conservative stance on drugs is dramatically different from the party’s 2021 platform, in which the party supported widespread distribution of naloxone, building 1,000 treatment beds and treating “the opioid epidemic as the health issue that it is.”

Back to criminalization

This time around, the party is framing the crisis as a criminal issue and promoting abstinence-only treatment while working to shut down harm reduction programs across the country.

Poilievre is “going back to criminalization” by proposing heavy criminal sentences for fentanyl and calling supervised consumption sites “drug dens,” Larkin said. This term has racist origins in 1907-era Vancouver, where Chinese and Japanese businesses were called “opium dens,” they added.

None of this rhetoric has been shown to decrease toxic drug deaths, Larkin said.

On April 6, Poilievre said he would prevent provinces and territories from opening overdose prevention sites, fire bureaucrats who support prescribed alternatives, introduce abstinence-only treatment and cut funding to federal supervised consumption sites and prescribed alternatives programs, according to the Globe and Mail.

Mandatory life sentences for amounts equivalent to less than half a baby Aspirin

In February, Poilievre said he’d introduce mandatory life sentences for anyone caught with 40 milligrams of fentanyl.

That’s “absurd,” said Leslie McBain, who co-founded Moms Stop the Harm after her son Jordan died from toxic drugs in 2014.

Forty milligrams is smaller than half a baby Aspirin, less than one-fifth of what someone with a regular fentanyl habit might use in a day, and 1.6 per cent of what a person can legally have to use in their own residence, a legal shelter or an overdose prevention site under B.C.’s decriminalization.

When it was first introduced, even the BC Association of Chiefs of Police gave decriminalization and its 2.5-gram limit the stamp of approval, saying that’s what a person who uses drugs might carry around for personal use.

The Tyee asked the association what it thought of the 40-milligram policy but did not hear back by press time.

McBain said many people sell drugs to fuel their own habit, not because they’re some “hardened criminal.”

Preventing the opening of overdose prevention sites — an unconstitutional promise?

When it comes to Poilievre’s promise to prevent provinces and territories from opening overdose prevention sites, he could do that if he lets an exemption under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act expire in September, said M-J Milloy, an associate professor in the University of British Columbia department of medicine. The exemption is what gives provincial health officers the authority to open overdose prevention sites.

Stephen Harper tried to do the same thing in 2008 and in 2011 was ordered by the Supreme Court of Canada to grant the exemption because ending it would be unconstitutional.

B.C. currently has 39 overdose prevention sites, four supervised consumption sites (which are under federal jurisdiction) and additional unsanctioned sites being operated by doctors volunteering their time.

The day after Poilievre said he’d close the sites down, B.C. Health Minister Josie Osborne said she would not let a federal government shut down “life-saving overdose prevention sites.”

Governments can also “choke” the funding of harm reduction sites to close them down, as the Albertan and Ontarian governments have done, Milloy said.

Health Canada says more than 488,400 Canadians visited supervised consumption sites more than 5,103,000 times between January 2017 and November 2024, with 62,200 non-fatal overdoses and more than half a million referrals to drug treatment, rehabilitation and other health services, or referrals to social services like housing or employment supports.

Firing bureaucrats

Poilievre’s promise to fire bureaucrats who support safer supply would be difficult, Milloy said, because public service workers at the federal and provincial levels are unionized and protected by collective bargaining agreements and well-established labour rights.

Safer supply pilot projects rolled out through Health Canada and non-government initiatives have shown the program reduced participants’ risk of overdose and death, improved their health and well-being and helped participants stabilize their lives.

McBain said the BC Coroners Service has consistently said fentanyl is killing people — not hydromorphone, which is commonly prescribed for safer supply.

Around 3,900 British Columbians are being prescribed safer supply out of the 100,000 British Columbians estimated to have opioid use disorder.

Does Poilievre’s math on treatment add up?

On April 6, Poilievre said he’d fund treatment for 50,000 Canadians by defunding safer supply and supervised consumption sites and suing opioid manufacturers.

A Canada-wide lawsuit against pharmaceutical companies that downplayed the risks of opioids is already underway.

Funding for treatment would be “results-based,” where “organizations are going to be paid a set fee for the number of months they keep addicts drug-free,” Poilievre said, according to the Globe and Mail.

Abstinence-based treatment can be dangerous because opioid use disorder is a chronic relapsing disease, meaning people will generally cycle in and out of substance use in their life, Milloy said. Most people will go to treatment a number of times before they achieve periods of lasting sobriety, he added.

When a person stops using opioids, their body starts to lose its high tolerance for the drug in as little as three days, meaning they’re at much higher risk of overdose when they use again.

Opioid agonist treatment is considered the gold-standard treatment for opioid use disorder, but it’s not clear if it would be allowed under Poilievre’s definition of “drug-free.”

“Simply detoxing individuals and putting them into a 12-step program, which is what the majority of recovery houses do, is not recommended because of the risk of death,” Milloy said.

Poilievre said each patient would get around $20,000 for treatment, for a total of $1 billion in funding. The party’s 2021 platform pledged $325 million over three years to fund 1,000 treatment beds, meaning there was $325,000 per bed.

The B.C. Ministry of Health said in an email it currently has 3,751 publicly funded treatment beds and the cost of a single patient’s treatment is between $20,000 and $183,000 per year.

The New Democratic Party

In its 2021 platform the NDP said it would declare a national public health emergency, “end the criminalization and stigma of drug addiction,” create a national medically regulated safer supply program, support overdose prevention sites, expand access to treatment on demand and launch an investigation into the role of pharmaceutical companies in the current crisis.

Drugs not on the party’s radar

For the last two years drugs haven’t been on the NDP’s radar. The party puts out a press release roughly every two days, and the last one that directly addressed the toxic drug crisis was in November 2023, marking National Addictions Awareness Week. The party didn’t mark the week in 2024.

Defeated private member’s bill

Shortly after the 2021 election, NDP mental health and harm reduction critic Gord Johns tabled a private member’s bill to decriminalize certain substances nationally and to expunge certain drug-related convictions, but it was defeated.

The Green Party of Canada

As part of its 2021 platform, the Green Party of Canada said it would declare a national public health emergency, legislate decriminalization for personal possession and all use of drugs, increase funding for community drug checking, implement a national education and distribution program for naloxone and create a national safer supply program for “drugs of choice.” A regular criticism of safer supply from people who use drugs is that it offers a limited number of pharmaceuticals that often aren’t able to replace the unregulated substances people use. This policy would have addressed that issue.

Larkin said it was a “very good sign” that the Greens’ platform recognized the intersectionality and nuance of the crisis and promoted programs and policies that are “supported by considerable academic evidence,” such as supervised consumption sites, decriminalization, prescribed alternatives and access to regulated treatment.

No current drug-related policies

The Greens don’t currently have drug-related policies on their website. But in August 2024 the party put out a press release calling for Canada to adopt an evidence-based approach by offering safer supply, safe consumption sites and barrier-free regulated treatment facilities, integrating pharmacare and mental health care in Canada’s universal health care, increased harm reduction services and action to address poverty and homelessness like guaranteed livable income and affordable and accessible housing.

Source: https://www.bowenislandundercurrent.com/highlights/where-the-parties-stand-on-the-toxic-drug-crisis-10532543

As part of a ‘painful period’ of cuts, Trump and RFK Jr. plan on dismantling the agency that focuses on substance abuse.

I’m talking about a dramatic turnaround in America’s opioid crisis, the epidemic that began in the late 1990s with an explosion in the use of addictive prescription painkillers, and then got even worse with a surge in the use of heroin and its synthetic alternative, fentanyl. The effects have left families, communities, and in some cases whole regions of the country reeling, and more than 700,000 Americans dead from overdoses.

But recently the death rate from overdoses has started to fall. In the latest twelve-month period that the official data captures, the decline has been particularly steep: 24 percent.

In raw numbers, that’s 27,000 fewer deaths over the course of a year—a figure that, as Johns Hopkins University professor Brendan Saloner told me in an interview, is “astonishing.”

Pinpointing the cause of the drop is, as always, difficult. Researchers like Saloner think it’s most likely a combination of factors—like changes in the purity of fentanyl available from dealers and more effective interdictions of foreign smuggling chains. There’s also the grim possibility of a “burning out” effect, as the people most likely to overdose die off.

But another likely factor, in the view of most experts, has been a surge in federal support for substance abuse programs.

That includes the programs offering prevention, treatment, and recovery services, as well as those focusing on “harm reduction” strategies like the distribution of Naloxone, the fast-acting drug that can keep overdose victims alive long enough to get them emergency medical care.

The surge started with legislation that Barack Obama signed in the final year of his presidency, but in the years that followed the effort was relatively bipartisan. That included support from Donald Trump, who talked frequently about the opioid crisis during the 2016 campaign and then, as president, returned to the subject in a memorable October 2017 speech.

“As Americans, we cannot allow this to continue,” Trump said, citing his late brother’s difficulties with alcoholism as a personal connection to the issue. “It is time to liberate our communities from this scourge of drug addiction.” And although his record didn’t really live up to his rhetoric, his administration did launch several anti-opioid initiatives.

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But just nine days later, Kennedy announced sweeping layoffs designed to slash HHS staff by 25 percent, as part of a broader reorganization that will partly dismantle several of the department’s smaller agencies. One of them is an agency that’s been at the center of the federal opioid effort.


IT’S CALLED the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Agency, or SAMHSA. And if you’ve never heard of it, don’t feel bad. Most people haven’t.

But SAMHSA is the agency that awards and manages the big grant program that states use to finance their substance abuse efforts. It’s also the agency that runs the National Survey on Drug Use and Health, the gold-standard assessment that policymakers and researchers rely on to understand trends and shifts in how people are using drugs.

Other SAMHSA duties include establishing best practices for different types of substance abuse initiatives, offering training programs for substance abuse workers, and operating the new 988 hotline for suicide and mental health crises.1 In order to keep close tabs on what’s actually happening in the country—and maintain an ongoing dialogue with local officials—SAMHSA had staff in the ten HHS regional offices.

Now all of that is going to change. The plan Kennedy announced will eliminate SAMHSA as a separate entity, folding it and several other smaller agencies into a new division called the “Administration for a Healthy America.” It will also cut the number of HHS regional offices in half, leaving just five.

And while HHS officials have not specified publicly how many SAMHSA staff will lose their jobs, the New York Times has reported (and a source familiar with discussions has since confirmed to me) that Kennedy and his lieutenants have talked about reducing the agency’s headcount by half, with occasional mention of even bigger cuts.

The official rationale for the cuts and consolidation is that they will make SAMHSA work better: “Transferring SAMHSA to AHA will increase operational efficiency and assure programs are carried out because it will break down artificial divisions between similar programs,” an HHS press release said.

“This will be a painful period for HHS,” Kennedy acknowledged, although he vowed that the public won’t feel much of a pinch: “We’re going to do more with less. No American is going to be left behind.”

There’s absolutely nothing controversial about trying to reorganize the sprawling, frequently byzantine structure of HHS, or hacking away at the internal processes and rules that can impede rather than enable progress. Just three years ago, a blue-ribbon commission convened by the Commonwealth Fund—a well-respected, left-leaning think-tank—issued its own call for substantial changes at the department.

But that document was the result of lengthy, careful discussion of priorities and tradeoffs. There are few visible signs that the Trump administration engaged in such deliberations, and plenty of signs that it didn’t—especially at SAMHSA.


SAMHSA GOT ITS FIRST TASTE of cuts back in February, when the Trump administration ordered government-wide firings of “probationary” workers (which meant anybody, whether newly hired or newly promoted, who’d been in their position for less than a year).

Among those hit hardest were the ten regional offices, according to Scott Gagnon, who ran the New England division. SAMHSA’s staffing at several of them fell from four or three workers to one or none, he told me, undermining capabilities and responsiveness in a way that will only get worse with the new cuts HHS just announced.

“Imagine what that means—they’re still going to cover the whole country, but now every office is going to cover up to twelve states, instead of just five or six,” said Gagnon, who is now on administrative leave because the courts ordered the Trump administration to reinstate the probationary workers but HHS hasn’t put them on the job. “In my state of Maine, they would see me several times a year. Now they might be lucky to get one or two visits. It’s just really going to dilute that responsiveness and that connection,”

The damage to SAMHSA’s data collection work could be even more pernicious, several experts told me, because the data is so essential to public and private-sector leaders trying to craft substance abuse policy—and because projects like the big national survey require so much expertise and institutional knowledge to operate.

“That is the only national survey we have on drug use, and if the staff who does that work is cut, then we’re flying blind,” Regina LaBelle, a Georgetown University professor who served in the Obama and Biden administrations, told me.

“Good data actually takes a lot of manpower,” added Kathryn Poe, a health care researcher at the think tank Policy Matters Ohio. “You have to clean it, you have to evaluate it, you have to organize it. You have to make sure that you’re getting accurate reporting. You have to actually analyze it. And all of that is stuff that’s done by humans.”


THE BEST HOPE for the government’s opioid efforts is that all of the talk about making HHS more effective is genuine, that they will cut smartly and not arbitrarily, and that somewhere in the Trump administration there are officials mindful of recent progress and eager to—as Saloner put it to me—“be heroic and do something big and important to sustain what was already underway.”

But it’s awfully hard to imagine such thoughtful, deliberate reforms coming from leaders who wave around chainsaws while discussing their designs on government, or who say their ultimate goal is turning career civil servants into “villains.” And it’s hard to understand how HHS is going to get more efficient when it is shuttering so many offices—and firing so many people—whose very jobs are to watch over agency programs and make sure they are working properly.

“They have the know-how, in-house, to make decisions about how to steer resources, that institutional judgment . . . that’s intangible but super important,” Saloner said, adding that they are also the ones who handle the tedious, unglamorous and essential work “of making sure that there’s compliance with federal standards, that things are being correctly reported, that there’s no misuse or waste of funds.”

As for Trump, his interest in the opioid project also seems suspect at best. The rhetoric from his first campaign and term, whatever its authenticity, featured a discernible empathy for people with substance abuse problems—and a clear commitment to the proposition that an effective strategy included the kinds of investments SAMHSA has managed.

Now, whenever Trump talks about opioids, it’s to raise the specter of fentanyl as a foreign menace, justifying his border policies and posture towards other countries.

Trump is also behind congressional efforts to enact sweeping spending cuts, in order to offset the cost of his multitrillion-dollar tax cut. And although the Republicans in Congress are still arguing over how to do that, it’s easy to imagine them agreeing to cuts in substance abuse funds given that one element of the current strategy—harm reduction—already has loud critics among conservatives, who think it implicitly condones drug use.

And that’s to say nothing of the possibility, which Republicans in Congress have discussed explicitly, of cuts to Medicaid, the federal-state program that pays medical bills for more than 70 million mostly low-income Americans. It is the nation’s single biggest financier of mental health and substance abuse treatment.

If Medicaid shrinks and fewer people have coverage, either states will have to make up for the lost substance abuse funding by pulling funds from elsewhere, or they’ll just let the shortfalls stand. Either way, the result will likely be fewer people getting the help they need and, ultimately, more people dying from overdoses.

It doesn’t have to be that way, as the last two years have shown. But it’s not at all clear the Trump administration knows this—or that it cares.

Source: https://www.thebulwark.com/p/when-make-america-healthy-again-actually-means-opposite-rfk-trump-opioid-overdose-hhs-samhsa-painful

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