Opioids

 

Kateena Haynes’s smile warms the room as she weaves through playing children at her feet to get to the computer room, chatting with staff as she goes. There, the walls are lined with desktop computers for kids to do their homework. A few minutes later, walking around back under the hot Appalachian sun, she notes the outstanding construction tasks for the new Boys & Girls Club gymnasium, which would officially open later that year, and beams at the progress. Haynes runs the youth development center in Harlan, Kentucky, but even if you didn’t know her official title, you’d quickly figure out that she’s the heart of this place.

During the winter of 2010, 13 of the approximately 60 kids in the Boys & Girls Club of Appalachia had a parent die of a drug overdose. One was a young girl whose father had just returned from prison and asked her to inject opioids into his arm. She said no, knowing he had already had too much.

“He wound up getting out and coming back home and overdosing in the bed with his daughter in the bed with him,” Haynes said in a 2024 interview with Encyclopaedia Britannica.

From opium to Oxy: How history set the stage for the opioid epidemic

According to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), more than 800,000 Americans died of opioid overdoses between 1999 and 2023. The drug that drove the initial phase of the epidemic was OxyContin, or oxycodone hydrochloride, a narcotic painkiller that can produce a euphoria similar to that of heroin. For its part in producing and distributing OxyContin, pharmaceutical giant Purdue Pharma agreed in 2025 to pay $7.4 billion to all 50 U.S. states, Washington, D.C., and four federal territories. Harlan is expected to receive at least $10 million over 18 years to establish treatment, recovery, and prevention efforts throughout the community.

In the complex evolution from the opium plant to widespread synthetic opioids, the 19th century was a critical turning point. American dental surgeon William Thomas Green Morton first demonstrated opioids’ use for anesthetic purposes when combined with ether in 1846, not long after the popular and wildly powerful pain medications morphine and codeine were isolated from opium. These drugs were widely available and could be used without a prescription. Then in the latter half of the century, heroin was synthesized; it also didn’t require a prescription until 1914.

Before 1874 all opium-related drugs were considered natural opioids. Heroin, synthesized via chemical manipulation of natural opium, was the first in a class of semisynthetic opioids. It is much more powerful than natural opioids—and much more addictive. Though heroin would be a scourge for the second half of the 20th century, the perilous power of morphine dominated the first half.

Learn more about the difference between opioids and opiates.

In 1929 the National Research Council’s Committee on Drug Addiction was created with a very specific first target: morphine. While their researchers were at work on understanding addiction and regulating the use of morphine, meperidine, the first entirely synthetic opioid, was created, ushering in a new era of increasingly potent drugs that carry massive overdose risks. At the same time access to other addictive opioids became more common. While the early-to-mid-20th century brought the use of hydromorphone and hydrocodone for pre- and postoperative pain, the distribution of opioids entered a new era in World War II.

The U.S. gave members of its military medical kits that each included single-use morphine injections to provide pain relief to injured troops waiting for advanced medical personnel. Though they had labels that read “Warning: May be habit-forming,” those labels far understated the drug’s addictive potential. After the war some medical kits were sold or stolen by those seeking morphine doses, and others who’d become addicted turned to heroin when morphine wasn’t available.

In 1947 the Committee on Drug Addiction and Narcotics was established, revamping the effort begun in the 1920s. This renewed focus on controlling the manufacture and distribution of drugs was, in part, spurred by the creation by German researchers of methadone. Methadone had shown potential to mitigate symptoms of opioid withdrawal, a potential that had yet to be fully realized. Though research funding began to trickle in, progress stalled as no stream of financial support was established until the 1960s.

That decade was known for massive societal shifts in the United States driven by the civil rights movement, feminist advocacy, and the rise of a distinct counterculture grounded in the questioning of long-held beliefs. For some, this attitude of rebellion led them to try—and in some cases become dependent on—illicit drugs. The increased use of marijuana, LSD, and eventually cocaine, heroin, and amphetamines led to crackdowns on pharmacies that distributed these drugs as well as a greater focus on prevention and treatment.

In 1962 the White House Conference on Narcotic and Drug Abuse was convened with the goal of determining how to better collect data about drug use, how to manage the use of both narcotic and nonnarcotic drugs, and what treatments could help those facing addiction. That year federally funded mental health centers were established nationally.

The next major move, the Controlled Narcotics Act of 1970, sorted drugs into five schedules, or categories, based on addictive potential and harmfulness, as well as their medical utility. Heroin, which had a spike in use in the late 1960s and early ’70s, was classified as a Schedule I drug, meaning it had a high potential for addiction and no accepted medical use. Cocaine was labeled a Schedule II drug, meaning it had some medical utility. Despite growing attention throughout the presidencies of John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, the official War on Drugs was not launched until 1971, when Pres. Richard Nixon declared “drug abuse” to be “public enemy number one.” The Drug Abuse Council was founded the same year, as the result of the Ford Foundation’s research, and helped to provide funding for research through 1978.

Initially the War on Drugs was praised as a long-awaited intervention for a serious public safety issue, but in hindsight many have called the effort a failure, both ethically and politically. Even with increased attention on the country’s drug problem, the use of crack cocaine soared throughout the 1980s. It was affordable and provided quick access to euphoria, and its ability to be smoked allowed people to receive smaller portions—all of which made it more cost-effective than powder cocaine, which has historically been seen as a symbol of wealth.

Instead of going after large dealers or manufacturers, Nixon’s War on Drugs led to mass incarceration because it targeted people selling relatively small quantities of drugs, which often meant prison time for young Black men in urban areas who were charged with low-level drug offenses. The War on Drugs also brought the use of mandatory minimum sentences, which disproportionately affected Black communities. Those found with five grams of crack cocaine received a mandatory five-year prison sentence. It took 100 times that amount of powder cocaine to earn the same sentence, meaning that a high-level powder dealer could receive a lesser punishment than a low-level crack dealer. Though statistics show that overall drug use is similar between white and Black communities, four in five crack cocaine users were Black. Nixon’s former White House counsel, John Ehrlichman, gave an interview in 1994 in which he explained the intentional targeting of these communities:

The Nixon campaign in 1968, and the Nixon White House after that, had two enemies: the antiwar left and black people.… We knew we couldn’t make it illegal to be either against the war or black, but by getting the public to associate the hippies with marijuana and blacks with heroin, and then criminalizing both heavily, we could disrupt those communities. We could arrest their leaders, raid their homes, break up their meetings, and vilify them night after night on the evening news. Did we know we were lying about the drugs? Of course we did.

Today many see the War on Drugs as having meted out the disproportionate impact of incarceration on historically underserved communities—a pattern that the quickly emerging opioid epidemic would only exacerbate. While the War on Drugs perpetuated stereotypes about Black communities, public response to the opioid epidemic capitalized on and furthered derogatory caricatures of rural white communities before the epidemic spread to all corners of the country.

As cocaine use grew across the United States, so did addiction. The number of cocaine users increased by approximately 1.6 million people between 1982 and 1985 alone. So when Purdue Pharma’s OxyContin (its brand name for oxycodone) was approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in December 1995, concerns about drug addiction were prevalent—which made Purdue Pharma’s marketing of OxyContin as less addictive all the more appealing, even if it wasn’t true.

The epidemic

The major problem with OxyContin extended beyond the drug itself. In fact, studies at the time of its release showed that it wasn’t more effective than other opioid analgesics on the market. What set OxyContin apart and led to the opioid epidemic was the marketing and publicity around it.

In the five years after the FDA approved OxyContin, Purdue Pharma trained more than 5,000 medical professionals at all-expenses-paid conferences, often in resort locations, to aggressively promote the drug. While there, these clinicians were trained and recruited for a Purdue Pharma speaker’s bureau that encouraged promoting OxyContin use to colleagues in environments such as grand round presentations in hospitals. The company studied physicians’ prescribing patterns in order to better tailor their sales pitch to individual doctors—especially those with the highest rates of opioid prescriptions. Though this strategy was not unique, the amount of money spent on incentives and aggressive, misleading marketing campaigns were distinctive. The company spent $200 million in 2001 alone marketing OxyContin. Sales representatives also earned bonuses that sometimes outweighed their annually salary, incentivizing them to find physicians who would overprescribe the medication.

Before this period opioids had traditionally been reserved for severe acute pain, used in the palliative care of cancer patients, for example. But Purdue Pharma’s marketing focused on expanding the conditions for which doctors would prescribe OxyContin, leading to a tenfold increase in prescriptions for pain unrelated to cancer in just five years.

This gave rise to the targeting of rural areas such as Harlan. Mining and logging in these regions often led to workplace injuries, making them hotbeds for marketing of pain relief medications. Still, that wasn’t all that made Appalachian communities vulnerable. Since the 1990s Harlan had struggled with addiction and unemployment as the coal industry declined, with more than 25 percent of Harlan county’s population of about 25,000 falling below the poverty line as of 2025. As feelings of hopelessness spread, so did the drug epidemic.

Tom Vicini, president and CEO of Kentucky drug prevention and recovery organization Operation UNITE, explained in a 2024 interview with Encyclopaedia Britannica how this can happen. In early drug roundups law enforcement discovered that people selling opioids in the area needed money to feed their addiction, he said. If they were able to buy and resell others’ prescriptions, both parties could potentially make a profit off the drug.

Why is OxyContin called “hillbilly heroin”?

As the opioid epidemic spread, it quickly became associated with Appalachian communities. Hillbilly is a pejorative term used to describe those living in often low-income rural communities in the Appalachian Mountains. Given that OxyContin had overtaken both heroin and cocaine in becoming the new face of the drug crisis, it was often referred to as “hillbilly heroin” by national media outlets.

Though there is evidence that marketing of OxyContin may have been less aggressive in cities, they were far from immune. Doctors in New York City and other large metropolitan areas received funding from opioid giants and in turn promoted their products as a gold standard for pain relief. And with TV and other advertisements repeating claims of a 1 percent addiction rate, OxyContin advertising appealed to both new patients and longtime chronic pain sufferers. As the country would learn, the actual rate of addiction is much, much higher, with some researchers reporting it as high as 26 percent.

According to the National Institute on Drug Abuse, prescriptions were the most common entry to opioid addiction throughout the 1990s and 2000s—up to 75 percent of all addictions began this way. And prescriptions became more prevalent: Annual opioid prescriptions grew from between 2 and 3 million in 1990 to 11 million by 1999. Even as the addictive potential of OxyContin was publicized, other pharmaceutical companies followed suit in manufacturing generic or brand name pills, including the firms Johnson & Johnson, Endo, Teva, and Allergan. By the 21st century, Purdue Pharma alone had made $1.1 billion in OxyContin sales, more than 20 times the sales of 1996.

With the War on Drugs rhetoric weighing heavily on people’s minds, there is intense stigma associated with drug use and dependency. Through the 1990s and 2000s, the public began to shift from viewing addiction as a moral failing to seeing it as a disease—but this change has been gradual. For some the spread of addiction to all corners of the country, including to cities’ most “elite” residents, prompted this change. Highly publicized deaths involving opioid overdoses—including that of Australian actor Heath Ledger, which was caused by an accidental overdose of a mix of oxycodone and other drugs—further influenced public perception, leading to a renewed awareness of the addictive potential of prescription drugs. Although drug overdoses have long plagued Hollywood, Ledger’s death hit the public differently in light of the rising opioid crisis, especially given OxyContin’s role in his death.

Despite shifting attitudes on the subject, a 2017 study by researchers from Johns Hopkins University found that nearly four in five people think that those struggling with addiction are themselves at fault. Stigma and feelings of shame not only incentivize individuas to hide their addiction, but it can also keep many people from getting help by generating of a network of barriers. Structural stigma, for example, includes negative views held by society that influence the creation of policies that discriminate against those struggling with addiction, such as limiting the development of local treatment centers and the availability of medication for opioid use disorder (MOUD), reducing access to quality care. Self-stigma is internalized shame that can prevent someone from seeking treatment, either because they do not feel they deserve help, are embarrassed about their addiction, or because they lack systems of support.

Long after the opioid epidemic was widely recognized in the early 2000s, rates of opioid overdoses continued an unbridled rise across the country, reaching a peak during the COVID-19 pandemic and its aftermath. In 2022 more than 81,000 Americans lost their lives to opioid overdose, likely because of interruptions in treatment and psychological hardships caused by isolation, boredom, illness, or loss of work. This was especially prominent in people 20 to 39 years old, with opioid overdoses causing more than 20 percent of overall deaths in this age group in 2022, according to a study in The Lancet. Overdoses were the largest accidental cause of death for this cohort.

The physical withdrawal symptoms associated with quitting opioids make it hard to recover from opioid use disorder. Withdrawal can range from extreme physical symptoms such as vomiting and muscle spasms to emotional symptoms such as anxiety and depression. To help people recover, there has been a growing movement to make MOUD accessible.

MOUD includes methadone, buprenorphine, and naltrexone—with the former two considered by the World Health Organization to be “essential medicines” to treat opioid use disorder. MOUD normalizes neural chemistry and blocks the euphoria of opioids and is often paired with behavioral therapy to provide a comprehensive treatment plan that addresses both the physical and psychological effects of addiction and withdrawal.

That doesn’t mean these two approaches are mutually exclusive—in fact, many people rely on multipronged approaches to treatment and community support to recover from drug addiction. In Harlan numerous peer support specialists come from their day jobs to support AA or NA group meetings, which are held every evening in a building just down the alleyway bordering a bank.

Though significant gaps still remain, the shift in understanding opioid use as a public health epidemic rather than a personal moral failing has ultimately advanced the accessibility of recovery care across the country. But meeting the urgent need for support also requires funding—and there were companies that made a lot of money as a result of mass addiction and suffering.

Lawsuits and repairing communities

Large-scale lawsuits, often initiated by state attorneys general, began in the early 2000s, when West Virginia claimed that Purdue Pharma had misled medical professionals about the addictive potential of OxyContin in their aggressive marketing of the drug. The company admitted no fault but chose to settle, paying $10 million to the state over four years, to be used for drug recovery and prevention services.

That was just the beginning. In 2007 Purdue Pharma and three of the company’s top executives were fined a total of $634 million for lying to the public about OxyContin’s risk of addiction. Later that year Kentucky sued the company, and they eventually settled, with Purdue agreeing to pay $24 million to the state. But there was a pivotal clause in that agreement: The judge granted a request to unseal the court documents, making Purdue Pharma’s strategies public and unveiling the marketing strategies that propelled the spread of addiction.

Over the next decade a series of other high-profile cases involving Purdue Pharma were settled. They were brought by state and federal governments alike, including one suit brought by Canada that took more than a decade to settle, with the company ultimately agreeing to pay $20 million to individuals and health providers. Purdue Pharma declared bankruptcy in 2019.

No single settlement was as large as the $7.4 billion agreement Purdue Pharma reached with all 50 states, Washington D.C., and four U.S. territories in June 2025, to be paid out over 15 years to support prevention, treatment, and recovery programs. This resolution to pending lawsuits came just a year after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned what would have been a $6 billion settlement paid out to state and local governments. A large portion of the $7.4 billion is to come from the Sackler family, the former owners of Purdue Pharma.

Although the bell can’t be unrung, there is a breadth of research about how best to invest these abatement funds—and early evidence shows the funding may be helping to change the future of the opioid crisis. In the United States deaths from drug overdoses decreased approximately 27 percent in 2024 from the year prior, with opioid-related overdose deaths dropping by 30,365 cases. One of the states most exemplary of this change is Kentucky, where overdose deaths decreased more than 30 percent the same year.

In Harlan these abatement funds have been used to establish a position for a case manager and advocate for Casey’s Law, which allows family or friends to commit to treatment a loved one struggling with addiction. Van Ingram, executive director for the Kentucky Office of Drug Control Policy, told Encyclopaedia Britannica that there are more mental health resources now than ever, but that there’s never enough—not just in Harlan County, but in rural America as a whole.

What is Casey’s Law?

Officially known as the Matthew Casey Wethington Act for Substance Abuse Intervention, Casey’s Law was passed by Kentucky legislators in 2004 to allow relatives or friends of someone struggling with drug addiction to petition the court for that person to be involuntarily entered into a treatment program. The decision to admit someone to treatment without their consent remains a controversial subject, and many in the recovery space believe that someone must choose to enter recovery and cannot be forced into it. Before Casey’s Law was enacted, there was no way to force an adult to get help unless they committed a crime and were required by the court to enter treatment. The law is named for 23-year-old Casey Wethington, who died of a heroin overdose in 2002. His family believed his death could have been prevented if there had been another route to court-mandated treatment.

As Haynes, CEO of the Boys & Girls Club of Appalachia, and others work to provide mental health resources for their community, Ingram said he is impressed by the growth of Harlan’s recovery community.

Said Haynes: “We started a counseling program, grief counseling, before it actually became a program of Boys and Girls Clubs of America. We were doing it first because the need was there, and we couldn’t wait for them to develop a curriculum.”

Haynes and her colleagues developed a protocol for the kids if a relative died, taking them out to dinner and keeping them occupied while the family managed funeral arrangements.

She tries to mentor these children and give them opportunities that level the playing field, Haynes told Encyclopaedia Britannica: “It’s hard for some people to see beyond these mountains…especially these kids, who are seeing their parents use drugs, and they’re just hopeless.”

Simultaneously, other Harlan organizations have been working on prevention. Both Vicini and Haynes go into schools to provide education about drugs and addiction, as well as opportunities such as field trips and mentoring partnerships to keep kids engaged in their own futures.

The city’s small size enabled the opioid epidemic to spread quickly, but the intimate, close-knit relationships that the community provides have also allowed it to be a safe haven for many, including some who came there for recovery and never left.

With a combination of local efforts led by the city’s drug court and various recovery programs, including some focused on job reentry, Harlan has become an example of what an engaged recovery community can look like—and advocates believe that overdose rates are declining because of it.

Overdoses are decreasing on the national level, as well. According to a study published in the Journal of the American Medical Association, 2023 marked the beginning of “a new wave of sustained deceleration [in overdose rates]…after 2 decades of increase.”

The new wave: Dangers of fentanyl

The epidemic entered a new—and perhaps even deadlier—phase with the introduction of fentanyl. Though it has been around since 1959 as a pain reliever, illicitly manufactured fentanyl has grown increasingly popular since it became a major part of the U. S. illegal drug market in 2013. Drugs such as methamphetamines or cocaine are increasingly laced with fentanyl. In 2022, 6 out of every 10 of the millions of fentanyl-laced fake prescription pills collected by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) contained a potentially lethal amount of the opioid, up 50 percent from the year before. Though a small segment of people who use drugs seek out fentanyl, many of those buying laced pills are unaware of its presence until it is too late.

Fentanyl is the one of the most potent pharmaceutical opioids and is 100 times more powerful than morphine. A dose of the drug equivalent to just five to seven grains of salt can be lethal, which is partially why it’s responsible for 70 percent of overdose-related deaths. And growing numbers of illegally obtained drugs are laced with fentanyl because its potency allows smaller doses of the pure drug to be sold while providing the same level of euphoria and even higher addictive potential, increasing both profits and demand. Even if it puts customers in danger, the money outweighs the risk for some sellers.

In a February 2025 U.S. Senate hearing, Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois spoke about the growing risk of fentanyl:

In just a decade this synthetic opioid [fentanyl] has emerged as the deadliest drug in American history. All it takes is two milligrams—that’s a fraction of the size of a penny—to cause an overdose. It is so cheap that dealers are lacing lethal amounts into street drugs like cocaine and heroin, and their buyers are none the wiser.

Yet if communities can harness the growing concern about fentanyl for change, it may give a second chance to those struggling with substance use disorder. Since 2022 Harlan county has held an annual drug summit to bring together more than two dozen exhibitors with a focus on continuing to bring down overdose rates, even in the face of fentanyl.

Along with increased efforts to provide those struggling with addiction transitional housing, reemployment, and improved treatment accessibility, Harlan and other communities hit hard by opioids have another key tool: love.

“There’s people that came here for treatment and never left, because they were loved,” said Dan Mosley, Harlan county judge executive. “That’s truly what makes our place special.”

Source: https://www.britannica.com/topic/How-the-Opioid-Crisis-Devasted-Families-Communities-and-Ultimately-a-Country

 

by Jack Fenwick – BBC Political correspondent – 16 September 2025

Hilary’s son Ben died from a heroin overdose in 2018, but his death was never included on official opioid death statistics

More than 13,000 heroin and opioid deaths have been missed off official statistics in England and Wales, raising concerns about the impact on the government’s approach to tackling addiction.

Research from King’s College London, shared exclusively with BBC News, found that there were 39,232 opioid-related deaths between 2011 and 2022, more than 50% higher than previously known.

The error has been blamed on the government’s official statistics body not having access to correct data and it is understood ministers are now working with coroners to improve the reporting of deaths.

A former senior civil servant said fewer people might have died if drug policies had been based on accurate statistics.

The number of opioid deaths per million people in England and Wales has almost doubled since 2012, but this new study means the scale of the problem is likely to be even greater.

Researchers from the National Programme on Substance Use Mortality at King’s used data from coroners’ reports to calculate a more accurate estimate of opioid-related deaths.

Opioids include drugs such as heroin that come from the opium poppy plant, as well as synthetically-made substances like fentanyl.

The Liberal Democrats have said the government needs to “urgently investigate” how the error was made.

The reliability of the Office for National Statistics (ONS) data relies on coroners naming specific substances on death certificates, something which often does not happen.

Specific substances such as heroin are instead sometimes only included on more detailed post-mortem reports or toxicology results, which the ONS does not have access to.

Government data on overall drug deaths, which does not name specific substances, is not affected by the error, but ministers’ decision-making is generally influenced by the more granular statistics.

The body that oversees police commissioners says correct data on opioid deaths could have led to more funding and better treatment for front-line services such as police forces and public health.

Sir Philip Rutnam, who was the most senior civil servant at the Home Office between 2017 and 2020, told the BBC it was “quite possible” that fewer people would have died, if the government’s drug policies had been based on accurate statistics.

He told BBC Radio 4’s PM programme: “It really does matter, first of all the level of attention given to these issues, but then specifically it will affect decisions on how much funding to put into health-related programmes, treatment programmes, or into different bits of the criminal justice system.”

“My son’s death is one of thousands missed from official stats”

Ben was 27 when he died from a heroin overdose in 2018, but his death was ruled as “misadventure” and was never included on the official opioid death statistics.

His addiction began with cannabis when he was a teenager and progressed to using aerosols and eventually heroin.

“Ben was just a very kind person. We miss him, we all miss him every day,” said his mother Hilary.

At one point, she said Ben appeared to “turn a corner”.

He was awarded a place in a rehab facility, but shortly before he was set to move in, Hilary got the phone call she had always dreaded.

“I think what happened is, he wasn’t using,” she said. “They think probably about three months and his tolerance had gone down.”

Ben’s family believe that different treatment and support for drug addicts could have helped him.

Dr Caroline Copeland, who led the new research, said drug policies “will not have the desired impact unless the true scale of the problem is known”.

She added: “We need to alert coroners to the impact that not naming specific drugs as the cause of death has on the planning and funding of public health policies.”

The research, which has been peer-reviewed and published in the International Journal of Drug Policy, focused specifically on opioid deaths, but similar undercounts are thought to exist in data about deaths from other drugs too.

Further work by King’s College London has found that 2,482 cocaine-related deaths have also been missed off ONS statistics over the last 10 years.

David Sidwick, the drugs lead for the National Association of Police and Crime Commissioners, told the BBC the organisation would “be pushing hard” for more treatment funding, in light of the faulty statistics.

Mr Sidwick, who is also a Conservative police and crime commissioner, said more accurate data would lead to “better decisions about the amount of funding required for treatment” and suggested “new treatment methods” such as buprenorphine, a monthly injection that can help heroin users overcome addiction.

Helen Morgan, the Liberal Democrat health spokesperson, said: “I dread to think of the lives that may have been lost due to damaging policies based on faulty stats.”

She added: “The government now needs to step up, launch an investigation and ensure that the ONS is given access to the data it needs so that it can never make this error again.”

The ONS, which helped with the research, said it had warned that “the information provided by coroners on death registrations can lack detail” on the specific drugs involved.

A spokesperson added: “The more detail coroners can provide about specific drugs relevant to a death will help further improve these statistics to inform the UK government’s drug strategy.”

The flaw in the ONS system is not present in Scotland, where there are no coroners and where National Records Scotland (NRS) is responsible for collating official statistics.

Unlike the ONS, the NRS does receive more detailed pathology reports, but differences in how deaths are reported across the UK make it difficult to compare.

The opioid undercounting raises further questions about the under-fire ONS, which has been accused of failing on several statistical fronts recently.

Data sets on job markets and immigration have been criticised and earlier this year a government review said the ONS had “deep-seated” issues which needed tackling.

A spokesperson for the Department of Health and Social Care said: “We continue to work with partners across health, policing and wider public services to drive down drug use, ensure more people receive timely treatment and support, and make our streets and communities safer.”

 

Source:  https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cg7dzmyjrjzo

 

by Liz Mineo – Harvard Staff Writer -September 16, 2025

Study examining potential solution to treatment gap — especially in rural areas — gets federal funding cut

Between 1999 and 2023, approximately 806,000 Americans died from opioid overdoses, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Yet of the estimated 2.4 million U.S. adults with opioid use disorder, only one in four receives medications that can reduce overdose risk.

Telehealth has shown promise as a potential tool to prevent opioid overdose deaths, but funding for a study launched last year by health economist Haiden Huskamp examining its use and impact was terminated as part of the mass cancellation of federal research grants by the Trump administration in May.

“A lot of our research, including that for this grant, is looking at why so few people are getting evidence-based treatments for substance use disorder,” said Huskamp, Henry J. Kaiser Professor of Health Care Policy at Harvard Medical School. “Medications for opioid use disorder are highly efficacious. They reduce opioid use; they reduce overdose risk and other negative outcomes. These medications save lives.”

A shortage of clinicians specialized in treating opioid use disorders — particularly in rural areas — presents a major barrier to receiving care, she said.

“Our work has been trying to understand, since the pandemic in particular, who was using telemedicine for opioid use disorder,” said Huskamp, “and whether the availability of care, via telemedicine, has meant that clinicians who treat substance use disorders are now seeing more patients in areas where there aren’t enough doctors who do this work.”

217Americans, on average, died each day from an opioid overdose in 2023, according to the CDC

For the past five years Huskamp, Ph.D. ’97, has been studying telemedicine as a strategy to expand access to opioid use disorder treatment and life-saving medications such as methadone, buprenorphine, and the quick overdose-reversal drug naloxone.

“Given the opioid epidemic that we are still in the middle of, telemedicine might be an answer because it could address a number of barriers to treatment access,” said Huskamp.

Although in May the CDC reported that opioid overdose deaths dropped from 83,140 in 2023 to 54,743 in 2024, the death toll remains high. According to the CDC, in 2023, on average, 217 people died each day from an opioid overdose.

The goal of Huskamp’s terminated four-year study, launched last year with a team of 15 researchers, was to provide evidence-based information on the efficacy of telemedicine that can guide policymakers as they address the opioid epidemic. It was a renewal of a previous grant, which yielded 24 different publications whose findings have informed new rules by the Drug Enforcement Agency to expand telemedicine access for treating opioid dependence. Funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse, the latest research sought to examine quality of care and clinical outcomes by analyzing data from Medicare, Medicaid, commercial insurance, and national pharmacy claims.

Telemedicine for opioid use disorder became more widespread across the country during the COVID-19 pandemic, and researchers have been eager to probe the data to find out if it improved access to care for patients in remote areas, and how the quality of care compared to traditional in-person care.

“Anything we can do to try to improve the healthcare system to more effectively allow people to access care and to do so in a more efficient way is really important,” said Huskamp. “We need research like this to guide policymaking, so that we can improve the system as much as possible for people to get the treatment that they need.”

 

Source:  https://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2025/09/only-1-in-4-addicted-to-opioids-takes-life-saving-meds-why/

By Jennie Taer – New York Post – Published Aug. 28, 2025, 6:00 a.m. ET

The US is “behind the curve” on fighting a deadly new synthetic narcotic that’s dramatically more lethal than fentanyl and resistant to Narcan, a top DEA agent warns.

Just as authorities in the US and China increase efforts to tackle the scourge of fentanyl, the drug manufacturers, who are motivated by “greed,” shifted to start producing nitazenes — an even deadlier poison, said Drug Enforcement Administration Houston Division Special Agent in Charge Jonathan C. Pullen.

The Trump administration has hit Mexico and China with sanctions and tariffs to force the foreign governments to act against illicit drug producers responsible for the poisonings of thousands of Americans each year.

Nitazenes and other synthetic drugs are often disguised to look like prescription pills.Getty Images

Additionally, with President Trump’s effort to close the southern border, the feds have seen a significant drop in the flow of illicit fentanyl into the US.

But the Chinese pharma companies and cartels have already moved to introduce a new and stronger drug that many authorities are just now learning about, Pullen said.

“And if we get into a place where then we are able to issue controls or China issues more controls on the precursor chemicals that go to these, they’ll just change the analog and it’ll go to another precursor chemical. China’s already done that,” he added.

Nitazenes are produced in China, often with the help of Mexican cartels that finish the product and move it north across the border, according to Pullen.

The potent narcotic can be up to 43 times stronger than fentanyl depending on the formula, according to the Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission.

Nitazenes are not included in routine drug tests or toxicology screenings, making them all the more challenging to detect.

While the feds are “making headway” to tackle the new threat, there’s still more work to be done, said Pullen.

“So it’s very very difficult to stay ahead of it, so we’ve got to continue to step up our enforcement along the border,” he said.

“I think that the number of overdose deaths being reduced in the United States is a testament to that. The enforcement is not the only reason its reduced. Naloxone [aka Narcan] is a huge piece too, but we’re definitely making some headway and we’re gonna keep pushing on that.”

There were 80,000 overdose deaths in the US in 2024 — a 27% drop from the 110,000 deaths estimated in 2023, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

While the wider use of Narcan has contributed to the drop in overdose deaths, nitazenes is often resistant to the drug antidote — adding a terrifying new pitfall, Pullen warned.

“It’s incredibly deadly and normal treatment methods like naloxone … don’t work as well on nitazenes because it’s so much stronger,” said Pullen.

“It’s really hard to overcome if you’ve taken one.”

In the Houston-area, there were 15 deaths related to nitazenes and 11 seizures of the drug between November and February, according to the DEA.

Two of the victims were best friends Lucci Reyes-McCallister, 22, and Hunter Clement, 21, who ingested pills marketed as Xanax and Percocet that actually contained N-pyrrolidino protonitazene, a form of nitazenes that is 25 times stronger than fentanyl.

An illustration that highlights the U.S. cities with the highest rates of nitazene-related overdoses.Jared Larson / NY Post Design

And their mothers are warning America’s youth in the hopes of saving lives.

“They could think something is clean or rather safe when it’s actually pressed for something that’s 20 to 40 times stronger, more deadly than fentanyl,” Lucci’s mother Grey recently told The Post.

“It just really lit a fire under me. There was no way Lucci was going to die in vain,” she added.

The drug was developed 60 years ago as a possible alternative to morphine, but was outlawed for medical use over its high overdose risk.

Authorities in Europe have already seen several overdoses from the synthetic narcotic. It was first detected in the US in 2019.

Last January, a Florida man confessed to distributing protonitazene that he received in mailed shipments from China, according to the IRS.

Customs officers at Kennedy are also seeing the drug coming through the airport “at least a few times a week in quantities ranging from just a few grams to upwards of a pound or more,” Andrew Renna, assistant port director for cargo operations at the airport, said in May.

Source: https://nypost.com/2025/08/28/us-news/america-not-ready-to-combat-nitazene-synthetic-opioids-dea-agent/

A new non-opioid pain reliever developed in Japan shows early success in clinical trials, offering hope for safer pain management. If effective, it could help curb the opioid crisis by providing a powerful alternative. Credit: Stock

The discovery of a new painkiller offers relief with fewer side effects.

Morphine and other opioids are commonly used in medicine because of their strong ability to relieve pain. Yet, they also pose significant risks, including respiratory depression and drug dependence. To limit these dangers, Japan enforces strict rules that allow only specially authorized physicians to prescribe such medications.

In contrast, the United States saw widespread prescribing of the opioid OxyContin, which fueled a rise in the misuse of synthetic opioids like fentanyl. By 2023, deaths from opioid overdoses had exceeded 80,000, marking the escalation of a nationwide public health emergency now known as the “opioid crisis.”

A new analgesic approach

Opioids may soon face competition. Researchers at Kyoto University have identified a new analgesic, named ADRIANA, that provides pain relief through a completely different biological pathway. The drug is now moving through clinical development as part of an international research collaboration.

“If successfully commercialized, ADRIANA would offer a new pain management option that does not rely on opioids, contributing significantly to the reduction of opioid use in clinical settings,” says corresponding author Masatoshi Hagiwara, a specially-appointed professor at Kyoto University.

Targeting adrenoceptors for safer pain relief

The researchers drew their initial inspiration from compounds that imitate noradrenaline, a chemical released during life-threatening situations that activates α2A-adrenoceptors to reduce pain. While effective, these compounds carry a high risk of destabilizing cardiovascular function. By examining the relationship between noradrenaline levels and α2B-adrenoceptors, the team proposed that selectively blocking α2B-adrenoceptors could increase noradrenaline activity, stimulate α2A-adrenoceptors, and provide pain relief without triggering cardiovascular instability.

To test this idea, the scientists used a specialized method called the TGFα shedding assay, which allowed them to measure the function of different α2-adrenoceptor subtypes. Through compound screening, they succeeded in identifying the world’s first selective α2B-adrenoceptor antagonist.

Promising clinical results and future trials

After success in administering the compound to mice and conducting non-clinical studies to assess its safety, physician-led clinical trials were conducted at Kyoto University Hospital. Both the Phase I trial in healthy volunteers and the Phase II trial in patients with postoperative pain following lung cancer surgery yielded highly promising results.

Building on these outcomes, preparations are now underway for a large-scale Phase II clinical trial in the United States, in collaboration with BTB Therapeutics, Inc, a Kyoto University-originated venture company.

As Japan’s first non-opioid analgesic, ADRIANA has the potential not only to relieve severe pain for patients worldwide but could also play a meaningful role in addressing the opioid crisis — a pressing social issue in the United States — and thus contribute to international public health efforts.

“We aim to evaluate the analgesic effects of ADRIANA across various types of pain and ultimately make this treatment accessible to a broader population of patients suffering from chronic pain,” says Hagiwara.

Source: https://scitechdaily.com/the-end-of-opioids-new-drug-could-change-the-way-we-treat-severe-pain/

 A new non-opioid pain reliever developed in Japan shows early success in clinical trials, offering hope for safer pain management.
If  effective, it could help curb the opioid crisis by providing a powerful alternative. Credit: Stock

The discovery of a new painkiller offers relief with fewer side effects.

Morphine and other opioids are commonly used in medicine because of their strong ability to relieve pain. Yet, they also pose significant risks, including respiratory depression and drug dependence. To limit these dangers, Japan enforces strict rules that allow only specially authorized physicians to prescribe such medications.

In contrast, the United States saw widespread prescribing of the opioid OxyContin, which fueled a rise in the misuse of synthetic opioids like fentanyl. By 2023, deaths from opioid overdoses had exceeded 80,000, marking the escalation of a nationwide public health emergency now known as the “opioid crisis.”

A new analgesic approach

Opioids may soon face competition. Researchers at Kyoto University have identified a new analgesic, named ADRIANA, that provides pain relief through a completely different biological pathway. The drug is now moving through clinical development as part of an international research collaboration.

“If successfully commercialized, ADRIANA would offer a new pain management option that does not rely on opioids, contributing significantly to the reduction of opioid use in clinical settings,” says corresponding author Masatoshi Hagiwara, a specially-appointed professor at Kyoto University.

Targeting adrenoceptors for safer pain relief

The researchers drew their initial inspiration from compounds that imitate noradrenaline, a chemical released during life-threatening situations that activates α2A-adrenoceptors to reduce pain. While effective, these compounds carry a high risk of destabilizing cardiovascular function. By examining the relationship between noradrenaline levels and α2B-adrenoceptors, the team proposed that selectively blocking α2B-adrenoceptors could increase noradrenaline activity, stimulate α2A-adrenoceptors, and provide pain relief without triggering cardiovascular instability.

  Mechanism of pain relief by ADRIANA. Credit: KyotoU / Hagiwara lab

To test this idea, the scientists used a specialized method called the TGFα shedding assay, which allowed them to measure the function of different α2-adrenoceptor subtypes. Through compound screening, they succeeded in identifying the world’s first selective α2B-adrenoceptor antagonist.

Promising clinical results and future trials

After success in administering the compound to mice and conducting non-clinical studies to assess its safety, physician-led clinical trials were conducted at Kyoto University Hospital. Both the Phase I trial in healthy volunteers and the Phase II trial in patients with postoperative pain following lung cancer surgery yielded highly promising results.

Building on these outcomes, preparations are now underway for a large-scale Phase II clinical trial in the United States, in collaboration with BTB Therapeutics, Inc, a Kyoto University-originated venture company.

As Japan’s first non-opioid analgesic, ADRIANA has the potential not only to relieve severe pain for patients worldwide but could also play a meaningful role in addressing the opioid crisis — a pressing social issue in the United States — and thus contribute to international public health efforts.

“We aim to evaluate the analgesic effects of ADRIANA across various types of pain and ultimately make this treatment accessible to a broader population of patients suffering from chronic pain,” says Hagiwara.

Reference: “Discovery and development of an oral analgesic targeting the α2B adrenoceptor” by Masayasu Toyomoto, Takashi Kurihara, Takayuki Nakagawa, Asuka Inoue, Ryo Kimura, Isao Kii, Teruo Sawada, Takashi Ogihara, Kazuki Nagayasu, Takayuki Kishi, Hiroshi Onogi, Dohyun Im, Hidetsugu Asada, So Iwata, Jumpei Taguchi, Yuto Sumida, Suguru Yoshida, Junken Aoki, Takamitsu Hosoya and Masatoshi Hagiwara, 7 August 2025, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
DOI: 10.1073/pnas.2500006122

Funding: Japan Society for the Promotion of Science, Japan Science and Technology Agency, Japan Agency for Medical Research and Development

Source:  https://scitechdaily.com/the-end-of-opioids-new-drug-could-change-the-way-we-treat-severe-pain/

by Nada Hassanein, Stateline reporter – ‘News from the States ‘- New Jersey – Jul 03, 2025
Carlos Santiago, an ambassador and driver for the Greater Hartford Harm Reduction Coalition (now known as the Connecticut Harm Reduction
Alliance), works at a mobile overdose prevention event in 2022 in New Haven, Conn. (Photo courtesy of Connecticut Harm Reduction Alliance,
formerly known as Greater Hartford Harm Reduction Coalition)

A study published Wednesday in the medical journal JAMA Network Open found that emergency room clinicians were much less likely to refer Black opioid overdose patients for outpatient treatment compared with white patients.

The researchers looked at the medical records of 1,683 opioid overdose patients from emergency rooms in nine states: California, Colorado, Georgia, Michigan, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, Oregon and Pennsylvania.

About 5.7% of Black patients received referrals for outpatient treatment, compared with 9.6% of white patients, according to the researchers, who received a federal grant from the National Institute on Drug Abuse to conduct the analysis.

While the nation saw a decrease in opioid overdose deaths in white people between 2021 and 2022, overdose death rates increased for American Indian, Alaska Native, Asian, Black and Hispanic people. Patients visiting ERs for opioid overdoses are more likely to die from an overdose after the visit, the authors wrote, underscoring the importance of gaining “an improved understanding of disparities in [emergency department] treatment and referral.”

In total, roughly 18% of the patients received a referral for outpatient treatment, 43% received a naloxone kit or prescription, and 8.4% received a prescription for buprenorphine, the first-line medication for treating opioid use disorder.

The researchers used records from 10 hospital sites participating in a national consortium collecting data on overdoses from fentanyl and its related drugs. The patient records were from September 2020 to November 2023.

Another study in JAMA Network Open, released last week, found similar disparities: Black and Hispanic patients were significantly less likely than white patients to receive buprenorphine. Black patients had a 17% chance, and Hispanic patients a 16% chance, to be prescribed the therapy, compared with a 20% chance for white patients.

The authors of that study, from the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai in New York City, looked at data from 176,000 records of opioid-related events between 2017 and 2022 across all 50 states.

Source:  https://www.newsfromthestates.com/article/new-studies-find-wide-racial-disparities-opioid-overdose-treatment-referrals

However, that artificial dopamine forces the brain to adapt to opioids and, as a result, produces less natural feelings of dopamine. Thus, it creates a reliance and dependence on these opioids, demonstrating how these short-term pain reliefs lead to life-threatening problems. 

The National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) highlights how opioid use affects our crucial brain circuits, which leads to an alteration of our decision-making, self-control, stress levels, and behavior. Opioids have everlasting effects because the drug not only alters behavior but also damages brain and mental perspective. Thus, people continue relying on addictive opioids for dopamine and cognitive security, making the drug both the problem and the perceived solution.

In response to this epidemic, the Alameda County Health Department is fighting the opioid crisis by building solutions that address and allow communities to thrive without opioids.

In March 2025, the county partnered with the Three Valleys Community Foundation and 12 community-based organizations by granting $2.7 million, allowing for new and creative solutions to save lives. By understanding the importance of community during this crisis, the county is encouraging programs that focus on reducing harm, expanding treatment access and rehabilitation programs. Their coexistence of science and community innovation allows a healing space for opioid addiction, addressing the heart of the opioid crisis to overcome this crisis.


This article was written as part of a program to educate youth and others about Alameda County’s opioid crisis, prevention and treatment options. The program is funded by the Alameda County (California) Behavioral Health Department and the grant is administered by Three Valleys Community Foundation.

Source:  https://www.pleasantonweekly.com/alameda-county/2025/07/04/opioid-science-and-alameda-countys-response/

From: Herschel Baker – International Liaison Director, Drug Free Australia – 06 July 2025

Drug Free Australia forwarded this paper by Dr Ross Colquhoun, Executive Committee Member and Research Fellow for DFA.

The paper runs to 105 pages; was written on  April 12, 2025 and was posted on 2 May 2025

https://acrobat.adobe.com/id/urn:aaid:sc:AP:23cb5790-410e-4a7b-be9d-0d6d9a30bdaa?

Abstract

This paper presents a critical evaluation of opioid agonist treatment (OAT), particularly methadone maintenance treatment (MMT), compared with opioid antagonist therapy using naltrexone. Drawing on a broad body of literature including randomized controlled trials, cohort studies, and government reports, the paper questions the longstanding assumptions regarding the effectiveness and safety of methadone. It highlights serious concerns regarding methadone-related mortality-especially during induction and cessation phases-long-term dependency, limited efficacy in preventing illicit drug use, and poor impact on the transmission of blood-borne viruses such as HIV and hepatitis C. The review also exposes methodological weaknesses and selective reporting in key studies supporting MMT. In contrast, evidence is presented to support the safety and effectiveness of long-acting naltrexone implants, which offer lower relapse rates, improved social functioning, and the potential for complete abstinence without ongoing opioid dependency. The paper argues that the continued privileging of methadone by public health institutions may be driven more by ideology and institutional inertia than evidence. It calls for a re-evaluation of harm reduction policies and urges greater accessibility to abstinence-focused, naltrexone-based treatment options, along with ancillary psychological and medical support. Recommendations include transparency in data reporting, broader dissemination of naltrexone research, and a policy shift toward full recovery rather than prolonged maintenance.

 

Keywords: Opioid Use Disorder (OUD), Methadone Maintenance Treatment (MMT), Naltrexone, Opioid Agonist Treatment (OAT), Harm Reduction, Opioid Dependency, Relapse Prevention, Public Health Policy, Overdose Mortality, Evidence-Based Treatment

Colquhoun, Ross, A Comparative Study of the Use of Methadone and Naltrexone in the Treatment of Opioid Dependency (April 12, 2025). Available at SSRN (formerly known as Social Science Research Network: )https://ssrn.com/abstract=5238680 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.5238680

To access the full document:

  1. Click on the ‘Source’ link below.
  2. An image  – the front page of the full document will appear.
  3. Click on the image to open the full document.
Source: Naltrexone v Methadone – SSRN

 by Andrew Yockey, Assistant Professor of Public Health, University of Mississippi July 3, 2025

Once associated with high-profile figures like John Belushi, River Phoenix and Chris Farley , this dangerous polysubstance use has become a leading cause of overdose deaths across the United States since the early- to mid-2010s.

I am an assistant professor of public health who has written extensively on methamphetamine and opioid use and the dangerous combination of the two in the United States.

As these dangerous combinations of drugs increasingly flood the market, I see an urgent need and opportunity for a new approach to prevention and treatment.

Why speedballing?

Dating back to the 1970s, the term speedballing originally referred to the combination of heroin and cocaine. Combining stimulants and opioids – the former’s “rush” with the latter’s calming effect – creates a dangerous physiological conflict.

According to the National Institute on Drug Abuse, stimulant-involved overdose fatalities increased markedly from more than 12,000 annually in 2015 to greater than 57,000 in 2022, a 375% increase. Notably, approximately 70% of stimulant-related overdose deaths in 2022 also involved fentanyl or other synthetic opioids, reflecting the rising prevalence of polysubstance involvement in overdose mortality.

Users sought to experience the euphoric “rush” from the stimulant and the calming effects of the opioid. However, with the proliferation of fentanyl – which is far more potent than heroin – this combination has become increasingly lethal. Fentanyl is often mixed with cocaine or methamphetamine, sometimes without the user’s knowledge, leading to unintentional overdoses.

The rise in speedballing is part of a broader trend of polysubstance use in the U.S. Since 2010, overdoses involving both stimulants and fentanyl have increased 50-fold, now accounting for approximately 35,000 deaths annually.

This has been called the fourth wave of the opioid epidemic. The toxic and contaminated drug supply has exacerbated this crisis.

A dangerous combination of physiological effects

Stimulants like cocaine increase heart rate and blood pressure, while opioids suppress respiratory function. This combination can lead to respiratory failure, cardiovascular collapse and death. People who use both substances are more than twice as likely to experience a fatal overdose compared with those using opioids alone.

The conflicting effects of stimulants and opioids can also exacerbate mental health issues. Users may experience heightened anxiety, depression and paranoia. The combination can also impair cognitive functions, leading to confusion and poor decision-making.

Speedballing can also lead to severe cardiovascular problems, including hypertension, heart attack and stroke. The strain on the heart and blood vessels from the stimulant, combined with the depressant effects of the opioid, increases the risk of these life-threatening conditions.

Addressing the crisis

Increasing awareness about the dangers of speedballing is crucial. I believe that educational campaigns can inform the public about the risks of combining stimulants and opioids and the potential for unintentional fentanyl exposure.

There is a great need for better access to treatment for people with stimulant use disorder – a condition defined as the continued use of amphetamine-type substances, cocaine or other stimulants leading to clinically significant impairment or distress, from mild to severe. Treatments for this and other substance use disorders are underfunded and less accessible than those for opioid use disorder. Addressing this gap can help reduce the prevalence of speedballing.

Implementing harm reduction strategies by public health officials, community organizations and health care providers, such as providing fentanyl test strips and naloxone – a medication that reverses opioid overdoses – can save lives.

These measures allow individuals to test their drugs for the presence of fentanyl and have immediate access to overdose-reversing medication. Implementing these strategies widely is crucial to reducing overdose deaths and improving community health outcomes.

Source: https://theconversation.com/speedballing-the-deadly-mix-of-stimulants-and-opioids-requires-a-new-approach-to-prevention-and-treatment-257425

Disclosure statement

Andrew Yockey does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

By Joe Rossiter – The Mail on Sunday-  29 June 2025 

More than a quarter of police and crime commissioners have written to the policing minister calling for cannabis to be upgraded to a class A substance, The Mail on Sunday can reveal.

In the stark letter to Dame Diana Johnson MP, seen exclusively by this newspaper, 14 police chiefs claim the effect of the drug in society ‘may be far worse’ than heroin.

They warn that ‘we cannot allow this to become the Britain of the future’. And they also hit out at the recent report by the London Commission – backed by Labour London mayor Sir Sadiq Khan – which suggested decriminalising small amounts of cannabis, which is currently a class B drug.

‘Heroin can kill quickly but the cumulative effect of cannabis in our society may be far worse,’ the letter states. 

It adds that class A status – which comes with potential life sentences for suppliers – was the way forward ‘rather than effective decriminalising’.

And renowned psychiatrist Professor Sir Robin Murray, of King’s College London, told The Mail on Sunday that the UK may now be ‘at the beginnings of an epidemic of cannabis-induced psychosis’ which could overwhelm NHS mental health services.

The commissioners also pointed to other countries where laws are laxer, warning that the US has seen ‘unofficial pharmacies’ selling cannabis and the powerful opiate fentanyl alongside one another, while Portugal has been forced to consider reversing drug decriminalisation after a 30-fold increase in psychosis.

They said cannabis’s effects were so devastating it had ‘more birth defects associated with it than thalidomide’ – the notorious morning sickness drug which caused deformities among thousands of babies in the 1950s and 1960s.

More than a quarter of police and crime commissioners have written to the policing minister calling for cannabis to be upgraded to a class A substance (file pic)

Marcus Monzo, 37, was last week found guilty of 14-year-old Daniel Anjorin’s murder while in a state of cannabis-induced psychosis Monzo attacked the teenager with a samurai sword in Hainault, east London, last May

Their warnings came after Marcus Monzo, 37, was last week found guilty of 14-year-old Daniel Anjorin’s murder after he attacked him with a samurai sword in Hainault, east London, while in a state of cannabis-induced psychosis.

David Sidwick, Police and Crime Commissioner for Dorset, said cannabis legislation was ‘clearly not fit for purpose’ and likened it to ‘using a machete for brain surgery’. 

He added the public wanted to see ‘tougher measures’ for cannabis possession because it was a gateway to harder drugs.

His Devon and Cornwall counterpart Alison Hernandez said: ‘The fact that we’ve been so blase about cannabis in society means that people think it’s legal and normal, and it’s not. 

‘We’ve got to show them that it’s not, and the way you do that is to be quite fierce in your enforcement arrangements.’

Latest figures show three in four people caught with cannabis avoid appearing in court, while 87 per cent of children and young people in alcohol and drug treatment cited cannabis dependency, compared to 39 per cent for alcohol.

In the stark letter to Dame Diana Johnson MP, 14 police chiefs claim the effect of the drug in society ‘may be far worse’ than heroin

David Sidwick, Police and Crime Commissioner for Dorset, said he wanted to see ‘tougher measures’ for cannabis possession because it was a gateway to harder drugs (file pic)

Stuart Reece, an Australian clinician and cannabis researcher quoted in the letter said more than 90 per cent of hard drug addicts he encountered had started with cannabis.

He said pro-cannabis campaigners had the view it was ‘my right to use drugs and destroy my body and you will pay for it through the NHS’.

Dr Karen Randall, a physician in the US state of Colorado where recreational cannabis was legalised in 2012, said healthcare costs linked to the drug are ‘exorbitant’.

A Home Office spokesman said: ‘We work with partners across health, policing and wider public services to drive down drug use, ensure more people receive timely treatment and support, and make our streets and communities safer.’

Source: https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-14857305/Cannabis-worse-society-heroin-police-tsars-upgrade-class.html

by Pavani Rangachari, Alvin Tran –  Department of Population Health and Leadership, University of New Haven, 300 Boston Post Road, West Haven, CT, USA, – 14 February 2025

Abstract: The opioid crisis in the United States remains a major public health emergency, claiming over 100,000 lives annually, with potent synthetic opioids like fentanyl driving the surge in overdose deaths. In response, the US Food and Drug Administration’s (FDA) approval of over-the-counter (OTC) Narcan represents a pivotal step toward expanding access to naloxone, a life-saving medication that reverses opioid overdoses. However, maximizing the public health impact of this measure requires more than increasing availability—it demands a comprehensive, systemic approach that fosters community engagement, advances harm reduction, and transforms healthcare delivery. This paper applies the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation’s (RWJF) Culture of Health (COH) model to provide a structured framework for optimizing Narcan’s impact. Through its four interconnected pillars, (1) making health a shared value, (2) fostering cross-sector collaboration, (3) ensuring equitable access, and (4) transforming healthcare systems, the COH model offers critical insights into building sustainable, community-wide overdose prevention strategies. Central to this effort is stigma reduction, as negative perceptions of opioid use disorder continue to undermine both public willingness to seek naloxone and healthcare providers’ readiness to offer it. Within the COH framework, the paper examines evidence-based interventions that normalize naloxone use, innovative cross-sector partnerships that foster acceptance, and policy initiatives that expand access while addressing systemic inequities. By synthesizing real-world success stories, including community-based naloxone distribution programs, law enforcement-assisted interventions, and hospital-based harm reduction initiatives, this paper outlines a strategic blueprint for translating the FDA’s Narcan ruling into lasting public health outcomes. It concludes with actionable recommendations for healthcare systems, policymakers, and public health agencies to institutionalize harm reduction practices and dismantle barriers to care. Only by embedding a Culture of Health into the fabric of healthcare, public health, and community systems can we achieve lasting progress against the opioid crisis and foster healthier, more equitable communities.

Keywords: opioid crisis, naloxone access, harm reduction, Narcan, culture of health model, substance use disorder, overdose prevention, health equity

Introduction

The opioid crisis continues to devastate the United States, with over 100,000 annual deaths linked to drug overdoses—75% involving opioids.1 Potent synthetic opioids like fentanyl exacerbate the crisis, often requiring multiple doses of naloxone to reverse an overdose. Naloxone, sold under the brand name Narcan, is a life-saving medication that quickly reverses opioid overdoses by blocking opioid receptors.2 With the surge in opioid-related deaths, harm reduction strategies like Narcan have become crucial tools in the fight against opioid addiction.2,3 Timely administration of Narcan can mean the difference between life and death, making widespread distribution and education on its use essential in combating the opioid crisis.

The COVID-19 pandemic intensified the opioid crisis, increasing substance use and overdose deaths due to isolation, economic instability, and disrupted healthcare services. Overdose death rates spiked nearly 30% between 2020 and 2021, underscoring the urgent need for accessible interventions.4 In March 2023, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approved Narcan for over-the-counter (OTC) use, making it the first naloxone product available without a prescription. This landmark decision aimed to enhance harm reduction by expanding naloxone access to individuals at risk of overdose, their families, and communities.5

However, the OTC rollout has faced challenges. While major retailers now stock Narcan, the high price (around $45 per two-dose kit) remains a barrier.6 Rural and low-income pharmacies struggle with consistent availability, exacerbating disparities.7 Stigma surrounding opioid use and Narcan also persists, deterring some pharmacists from recommending or stocking it.8–10 Beyond access, awareness and confidence in using Narcan remain limited. Many potential users lack proper training, emphasizing the need for public education campaigns.11–13 Calls for naloxone training, similar to Cardiopulmonary Resuscitation (CPR) certification, highlight the importance of ensuring more people can effectively administer this life-saving intervention.14

The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation’s (RWJF) Culture of Health (COH) model provides a valuable framework for addressing these challenges.15 Developed through interdisciplinary consultation, evidence reviews, and stakeholder engagement, the COH model was designed to promote cross-sector collaboration, address social determinants of health, and foster equitable opportunities for well-being in all communities. It is particularly relevant to the opioid crisis, where stigma, fragmented systems, and entrenched inequities impede progress. Since its introduction in 2015, the COH model has been widely applied in public health, community development, and health equity efforts, demonstrating its utility as both a conceptual and practical guide for systemic change.16,17

While models such as the Social Ecological Model (SEM) and Social and Behavior Change Communication (SBCC) approaches emphasize the importance of multilevel interventions and sustainable behavior change, they often remain abstract and narrowly focused on programmatic strategies.18,19 In contrast, the COH model operationalizes these principles into a tangible, systems-level blueprint for driving long-term societal transformation. Applying the COH model to overdose prevention offers a comprehensive approach for shifting societal values, strengthening healthcare and community systems, and promoting resilience.

The four pillars of the COH model, (1) making health a shared value, (2) fostering cross-sector collaboration, (3) ensuring equitable healthcare access, and (4) transforming healthcare systems, are deeply interconnected rather than mutually exclusive. Some thematic overlap across the pillars is therefore expected and reflects real-world dynamics where key stakeholders, including pharmacies, healthcare providers, law enforcement, and community organizations, intersect across multiple strategies to address opioid overdose prevention. Drawing upon this framework, this paper examines how the COH model can guide the translation of the FDA’s Narcan ruling into meaningful public health impact. It explores challenges, opportunities, and evidence-based interventions aligned with each pillar, offering strategic insights for overcoming stigma, expanding naloxone distribution, promoting cross-sector partnerships, and embedding harm reduction within healthcare and community systems.

Purpose and Significance

Building on this framework, this paper applies the COH model to examine how the four pillars—making health a shared value, fostering cross-sector collaboration, ensuring equitable access, and transforming healthcare systems—can guide the translation of the FDA’s over-the-counter approval of Narcan into sustained public health impact.

By examining each pillar, this paper identifies key challenges, opportunities, and evidence-based strategies for creating a culture of health that prioritizes opioid overdose prevention and recovery. It highlights how stigma, access disparities, and systemic barriers can be overcome through targeted interventions, collaboration across sectors, and an integrated approach to harm reduction and treatment.

The significance of this work lies in its potential to guide stakeholders in translating the FDA ruling into actionable and sustainable solutions. The COH model provides a unique lens through which to address the structural inequities and social determinants of health that underlie the opioid crisis. By offering a comprehensive roadmap for building healthier, more equitable communities, this paper contributes to the broader public health effort to reduce overdose deaths and support individuals on their path to recovery. Given the interconnectedness of the COH pillars, some thematic overlap is expected, particularly regarding key strategies such as stigma reduction, cross-sector collaboration, and harm reduction integration, which span multiple domains of action.

Pillar 1: Making the Prevention of Opioid Overdose Deaths a Shared Value

The first pillar of the COH model, making health a shared value, emphasizes the need for a collective mindset in addressing public health crises.20 Preventing opioid overdose deaths requires not only access to Narcan but also a cultural shift where opioid overdose is seen as a community issue rather than an individual failing. Overcoming stigma surrounding opioid use disorder (OUD) is central to fostering shared responsibility.21

Addressing Stigma in Communities and Pharmacies

Stigma remains a major barrier to naloxone access. Many individuals hesitate to seek naloxone due to fear of being judged, while some pharmacists are reluctant to dispense it, believing it enables risky opioid use.22 Studies show that low-income and rural pharmacies are less likely to stock naloxone, limiting access in the very communities that need it most.23

However, promising initiatives demonstrate that stigma reduction can improve naloxone uptake. For example, in San Francisco, robust harm reduction messaging and naloxone distribution programs have helped normalize overdose prevention.24 These initiatives illustrate how treating overdose as a medical emergency rather than a moral failure can encourage individuals to seek naloxone without fear.25

The Role of Harm Reduction

Harm reduction is a crucial framework in changing societal views about opioid use. It emphasizes the importance of helping individuals where they are without judgment or discrimination.26 Harm reduction approaches, like the distribution of Narcan, aim to reduce the immediate harm caused by opioid use while acknowledging that recovery is a long-term process.25 Naloxone is increasingly recognized as a first-aid tool that can save lives in the same way as Cardio-Pulmonary Resuscitation (CPR) or an EpiPen does, shifting public perception of overdose response from an individual issue to a community responsibility.9

For example, in Massachusetts, a statewide overdose education and naloxone distribution program trained community members and law enforcement in Narcan administration.27 Thousands of overdoses have been reversed through these efforts, proving that equipping communities with the right tools can save lives.28

Shifting the Law Enforcement Perspective

Law enforcement officers are often the first responders to overdose emergencies, and their role in administering Narcan is pivotal. However, some police departments have been slow to adopt naloxone due to concerns about enabling drug use.12

Yet, success stories like those in Seattle, Washington, have demonstrated how law enforcement can become part of the solution.29 By adopting harm reduction principles, the Seattle Police Department began equipping officers with naloxone, saving over 100 lives in just one year.29 Changing police training to prioritize harm reduction over punitive measures can help officers view overdose prevention as part of their public duty rather than an enforcement challenge.30

The Role of Public Education

Public education campaigns are crucial in making naloxone use a shared responsibility. Initiatives in Rhode Island and Ohio have successfully increased community engagement by distributing naloxone kits alongside instructional materials.31,32 These efforts emphasize that anyone—a family member, friend, or bystander—can intervene in an overdose and save a life.

In summary, the first pillar of the COH model calls for a cultural shift in how opioid overdose prevention is perceived. Reducing stigma, fostering harm reduction, engaging law enforcement, and expanding public education are essential strategies in making naloxone access a shared value. Success stories from community pharmacy programs, law enforcement adoption, and public health initiatives underscore the importance of collaboration in changing societal attitudes. By making overdose prevention a collective responsibility, communities can create a culture of health that prioritizes saving lives.

Pillar 2: Fostering Cross-Sector Collaborations to Improve the Well-Being of People Affected by Opioid Overdose

The second pillar of the COH model emphasizes the importance of fostering cross-sector collaborations to address complex public health challenges.15 In the case of opioid overdose prevention, cross-sector collaboration is essential to ensure that individuals affected by OUD receive not only immediate overdose reversal via Narcan but also access to long-term treatment and recovery options. The FDA’s approval of OTC Narcan has opened new avenues for collaboration, particularly between traditional healthcare settings and community-based organizations that can distribute and educate the public about naloxone.5 However, challenges remain, in effectively coordinating these efforts across different sectors to maximize impact.33

Pharmacies and Public Health Agencies: A Crucial Partnership

Pharmacies play a pivotal role in the distribution of Narcan, as they are often the most accessible healthcare providers in many communities.34 However, their effectiveness depends on partnerships with public health agencies to address stigma, insurance coverage gaps, and disparities in access. Some community pharmacies work with local health departments to ensure naloxone availability, particularly in high-risk areas.35 For example, in Ohio, collaboration between pharmacies and the state health department has expanded naloxone distribution and pharmacist education.35,36

However, many rural and low-income urban pharmacies struggle to stock naloxone due to financial constraints. The state of Massachusetts has addressed this by funding pharmacy naloxone programs and mandating availability. Expanding such initiatives to other states could further reduce access barriers.37

Engaging Law Enforcement in Overdose Prevention

Law enforcement officers are often first responders to overdoses, making their involvement crucial.33 However, law enforcement participation in overdose prevention has been uneven due to concerns about enabling drug use and a lack of clarity on the role of harm reduction in public safety. Nevertheless, successful cross-sector collaborations between law enforcement and public health advocates have demonstrated the potential for law enforcement officers to play a vital role in overdose prevention.33,38

One example of effective collaboration is the Law Enforcement Assisted Diversion (LEAD) program, implemented in multiple cities, allowing officers to divert individuals with substance use disorders to treatment rather than jail.38 In Seattle, Washington, this approach has led to fewer drug-related arrests and greater engagement in recovery services.38

Similarly, Ohio police officers carrying naloxone have reversed thousands of overdoses with support from local health agencies providing training and supplies. Expanding naloxone training for law enforcement officers and integrating harm reduction into policing can further strengthen overdose response efforts.39

Hospitals and Community-Based Organizations: Bridging the Treatment Gap

Hospitals are another key player in overdose prevention, as they are often the first point of contact for individuals following a non-fatal overdose.40 However, ensuring that individuals receive follow-up care and access to long-term treatment remains a significant challenge. Cross-sector collaboration between hospitals and community-based organizations can help bridge this gap.41

For example, the “Warm Handoff” model, implemented in states like Pennsylvania and Rhode Island, involves connecting individuals who have experienced an overdose with peer recovery specialists before they are discharged from the hospital.42 In Rhode Island, this model has resulted in a significant increase in treatment engagement among individuals who have experienced a non-fatal overdose.43

Additionally, some hospitals now include naloxone kits and harm reduction education in discharge protocols. Expanding partnerships between hospitals and harm reduction organizations in the community can improve long-term outcomes for individuals at high risk of overdose.44

Schools and Educational Institutions: Expanding Naloxone Training

Schools have an important role to play in overdose prevention, particularly in areas where opioid use is prevalent among youth.45 Cross-sector collaborations between schools, public health agencies, and harm reduction organizations can help ensure that naloxone training is integrated into educational curricula and that students are equipped with the knowledge to respond to an overdose.46 In New Jersey, the Department of Education partnered with local health agencies to provide naloxone training to students and staff, increasing awareness and preparedness.47 Expanding similar programs nationwide could further strengthen community overdose response.48

In summary, fostering cross-sector collaboration is essential for expanding Narcan use and improving overdose prevention. Pharmacies, public health agencies, law enforcement, hospitals, and schools each play a critical role. Programs like LEAD, Warm Handoff, and school-based naloxone training demonstrate the effectiveness of collaboration in saving lives and promoting harm reduction. However, challenges remain, particularly in addressing disparities in naloxone access and shifting attitudes toward harm reduction. Continued investment in cross-sector partnerships is necessary to ensure that naloxone reaches those who need it most.

Pillar 3: Creating Healthier Communities by Investing in Efforts to Ensure Equitable Access to Narcan

The third pillar of the COH model emphasizes creating healthier communities by advancing policies and practices that promote well-being for all.15 Equitable access to life-saving interventions like Narcan is central to addressing the opioid crisis in the United States. While Narcan has proven to reduce opioid overdose deaths, barriers to access persist, especially among vulnerable populations.6,8 Addressing these barriers is essential for building healthier, more resilient communities.

Insurance Coverage and Affordability Barriers

Despite the FDA’s approval of over-the-counter Narcan, cost remains a significant barrier, particularly for those without insurance.49 Medicaid and Medicare generally cover naloxone, but private insurance coverage is inconsistent, and out-of-pocket costs can exceed $120 for a single box, making it unaffordable for low-income individuals and families in areas most impacted by the opioid epidemic.50

Many pharmacies in low-income communities do not carry Narcan due to limited demand, driven partly by high costs and lack of insurance coverage.10 Some states, like New York, have programs such as the Naloxone Co-payment Assistance Program (N-CAP), which covers up to $40 of co-payments for naloxone prescriptions.51 However, uninsured individuals still face significant challenges. Expanding public funding and mandating insurance coverage for naloxone could reduce these disparities.52

Geographic Disparities in Naloxone Access

Naloxone availability also varies significantly by region, with rural and low-income urban areas facing the greatest challenges.53 Pharmacies in these regions are less likely to stock naloxone due to lower demand and limited resources, leaving high-risk communities without access to this life-saving medication.23

To address these disparities, some states have implemented standing orders allowing pharmacies to dispense naloxone without a prescription.54 In Massachusetts, a statewide standing order has substantially increased naloxone distribution, particularly in rural areas.55 Harm reduction organizations have also stepped in to fill gaps in access.25 For instance, in West Virginia, harm reduction programs have distributed thousands of naloxone kits to rural communities, reducing overdose deaths.56

The Role of Independent and Chain Pharmacies

A stark contrast exists between independent and chain pharmacies in naloxone availability. Independent pharmacies, especially in rural areas, are less likely to stock naloxone due to financial constraints and concerns about serving individuals who use drugs.57 In contrast, chain pharmacies like CVS and Walgreens are more likely to stock naloxone and have policies in place to ensure availability.58

CVS, for example, launched a public education campaign to increase awareness of Narcan’s availability and its role in saving lives.59 However, independent pharmacies in underserved areas still require targeted support, including financial incentives and education programs, to address these disparities and ensure naloxone reaches communities in need.60

Overcoming Stigma and Promoting a Culture of Health

Stigma remains one of the most significant barriers to naloxone access. Many individuals who use opioids hesitate to seek naloxone out of fear of judgment or being labeled as drug users. This stigma extends to healthcare providers, pharmacists, and law enforcement officials, some of whom are reluctant to stock or distribute naloxone due to misconceptions that it enables risky opioid use.21

Shifting public perceptions is critical to overcoming these barriers. Public health campaigns, like California’s “Know Overdose” initiative, educate communities about naloxone’s role as a harm reduction tool that saves lives.61 These campaigns emphasize that opioid overdoses are medical emergencies requiring immediate intervention, similar to heart attacks or strokes. By changing attitudes, such initiatives help normalize naloxone use and encourage greater distribution in communities affected by the opioid crisis.62

Success Stories: Expanding Naloxone Access Through Public Policy

Several states and cities have successfully expanded naloxone access through innovative public policy initiatives. In Rhode Island, the Department of Health allows community organizations to distribute naloxone directly to individuals without requiring them to visit a pharmacy.43 This approach has been particularly effective in reaching homeless individuals and those living in poverty.

Similarly, Illinois runs a statewide program providing free naloxone kits to people at risk of overdose and their loved ones. These kits are distributed through a network of healthcare providers, harm reduction groups, and community organizations, ensuring naloxone reaches those who need it most.63

In Philadelphia, the city’s health department partnered with local businesses to distribute naloxone at convenience stores, libraries, and recreation centers, improving access in neighborhoods with high overdose rates. Such efforts demonstrate the potential for innovative strategies to reduce opioid-related deaths by ensuring naloxone is readily available in underserved communities.64 Similarly, in Minnesota, public health officials have launched Narcan vending machines in Minneapolis, ensuring 24/7 access to the medication in high-risk areas, further demonstrating how innovative distribution strategies can improve equitable naloxone access.65

In summary, creating healthier communities through equitable access to Narcan requires addressing cost, insurance coverage, and geographic disparities while reducing stigma. Public policy initiatives, partnerships between pharmacies and public health agencies, and public education campaigns are all essential components. Success stories from states like Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Illinois highlight the impact of these efforts, but continued investment is needed to expand access to all at-risk populations. By prioritizing equitable access to naloxone, communities can take significant steps toward reducing overdose deaths and improving public health outcomes.

Pillar 4: Transforming Health and Healthcare Systems for Treatment of Opioid Use Disorder

The fourth pillar of the COH model emphasizes integrating healthcare and public health services to ensure equitable access to quality, affordable care. This is particularly critical for addressing OUD, which requires transforming healthcare systems to deliver comprehensive, evidence-based treatment that includes harm reduction, medication-assisted treatment (MAT), and long-term recovery support.66 The FDA’s approval of over-the-counter Narcan is a step in this direction, but systemic changes are needed to address the broader opioid crisis.66

Integrating Harm Reduction Into Healthcare Systems

Harm reduction, including naloxone distribution, is central to OUD care. However, healthcare systems must go beyond providing naloxone to integrate harm reduction into routine care. Hospitals play a crucial role through initiatives like “warm handoffs”, where overdose patients in emergency departments (EDs) are connected with addiction specialists or recovery services before discharge.67 This approach ensures follow-up care, including MAT and access to harm reduction tools such as fentanyl test strips.53,68

In Rhode Island, hospitals have integrated naloxone distribution into discharge protocols for OUD patients, reducing repeat overdoses and increasing engagement in recovery services. Such efforts demonstrate how transforming hospital protocols can embed harm reduction as a standard part of care.67,69

Expanding Access to Medication-Assisted Treatment (MAT)

MAT, which combines medications like methadone or buprenorphine with behavioral therapies, is one of the most effective treatments for OUD. However, access to MAT is uneven, particularly in rural and underserved areas.53 Telemedicine has emerged as a valuable solution, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic when regulatory changes allowed for remote MAT delivery.70 Permanently adopting telehealth flexibilities can further expand MAT access for those in areas with limited healthcare infrastructure.

Community-based pharmacies have also begun dispensing buprenorphine, providing additional access points for individuals who lack specialized addiction treatment centers. This model increases accessibility and helps normalize OUD treatment within the broader healthcare system, reducing stigma.71

Training Healthcare Providers to Address OUD

A significant barrier to improving OUD treatment is the lack of provider training. Many doctors, nurses, and pharmacists receive little education on substance use disorders, leading to missed intervention opportunities.72 States like Massachusetts have started addressing this gap by requiring prescribers to complete training on opioid safety, naloxone use, and MAT referrals.73 Expanding such requirements to include all healthcare providers, including behavioral and allied health professionals, would strengthen the workforce’s capacity to address OUD.74

Healthcare systems can also leverage online training modules and virtual workshops to keep providers updated on evidence-based practices.75 By investing in training, healthcare systems can create a more informed and effective workforce capable of meeting the needs of individuals with OUD.

Using Data to Drive Systemic Change

Leveraging data is essential for transforming healthcare systems to address OUD. Electronic health records (EHRs) and claims data can identify high-risk patients and enable targeted interventions. For example, pharmacies can track opioid prescriptions and provide naloxone or MAT to patients identified as at-risk.76

Public health agencies can collaborate with healthcare systems to implement data-driven strategies. In Pennsylvania, the Prescription Drug Monitoring Program (PDMP) has been used to track prescriptions, reduce overprescribing, and identify individuals at risk of overdose.76 By integrating PDMP data with public health initiatives, Pennsylvania has reduced opioid-related deaths and improved access to treatment.76,77

By combining harm reduction, MAT expansion, provider training, and data-driven strategies, healthcare systems can play a pivotal role in addressing the opioid crisis and supporting individuals with OUD.78

Discussion

The application of the four pillars of the COH model provides significant insights into the multifaceted strategies needed to address the opioid crisis through the wider use of Narcan. Each pillar emphasizes different dimensions of collaboration, equity, and system transformation, all of which are essential for reducing opioid overdose deaths and supporting individuals with OUD. Notably, success stories across different states demonstrate how the four pillars can operate synergistically to improve overdose outcomes. In Massachusetts and Rhode Island, comprehensive strategies integrating public health, healthcare, and community partners have expanded naloxone access, reduced stigma, and improved care transitions. In San Francisco, robust harm reduction messaging and community-based naloxone distribution initiatives have shifted cultural perceptions. Similarly, Ohio and Seattle, Washington, have demonstrated the importance of law enforcement engagement and cross-sector partnerships in supporting overdose prevention and recovery efforts. These examples illustrate that while each pillar offers distinct insights, their real-world application often occurs in combination, reinforcing the need for integrated, place-based approaches to building a Culture of Health. At the same time, each pillar addresses a unique dimension of systemic change: making health a shared value fosters societal norms that reduce stigma; cross-sector collaboration mobilizes diverse resources and leadership; equitable access ensures that life-saving interventions reach marginalized populations; and transforming healthcare systems embeds harm reduction and recovery support into clinical practice. Recognizing the distinct role of each pillar is critical to designing comprehensive and sustainable public health strategies to address the opioid crisis.

Summary of Insights and Takeaways from the Four Pillars

Pillar 1 emphasizes making opioid overdose prevention a shared value by overcoming stigma and fostering community-wide responsibility. Stigma in pharmacies and law enforcement discourages individuals from seeking naloxone.17,20 Successful harm reduction efforts in San Francisco and Massachusetts demonstrate that community support and education can normalize naloxone as a life-saving intervention, akin to other emergency medical tools.9,24,27

Pillar 2 underscores the importance of cross-sector collaborations in promoting Narcan’s use. Partnerships among pharmacies, law enforcement, hospitals, and community organizations have proven effective in programs like the LEAD program and hospital-based naloxone distribution. These collaborations increase access to timely overdose interventions and long-term treatment.38

Pillar 3 highlights the need to address economic and geographic barriers to Narcan access in rural and low-income communities. Initiatives in Rhode Island, New York, and Massachusetts have improved access by reducing costs and promoting community collaborations. Addressing disparities and ensuring pharmacies stock naloxone are essential to saving lives.43,51,54,55

Pillar 4 focuses on transforming healthcare systems to integrate harm reduction and MAT. Telemedicine has expanded MAT access in underserved areas, while hospital “warm handoff” programs connect overdose survivors to treatment. Systemic changes are vital for delivering comprehensive, patient-centered care for individuals with OUD.53,66–70

Implications for Practice

The insights gained from applying the COH model to opioid overdose prevention highlight several critical implications for practice across different sectors. For pharmacies, both chain and independent, there is a need to ensure that naloxone is readily available and affordable. Pharmacies should collaborate with public health departments37 to promote naloxone access, provide patient counseling, and participate in community education campaigns to reduce stigma.

For healthcare providers, including hospitals, clinics, and primary care practices, integrating harm reduction strategies like naloxone distribution and MAT into routine care is essential. Hospitals should implement protocols for overdose patients that include naloxone distribution and referrals to recovery services upon discharge.66,68,70

For law enforcement, adopting harm reduction principles and collaborating with healthcare providers and community organizations, as seen in LEAD programs, can help officers view overdose prevention as part of their public safety duties.38

Families and communities also play a key role in overdose prevention by learning how to use naloxone and supporting loved ones struggling with OUD. Public education campaigns should target families and at-risk communities to increase awareness and reduce stigma.31,32

Implications for Policy

Policymakers should prioritize expanding insurance coverage for naloxone, including making it available at no cost for uninsured individuals. States should consider mandating the stocking of naloxone in all pharmacies, particularly in high-risk areas, and provide financial support to independent pharmacies to ensure affordability.14,33,37,57 Additionally, telemedicine should be made a permanent option for MAT to improve access in underserved regions.70

Implications for Future Research

Further research is needed to evaluate the long-term effectiveness of cross-sector collaborations in reducing opioid overdose deaths. Additionally, studies should explore the impact of public education campaigns on reducing stigma and increasing naloxone usage. Understanding the barriers to naloxone access in rural and low-income areas will also be critical to developing more targeted interventions.53

In summary, addressing the opioid crisis requires coordinated efforts across all sectors of society. By applying the COH model’s four pillars—shared values, cross-sector collaboration, equitable access, and healthcare system transformation—communities can create a sustainable framework for reducing overdose deaths and supporting long-term recovery for individuals with Opioid Use Disorder.15,17,20

Conclusion

The US opioid epidemic remains one of the most urgent public health challenges of our time, demanding a shift from conventional healthcare interventions to broader system-level and cultural change. The FDA’s approval of over-the-counter Narcan represents a pivotal milestone, but its potential will be realized only through strategic efforts to make naloxone truly accessible, affordable, and normalized within communities. Applying the RWJF Culture of Health (COH) model, this paper presents a comprehensive roadmap for advancing harm reduction strategies, promoting equitable access, and integrating systemic reforms to combat opioid overdose deaths.

Evidence reviewed in this paper demonstrates that stigma remains a profound barrier to naloxone access and utilization, deterring both individuals and healthcare providers. Community-based naloxone distribution programs and public education campaigns, such as those implemented in San Francisco, Rhode Island, and Philadelphia, offer powerful models for increasing public uptake and saving lives. Nevertheless, challenges persist: Narcan’s price point, geographic disparities in availability, and limited public awareness continue to undermine the promise of OTC access. While national policy efforts have prioritized naloxone expansion, the full potential of these initiatives will depend on addressing these systemic barriers through multi-sector collaboration and sustained public health investment.

Ultimately, addressing the opioid crisis demands both urgent action and long-term cultural change. The COH model provides a guiding framework for engaging stakeholders across healthcare, public health, law enforcement, and community organizations to create a system where overdose prevention is a shared value and recovery pathways are accessible to all. Though uncertainties remain about how quickly OTC Narcan adoption will scale, the collective lessons from harm reduction and cross-sector collaboration are clear: building healthier, more resilient communities requires persistence, innovation, and a commitment to health equity.

Looking ahead, sustained and coordinated action across sectors will be critical to achieving the systemic and cultural changes needed to end the opioid epidemic. By fostering a culture of health that embraces harm reduction, advances equitable access, and transforms healthcare systems, we can help turn the tide on the opioid epidemic. The journey toward a healthier and more compassionate society will require sustained collaboration, innovation, and a commitment to addressing the social and structural determinants that perpetuate opioid-related harm. With deliberate and coordinated action, we can build a future where life-saving interventions like Narcan are universally accessible, and every individual has a fair opportunity for recovery and wellness.

Ethics Statement: Not Applicable: Ethics/IRB approval does not apply to this Perspective paper as this work did not involve human subjects.

Disclosure: The authors report no conflicts of interest in this work.

Source:  https://www.dovepress.com/transforming-opioid-overdose-prevention-in-the-united-states-leveragin-peer-reviewed-fulltext-article-RMHP

by Islamic Republic News Agency – Journalist ID: 1114 – Jun 8, 2025, 6:21 PM

Iran positions itself as a key partner for the SCO in tackling narcotics and boosting regional security.

Tehran, IRNA – Iran is prepared to become a regional hub for illicit drug prevention and treatment programs under the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), citing the country’s extensive experience and achievements in combating drug abuse, an official said.

Mohammad Narimani, head of the International Affairs Department of the Drug Control Headquarters, made the remarks on Sunday following his return from high-level SCO meetings in Xi’an, China.

“The SCO has strong structural capacities in the fight against drugs, but practical challenges still hinder its effectiveness,” Narimani said.

He stressed that the Islamic Republic has paid a heavy human and financial cost in the fight against drug trafficking and expects the SCO to use its political, security, and economic influence to assist Iran in that regard.

“This cooperation would not only benefit Iran but also contribute to the stability and security of the entire region,” he said.

Narimani added that Iran’s efforts to counter common threats such as terrorism, narcotics, and sanctions could strengthen the SCO’s standing as a powerful bloc in an increasingly multipolar world.

He also pointed to concrete areas where the SCO could support Iran, including identifying and dismantling drug trafficking and terrorist networks, pressuring the ruling Taliban to destroy heroin and methamphetamine production labs in Afghanistan, and facilitating Iran’s access to advanced border control equipment.

Source:  https://en.irna.ir/news/85855787/Iran-seeks-to-become-regional-hub-for-drug-prevention-under

Abstract

Introduction

In the USA, opioid analgesic use and overdoses have increased dramatically. One rapidly expanding strategy to manage chronic pain in the context of this epidemic is medical cannabis. Cannabis has analgesic effects, but it also has potential adverse effects. Further, its impact on opioid analgesic use is not well studied. Managing pain in people living with HIV is particularly challenging, given the high prevalence of opioid analgesic and cannabis use. This study’s overarching goal is to understand how medical cannabis use affects opioid analgesic use, with attention to Δ9-tetrahydrocannabinol and cannabidiol content, HIV outcomes and adverse events.

Methods and analyses

We are conducting a cohort study of 250 adults with and without HIV infection with (a) severe or chronic pain, (b) current opioid use and (c) who are newly certified for medical cannabis in New York. Over 18 months, we collect data via in-person visits every 3 months and web-based questionnaires every 2 weeks. Data sources include: questionnaires; medical, pharmacy and Prescription Monitoring Program records; urine and blood samples; and physical function tests. Using marginal structural models and comparisons within participants’ 2-week time periods (unit of analysis), we will examine how medical cannabis use (primary exposure) affects (1) opioid analgesic use (primary outcome), (2) HIV outcomes (HIV viral load, CD4 count, antiretroviral adherence, HIV risk behaviours) and (3) adverse events (cannabis use disorder, illicit drug use, diversion, overdose/deaths, accidents/injuries, acute care utilisation).

Ethics and dissemination

This study is approved by the Montefiore Medical Center/Albert Einstein College of Medicine institutional review board. Findings will be disseminated through conferences, peer-reviewed publications and meetings with medical cannabis stakeholders.

Source: https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7778768/ Dec 2020

What Is The “Fentanyl Fold”?

by Jessica Sherer B.A., Ashford University –

The “fenty fold” (also “fenty lean” or “fentanyl fold”) is a startling but common occurrence among regular users of fentanyl, and other illicit drugs like xylazine, where they are bent at the waist, slumped forward, in a rigid position. Their heads are bowed, their knees are bent, and they are often unable to respond or move.

While jarring to witness, the fenty fold has become a sad yet common phenomenon in cities like San Francisco and Baltimore, where fentanyl use has grown rampant alongside the growing nationwide trend. Chronic users of fentanyl can be stuck in this position for minutes to hours, with possible complications including decreased breath rate, poor circulation, and increased risk of falls and injuries.

Research has not yet pinpointed what exactly causes the fenty fold, as fentanyl use is not known to directly affect the spine. Instead, it’s becoming clear that it is a neuromuscular side effect of synthetic opioids like fentanyl. Studies from the Journal of Applied Physiology and the Harm Reduction Journal highlighted similar findings that fentanyl use can lead to severe and widespread muscle rigidity, particularly in the trunk muscles, which restricts respiration and affects posture and mobility.

Additionally, doctors and addiction professionals think the fold is also connected to the central nervous depression caused by opioids. After using fentanyl (usually in large amounts), people enter a state of slowed consciousness (nodding out), where their bodies and brains are functioning at a depressed level. This system depression leads to muscle weakness, which causes bending, and slowed thought processing, which inhibits the brain from instructing the body to stand upright, resulting in prolonged time spent in an unnatural position.

While more research is needed on the causes of fentanyl fold, it is clear that it is an uncomfortable and potentially dangerous side-effect of fentanyl use.

Pain: A Common Path To Fentanyl Addiction

In the 2024 exposé on the fentanyl fold, the San Francisco Chronicle highlighted that many of the fentanyl users they interviewed were first introduced to the pain-numbing effects of opioids through prescription opioids. These people were prescribed opioids like oxycodone and hydrocodone for legitimate pain and turned to fentanyl when they could no longer obtain their prescriptions.

This is the story of many fentanyl users who become dependent on and develop a tolerance to opioids without realizing it until they are unable to get them. As they continue to seek a solution for their pain, fentanyl often fills the gap as a cheaper, easier-to-obtain alternative, leading to a cycle of addiction that supersedes most everything else in their life.

Social Media’s Take On The “Fenty Fold”

In 2024, videos started circulating on social media sites like X and TikTok of people experiencing the fold, often on urban streets, with tags of #fentyfold and #fentylean used. This exposure garnered both disdain and empathy as the real-life effects of fentanyl abuse were put on display.

Some videos of the fenty fold, often stripped of context, were met with ridicule and disdain for the people featured in the videos. However, public health officials and substance abuse professionals warn of the dehumanizing effects of social media and urge the general public to acknowledge it for what it is: a sobering reminder of the dangerous and debilitating effects of opioid addiction.

They further emphasize the need for harm reduction strategies and addiction treatment to help the growing problem of fentanyl abuse.

Seek Help For Fentanyl Addiction

While more nationwide prevention efforts and reduction strategies are needed to combat the opioid epidemic, prevention can also start in the home. If you or a loved one is struggling with a fentanyl addiction, help is available. Inpatient treatment can provide you with a safe environment where you can detox and learn the tools necessary for a healthy recovery. Contact a treatment provider today to learn more and begin your healing journey.

System dynamics modeling to inform implementation of evidence-based prevention of opioid overdose and fatality: A state-level model from the New York HEALing Communities Study

Highlights

  • Simulations showed fentanyl spread challenges reducing overdoses in the short run.
  • Prevention of opioid misuse among opioid-exposed individuals should be prioritized.
  • Combined strategies effectively reduce fatalities and OUD prevalence.
  • Bolstering community awareness mitigates possible rise of fatalities in the future.

Abstract

Background

As part of the New York HEALing Communities Study, we modeled the opioid epidemic in New York State (NYS) to help coalition members understand short- and long-term capacity-building needs and trade-offs in choosing the optimal mix of harm reduction, treatment, and prevention strategies.

Methods

We built and validated a system dynamics simulation model of the interdependent effects of exposure to opioids, opioid supply and overdose risk, community awareness of overdose risk, naloxone supply and use, and treatment for opioid use disorder (OUD). We simulated overdose and fatality rates, OUD prevalence, and related measures from 2012 to 2032 for the NYS population aged ≥12 and tested policy scenarios for reducing future overdose deaths.

Results

Increasing naloxone distribution by 50 % led to a 10 % decrease in overdose deaths, but only minimally reduced OUD prevalence (1 %) by 2032. Enhancing by 50 % medications for OUD (MOUD) initiations and prevention efforts each led to substantial decreases in deaths (29 % and 25 %, respectively) and OUD prevalence (27 % and 6 %) by 2032. Simultaneously increasing naloxone distribution and MOUD initiations by 50 % resulted in 38 % fewer deaths, while adding prevention efforts alongside resulted in 56 % fewer fatalities. Sensitivity analyses of the models’ feedback loops demonstrated similar relative impacts.

Conclusions

A combination of evidence-based strategies while also promoting prevention should be prioritized to reduce overdose fatality. Sustained community awareness and prevention efforts are needed even as overdoses and deaths decline due to the significant effects of the community awareness feedback loop on the epidemic trends.

Introduction

Although opioid-related fatalities decreased in the United States (US) and New York State (NYS) from 2022 to 2023, fatality remains high (81,083 (US) and 5,308 (NYS) in 2023) after years of unprecedented increases of fatal and non-fatal overdoses (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, 2021, 2024; National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2023). A dramatic rise in the availability of illicitly manufactured fentanyl has also been documented in the US and NYS, resulting in a more potent opioid supply (Kilmer et al., 2022; New York State Department of Health, 2023a). Intentional and unintentional exposure to fentanyl among people who use drugs has been associated with increased risk of overdose and death (Hughto et al., 2022). Fentanyl co-involved with psychostimulants, benzodiazepines, and xylazine may characterize a new wave of the opioid epidemic (Ciccarone, 2021a; Friedman & Shover, 2023; Jenkins, 2021).
In 2019, the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) funded the HEALing (Helping to End Addiction Long-term®) Communities Study (HCS), a large implementation research project designed to reduce opioid fatalities, increase access to medications for opioid use disorder (MOUD), and reduce stigma toward people on MOUD (National Institutes of Health HEAL Initiative, n.d.; The HEALing Communities Study Consortium, 2020). The HCS employed a coalition-driven intervention to inform the deployment of evidence-based practices to rapidly reduce opioid-related overdoses and fatalities in 67 highly affected communities in NYS, Kentucky, Massachusetts, and Ohio. Through a data-driven approach to community-engaged planning and action, the HCS sought to learn how to increase the reach of evidence-based harm reduction and treatment interventions (Chandler et al., 2023; Chandler et al., 2020; El-Bassel et al., 2021).
System dynamics (SD) modeling was incorporated to support the HCS in NYS to engage community coalitions. SD models use feedback loops (i.e., closed sequences of time-dependent causal relationships) to hypothesize the endogenous drivers of a system’s behavior over time (Richardson, 2011). These feedback loops are able to capture accumulation processes, nonlinearities, and time delays to gain insight into the causal nature of complex problems (Yasarcan, 2023). SD models also serve as tools to help diverse community members build a shared appreciation of why systems problems manifest and persist, how such problems can be resolved, and what can be done to mitigate unintended consequences of policies and practices (Forrester & Senge, 1980; Senge & Sterman, 1992). Simulation analyses can then test policy interventions and assess possible intended and unintended consequences (Sterman, 2006).
Prior publications have described SD models of earlier waves of the US opioid and non-opioid drug epidemics (Levin et al., 1972, 1975; Homer, 1993, 1997; Wakeland et al., 2011, 2013, 2015, 2016; Homer & Wakeland, 2021; Lim et al., 2022; Stringfellow et al., 2022; Sabounchi et al., 2023). The earliest model examined the 1970s heroin epidemic in a New York City neighborhood characterized by high rates of youth heroin use (Levin et al., 1972, 1975). This model included feedback loops capturing the heroin supply, community education, policing, and incarceration, among others. Though not calibrated to historical data, the model suggested that a comprehensive set of policy interventions were needed to curb the epidemic. Another early illicit drug model studied the US cocaine epidemic of the 1970s and 1980s (Homer, 1993, 1997). A key feedback loop of this model showed how the popularity of cocaine drove an increase in its use. By highlighting time delays and gaps in data reporting of drug use, the model pushed back against the then-current idea that drug seizure policies were effective at reducing cocaine use prevalence.
More recently, Wakeland et al (2011, 2013, 2015, 2016) modeled excessive opioid prescribing practices in the US and the diversion of pharmaceutical opioids to the illicit market through 2011. An update extended the model’s boundary to include the effects of fentanyl in the illicit drug supply after 2013 (Homer & Wakeland, 2021). Another update incorporated additional structures for MOUD, naloxone use, supply-side changes on prescription opioids, and the perceived risk of overdose fatality (Lim et al., 2022; Stringfellow et al., 2022).
Building upon these earlier SD models and adding additional structures identified in our preparatory qualitative modeling of the opioid epidemic (Sabounchi et al., 2023), we present here an opioid SD model built to support implementation of the HCS in NYS and the short- and long-term effects of simulated strategies around opioid overdose education and naloxone distribution (OEND) and MOUD.

Section snippets

Model development

We developed and validated an SD model that simulated opioid overdose and fatality trends of the NYS population aged ≥12 years from 2012 through 2023 and their potential evolution to 2032. We iteratively revised the model’s structure in consultation with subject-matter experts, county staff and coalition members, and literature review, while also comparing simulated output to opioid-related historical data series (Table 1). This iterative model building process helped to ensure sufficient

Base run

Fig. 2 shows selected base run results and the fit to available NYS time series data. The base run showed an increasing trend in the number of annual opioid overdose deaths with a peak of 3,111 in 2017 and a second peak of 5,383 deaths in 2022, followed by a continuous decline to 4,189 in 2032 (Fig. 2A). Annual overdose-related ED visits and hospitalizations (Fig. 2B) and naloxone administrations by emergency medical services and law enforcement (Fig. 2C) showed similar trends. Naloxone

Discussion

We have presented a generalized opioid SD model structure that captures the main drivers of the opioid epidemic including the effects of fentanyl and the COVID-19 pandemic. When calibrated to NYS, the model replicated historical trends in opioid-specific overdose and fatality from 2012 to 2023 and generated plausible projected trends of key variables through 2032.
The model also serves as a unique analytical tool to facilitate an understanding of the underlying dynamics of the opioid epidemic

Limitations

Limited data availability led to higher uncertainty in calibrated parameters related to the opioid supply, exposure to opioids, and community awareness model sectors. Known limitations and uncertainty in the number of individuals using illicit opioids reported in national surveillance data (e.g., National Survey on Drug Use and Health) may have led to an underestimation of opioid use prevalence.
Our model does not explicitly inform questions or policies around health equity due to limited

Conclusions

Our model has revealed important insights about likely trajectories in NYS opioid overdose fatality rates, which have worsened with the COVID-19 pandemic and a growing supply of cheaper, more lethal illicit synthetic opioids. Simulated policies that simultaneously build capacity for OEND and MOUD and foster efforts around community awareness and prevention were shown to be most effective over time. Simulated results indicated a clear challenge in substantially reducing overdose death rates in

Acknowledgements

This research was supported by the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration through the NIH HEAL (Helping to End Addiction Long-term®) Initiative under award number UM1DA049415 (ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier: NCT04111939). This study protocol (Pro00038088) was approved by Advarra Inc., the HEALing Communities Study single Institutional Review Board. We wish to acknowledge the participation of the HEALing Communities Study communities,
Source:  https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0955395925001434
by Benedikt Fischer, Wayne Hall, Didier Jutras-Aswad, Bernard Le Foll – The Lancet – Volume 47. – 101141 – July 2025
For a decade, Canada, like the United States, has experienced a public health crisis from drug overdose deaths (DODs), mostly due to toxic synthetic opioids (SOs; e.g., fentanyl/analogues), commonly combined with other (e.g., methamphetamines, benzodiazepines) substances.1 This crisis has claimed >50,000 lives over the past decade in Canada alone, rendering DODs the primary population-based cause of non-natural deaths. Despite the vast implementation and expansion of prevention and treatment interventions, annual DOD tolls have steadily increased, i.e. from 2832 in 2016 to 8606 in 2023.2
Now, recent data indicate a sudden over-year decline of approximately 13% in DODs (to a projected 7501 in 2024) in Canada; this coincides with a similar approximate 17% reduction in DODs in the US.2,3 However, this development is not regionally consistent in Canada, as DOD decreases are concentrated mostly in Western/Central provinces (i.e., BC to Ontario), while Eastern provinces (e.g., Quebec) have experienced increases in DODs—regions that, notably, had reported disproportionately lower rates of SO-related DODs previously.2,4 The DOD decrease is a welcome development, yet its drivers are currently unclear while important for identification towards informing intervention development. Possibly relevant factors for consideration might include.

Risk population changes

The decline may reflect a reduction in the size of the risk population exposed to DOD risks, based on several factors. The cumulative DOD toll—mostly comprised of young/middle-aged individuals — may have substantively decimated the SO-user population.2 Its deadly consequences may have also amplified the impact of SO-related prevention messaging. In addition, restrictive policies have halved the volume of prescription opioids (i.e., 30,540 Defined Daily Doses [DDD] in 2012–2014 to 16,475 DDD in 2020–2022) in Canada, which may have reduced the population pool developing iatrogenic problems and transitioning to non-medical (e.g., SO) opioid use.

Supply dynamics

Changing SO supply dynamics may play a role. Originally, SO-products were mostly imported to North America from other source countries (e.g., China, Mexico), but there appear be shifts towards domestic production and distribution, for example as a consequence of increased production and precursor control abroad.3 Recent reports indicate increasing fentanyl production in Canada, including so-called ‘super-labs’, recently rendering it a ‘net exporter’ of fentanyl.5,6 Domestically produced fentanyl may differ in key characteristics like composition or dosing from the SOs produced abroad in ways that influence and reduce DOD-related risks.

Pharmacology

The pharmacological profiles of SOs consumed may have changed. While the vast majority of recent DODs in Canada have involved fentanyl/fentanyl-analogues, most DOD events involve other psychoactive (e.g., psychostimulant or sedative) substances either as contaminants or from concurrent use1,2 that may affect DOD-related outcomes in different ways. In the US, SO-products increasingly include xylazine, a sedative that may increase DOD risks but also extends SOs’ psychoactive effects of SOs and so may reduce use frequency and risk exposure.

Risk behaviours

Changes in DOD-relevant risk behaviours may be a factor. For example, while SO use was previously common to occur unintentionally due to distribution as counterfeit pills or mixed with other drugs, improved recognition of SO products by their consumers (e.g., through drug-checking or generally enhanced awareness) may have facilitated more cautious use practices.7 In addition, many SO consumers have switched from injecting to inhalation use, thereby reducing the DOD-related risks by decreased bio-absorption, or undertook other behaviour changes.4 However, these risk-behaviour changes have been observed for some time, and majorities of recent DODs have been shown to be associated with non-injection modes in Canada.

Interventions

In response to the toxic drug death crisis, Canadian jurisdictions have vastly expanded the availability of multiple intervention measures — such as supervised consumption, overdose prevention services, naloxone distribution and drug checking, all evidenced to contribute to DOD-related risk reductions.1,8 In addition, access to different modalities of — mostly opioid agonist-based—addiction treatment has been ramped up, also known to be protective for overdose risk.9 These expansions have occurred continuously through the DOD crisis, reducing their likelihood as a principal driver for the observed sudden DOD decrease. A more novel intervention implemented in select Canadian jurisdiction have been ‘safer drug supply’ programs which distribute pharmaceutical-grade opioids to at-risk users for DOD prevention.10 While these initiatives are documented to reduce DOD-related risk in participants, their reach in existing risk populations remains starkly limited (e.g., <5% in BC), moderating likely population-level DOD reduction effects.
Previous measures have been insufficient in curtailing the massive DOD-toll in Canada over a decade.1 The projected short-term decline in DODs is an encouraging development, though it is notably limited to only some (i.e., mostly Western/Central) regions. The tangible drivers behind the decline are not readily evident; however, similar declines in the US hint at a role of more structural (e.g., drug supply-related) factors operating across North America rather than Canada-specific determinants. The possible contributions of the factors considered, or others, should be rigorously investigated by way of robust (e.g., epidemiologic/modelling, drug toxicology, use-behavioral) examinations and analysis to guide possible development of or scaling up related further improved measures where possible towards additional, sustained reductions in the DOD toll.

Contributors

The authors jointly developed the concept for the article, and collected and interpreted related data for the study. BF led the manuscript writing; WH, DJA and BLF edited and revised the manuscript for substantive intellectual content. All authors approved the final manuscript submitted for publication.

Declaration of interests

Dr. Fischer and Dr. Jutras-Aswad have held research grants and contracts in the areas of substance use, health, policy from public funding and government organizations (i.e., public-only sources) in the last five years. Dr. Fischer acknowledges general research support from the Waypoint Centre for Mental Health Care; he was temporarily employed by Health Canada (2021–2022). Dr. Hall does not have any conflicts to declare. Dr. Jutras-Aswad acknowledges a clinical scientist career award from Fonds de Recherche du Québec (FRQS); he has received study materials from Cardiol Therapeutics for clinical trials. Dr. LeFoll has obtained research support (e.g., research funding/in-kind supports, expert consultancy, other supports) from Indivior, Indivia, Canopy Growth Corporation, ThirdBridge and Shinogi; he furthermore acknowledges general research support from CAMH, the Waypoint Centre for Mental Health Care, a clinician-scientist award from the Dept. of Family and Community Medicine and a Chair in Addiction Psychiatry from the Department of Psychiatry, University of Toronto.

Acknowledgements

The present study was not supported by any specific funder or sponsor.

References

1.
Fischer, B.
The continuous opioid death crisis in Canada: changing characteristics and implications for path options forward
Lancet Reg Health Am. 2023; 19, 100437
2.
Government of Canada
Opioid- and stimulant-related harms

Available from: https://health-infobase.canada.ca/substance-related-harms/opioids-stimulants/

Date accessed: May 15, 2025
3.
Drug Policy Alliance
Fact sheet: why overdose deaths are decreasing

Available from: https://drugpolicy.org/resource/fact-sheet-health-harm-reduction-approaches-pivotal-to-decrease-in-national-drug-overdose-deaths/

Date accessed: February 5, 2025
4.
Fischer, B. ∙ Robinson, T. ∙ Jutras-Aswad, D.
Three noteworthy idiosyncrasies related to Canada’s opioid-death crisis, and implications for public health-oriented interventions
Drug Alcohol Rev. 2024; 43:562-566
5.
Financial Transactions and Analysis Report Centre of Canada
Operational Alert: laundering the proceeds of illicit synthetic opioids
His Majesty the King in Right of Canada
2025
Cat. No. FD4-39/2024E-PDF; ISBN 978-0-660-72670-0
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CBC News
Criminal networks are shifting from fentanyl imports to Canadian-made product
2024

Available from: https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/fentanyl-produced-in-canada-1.7275200

Date accessed: February 5, 2025
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Brar, R. ∙ Grant, C. ∙ DeBeck, K. ∙ et al.
Changes in drug use behaviors coinciding with the emergence of illicit fentanyl among people who use drugs in Vancouver, Canada
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse. 2020; 46:625-631
8.
Irvine, M.A. ∙ Kuo, M. ∙ Buxton, J.A. ∙ et al.
Modelling the combined impact of interventions in averting deaths during a synthetic-opioid overdose epidemic
Addiction. 2019; 114:1602-1613
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Pearce, L.A. ∙ Min, J.E. ∙ Piske, M. ∙ et al.
Opioid agonist treatment and risk of mortality during opioid overdose public health emergency: population based retrospective cohort study
BMJ. 2020; 368, m772
10.
Slaunwhite, A. ∙ Min, J.E. ∙ Palis, H. ∙ et al.
Effect of Risk Mitigation Guidance for opioid and stimulant dispensations on mortality and acute care visits during dual public health emergencies: retrospective cohort study
BMJ. 2024; 384, e076336

There is a video to illustrate this information. To see the video, go to the Source at the foot of this article, then press the ‘play’ button as indicated.

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVE

Youth overdose deaths have remained elevated in recent years as the illicit drug supply has become increasingly contaminated with fentanyl and other synthetics. There is a need to better understand fatal drug combinations and how trends have changed over time and across sociodemographic groups in this age group.

METHODS

We used the National Vital Statistics System’s multiple cause of death datasets to examine trends in overdose deaths involving combinations of synthetic opioids with benzodiazepine, cocaine, heroin, prescription opioids, and other stimulants among US youth aged 15 to 24 years from 2018 to 2022 across age, sex, race and ethnicity, and region.

RESULTS

Overdose death counts rose from 4652 to 6723 (10.85 to 15.16 per 100 000) between 2018 and 2022, with a slight decrease between 2021 and 2022. The largest increases were deaths involving synthetic opioids only (1.8 to 4.8 deaths per 100 000). Since 2020, fatal synthetic opioid–only overdose rates were higher than polydrug overdose rates involving synthetic opioids, regardless of race, ethnicity, or sex. In 2022, rates of synthetic-only overdose deaths were 2.49-times higher among male youths compared with female youths and 2.15-times higher among those aged 20 to 24 years compared with those aged 15 to 19 years.

CONCLUSIONS

Polydrug combinations involving synthetic opioids continue to contribute to fatal youth overdoses, yet deaths attributed to synthetic opioids alone are increasingly predominant. These findings highlight the changing risks of the drug supply and the need for better access to harm-reduction services to prevent deaths among youth.

Source:  https://publications.aap.org/pediatrics/article-abstract/doi/10.1542/peds.2024-069488/201955/Changes-in-Synthetic-Opioid-Involved-Youth?redirectedFrom=fulltext

image003

Published by NIH/NIDA 14 May 2025

 

Cannabis vaping is making headlines worldwide, often promoted as a “safer” alternative to smoking. Meanwhile, Drug Trends data from Australia reveal that non-prescribed cannabis use remains high among people who regularly use drugs. But are wider permission models and positive propaganda about cannabis leading to greater engagement, especially among those most at risk? This article dives into Australian data from the Ecstasy and Related Drugs Reporting System (EDRS) and Illicit Drugs Reporting System (IDRS), exploring what’s really happening with cannabis products, vaping, and why honest health education is more critical than ever.

Cannabis Vaping and Drug Trends in Australia (2014–2024): What the Data Tells Us

Cannabis vaping, once an afterthought, now claims a growing share of the global market. Many believe vaping to be less harmful, with marketers highlighting vaping’s lack of smoke and alleged respiratory benefits. However, recent Drug Trends research in Australia challenges some of these assumptions and uncovers troubling patterns.

The Rise of Electronic Vaping Products

Electronic vaping products started as oversized gadgets in the late 1990s. Initially intended to vaporise dried cannabis herb, they eventually shrank, morphing into today’s sleek e-cigarettes. While vaping nicotine products has become mainstream, cannabis vaping is following close behind, spurred in part by changes to medicinal and recreational cannabis laws overseas.

A North American review found a seven-fold increase in monthly cannabis vaping among adolescents, with notable shifts from dried herb to potent cannabis oils. However, the situation in Australia is different, shaped by stricter regulations and unique market conditions.

Drug Trends in Non-Prescribed Cannabis Use

Australia’s EDRS and IDRS surveys collect real-world data on non-prescribed cannabis and cannabinoid-related products. Between 2014 and 2024, most participants in both systems reported using cannabis recently, with rates as high as 90% in the EDRS and 74% in the IDRS.

Hydroponic and Bush Cannabis Still Dominate

  • Hydroponic cannabis was the most popular, with usage rates ranging from 63%–83% among EDRS respondents, and a remarkable 88%–94% for IDRS participants.
  • Bush cannabis also stayed common, with 51%–77% (EDRS) and 37%–54% (IDRS) reporting use.
  • Other cannabis products, such as THC extracts and commercially-prepared edibles, have appeared in recent years, showing increased product diversity—but are far less popular than traditional forms.

Cannabis Vaping Emerges, But Smoking Prevails

Despite media attention around cannabis vaping, the majority of Australians captured in these studies still smoke cannabis. From 2014 to 2024:

  • Smoking remained the dominant route of administration (ROA) in both groups.
  • Cannabis vaping (inhaling/vaporising) trended upward, but stayed a minority choice. Vaporising among EDRS participants increased from 12% to 25%, and from 2% to 9% for IDRS.

Notably, few users chose vaping as their only method. Most combined it with smoking, suggesting the rise in vaping hasn’t replaced traditional habits.

Concerns About Cannabis Vaping and Permission Models

The Problem with Changing Perceptions

There is growing concern that permission models and positive messaging around cannabis use (whether through legislation or social media) may downplay its risks. Vaping, in particular, is surrounded by claims of being a “safer” alternative to smoking. While it’s true that vaping doesn’t involve combustion and may expose users to fewer toxic chemicals, it’s not risk-free.

Key Issues Include:

  • Potency extremes: Some vape oils and extracts reach THC concentrations of 70–90%, far higher than the average 10%–20% in cannabis herb. Highly potent products carry greater risks for dependence, anxiety, and psychosis.
  • Unknown health risks: The long-term effects of inhaling cannabis vapour, especially from unregulated or home-made devices, are not fully understood.
  • Discreet use and normalisation: Portability and subtlety make vaping easier to hide, particularly from parents and teachers. For some users, this can enable more frequent use or uptake at a younger age.
  • Unhealthy dual use: Most vapers continue smoking, increasing overall exposure to both methods. (for complete research WRD News)

Source: https://www.dalgarnoinstitute.org.au/index.php/resources/drug-information-sheets/2672-cannabis-vaping-and-drug-trends-among-youth-in-australia-2014-2024-a-growing-concern?

by Connery, Lucy MPH; Tomilin, Kailyn MPH; Lynch, Joshua DO, FACEP  – Emergency Medicine News 

Introduction

Since the first wave of the opioid epidemic in the 1990s, more than 550,000 people from various backgrounds have died of an overdose in the United States.1 In 2023, opioid overdose deaths decreased 3% nationwide and by 10% in states like New York—the first decline in the last decade.2 Furthermore, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recently reported a near 24% decline in overdose deaths between October 2023 and September 2024 compared to the previous year.3 While these milestones may bring hope to communities across the country, community leaders are also reporting alarming racial and ethnic disparities in these health trends. Emergency departments (EDs) are at the frontlines of the opioid epidemic, treating individuals who are in acute withdrawal or postoverdose.4 Therefore, emergency physicians and ED staff members must be aware of the changing demographics of the opioid epidemic and the resources available to effectively address opioid use disorder (OUD).

Figure 1: 

The waves of the opioid epidemic

The Waves of the Opioid Epidemic

The distinct waves of the opioid epidemic presented unique challenges in communities across the United States, necessitating rapid and adaptive responses from public, private, and nonprofit sectors to address the evolving patterns of substance use, shifting demographics, and emerging public health threats. Table 1 summarizes the four waves of the opioid epidemic.

Table 1 – Summary of demographics, data, and trends of the opioid epidemic

Wave Time Period Primary Driver Most Impacted Demographics Data Trends & Consequences
First wave 1990-2010 Increased opioid prescribing, aggressive pharmaceutical marketing, and regulatory shortcomings from federal agencies Non-Hispanic White individuals, ages 45-54 1999-2009: Prescription opioid overdose deaths rose from ~3,442 to 13,523
Second wave 2010-2013 Opioid-prescribing regulations tightened, shift from prescription opioids to heroin due to cost and accessibility Non-Hispanic Black individuals, ages 45-64
  1. 2000-2013: Heroin-related overdoses nearly quadrupled
  2. 2010-2016: Heroin-involved deaths increased from 1% per 100,000 to 4.9% per 100,000
Third wave 2013-2019 Proliferation of synthetic opioids, particularly fentanyl Younger individuals (ages 25-34) and non-Hispanic Black populations (ages 45-64)
  1. 2012-2016: Drug overdose deaths rose from 1,600 to over 18,000 nationwide
  2. 2013-2019: Opioid overdose rates from synthetic opioids (particularly fentanyl) increased over 1,000%
Fourth wave 2019-present Increasing presence of fentanyl mixed with stimulants (eg, cocaine, methamphetamine) and other contaminants (eg, xylazine) Non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, and Indigenous populations
  1. 2018: Synthetic opioid overdose rates increased 79% for White individuals and over 100% for Black individuals
  2. 2018-2022: EMS agencies’ nonfatal opioid overdose encounters increased 3.4% for White, 7.4% for Black, and 5.7% for Hispanic people

The First Wave

The first wave of the opioid epidemic was marked by a drastic rise in opioid prescribing and overdose deaths across the United States in the 1990s.9 Many experts believe that this surge was driven by marketing strategies from pharmaceutical companies promoting aggressive prescribing for opioids, such as OxyContin.10,11 This, coupled with insufficient oversight and regulatory shortcomings by governmental agencies, including the US Food and Drug Administration, permitted the dissemination of misleading information about the safety and efficacy of these drugs.10,11

During this first wave, non-Hispanic Whites aged 45-54 had the highest opioid overdose mortality rates.12 This health disparity can be associated with inequitable access to health care and medications for addiction treatment (MAT) among different racial and ethnic groups, as well as older adults seeking medical care more frequently than younger populations.13,14 Once efforts were made to control over-prescribing of opioids, many individuals sought illicit substances to manage cravings and withdrawal symptoms. This uptick in illicit opioid use, specifically heroin, led to a second wave of the opioid epidemic by 2010.9

The Second Wave

The second wave of the opioid epidemic was marked by increased overdoses in non-Hispanic Black individuals ages 45-64.15 This age group was most impacted for a variety of reasons; as regulations around opioid-prescribing tightened, access to legally obtained opioids decreased. Many people with OUD transitioned to using illicit opioids to manage cravings and withdrawal symptoms.16 Between 2000 and 2013, the number of heroin-involved overdoses nearly quadrupled.17 Between 2010 and 2016, heroin-involved deaths increased from 1% to 4.9% per 100,000.9 Although there have been many changes in the age of those who are most affected by the opioid epidemic, the shift in race-based demographics has remained consistent.

The Third Wave

In 2013, the third wave of the opioid epidemic emerged and was characterized by overdose deaths involving synthetic opioids, particularly fentanyl.18 Non-Hispanic Black communities were disproportionally impacted, with the rate of fentanyl overdose deaths increasing among non-Hispanic Black people by about 140% every year between 2011 and 2016.12 Unlike the first and second waves, two distinct age groups experienced the most dramatic increase in opioid-involved overdose deaths during the third wave of the opioid epidemic: opioid overdose death rates increasing by 4.6 per 100,000 for men aged 25-44 and 3.7 per 100,000 for men aged 45-64.19 One potential reason for this shift in age may be that younger people are more likely to misuse illicit substances compared to older adults.20 Older adults are more likely to receive prescription medications like opioids compared to younger people and, therefore, are less likely to seek illicit substances from other sources.21 Figure 1 displays the different waves of the opioid epidemic (as defined by the CDC) and the demographics of those who were most impacted by each wave.5,22-24

The Fourth Wave

Although national leaders like the CDC recognize only three waves of the opioid crisis, many academic journals have published literature on a fourth wave of the epidemic.18,25-27 This fourth, and current, wave is characterized by increased rates of opioid overdose deaths with involvement of stimulants.26,27 This presents a distinct challenge across communities in the United States because many people who use stimulants are not seeking opioids and may not have a tolerance. Fentanyl is the primary driver of all opioid overdose deaths in the United States; because of its shorter period of euphoria compared to heroin, sedatives like xylazine and medetomidine are being added to the illicit fentanyl supply to lengthen its effects.28,29 These sedatives do not respond to naloxone and have effects including hypotension and respiratory depression, further complicating overdose response and prevention strategies.

The disparity in overdose rates among different racial and ethnic populations is particularly evident when looking at the third (and fourth) wave(s) of the opioid epidemic. In May 2024, the CDC announced the first decline in opioid overdose deaths nationwide since 2018, but there were alarming racial disparities in these health outcomes.3,30,31 Notably, opioid overdose deaths decreased among White people by 14%, but decreased by only 6% for Black communities and 2% for Asian or Pacific Islanders. Overdose deaths also increased for Native American/American Indian populations by 2%.30,31 These changes in the demographics of people most impacted by the opioid epidemic call for action at the local, state, and federal levels to address racial bias and health care discrimination.

Emergency Medicine Breeds Innovation

Being that EDs are often the first point of interaction with healthcare services for most people with OUD, emergency medicine physicians and staff members are critical stakeholders in addressing the opioid overdose epidemic across the United States.4 Recent shifts in overdose death rates across races demonstrate the systemic issues in the U.S. healthcare system, including health inequities, discrimination, and implicit bias. To begin addressing these health inequities, EDs must employ various interventions for OUD to meet patients where they are; these interventions should include initiation of MAT, linkage to outpatient treatment, and distribution of harm reduction supplies.4

Medication for Addiction Treatment and Electronic Referrals (MATTERS) is a New York-based initiative that, since its inception in 2016, has supported EDs in linking people with OUD to treatment and resources within their own communities. Its rapid referral platform connects people with OUD to a network of over 250 addiction treatment centers that offer MAT and agree to accept any patient, regardless of insurance status, polysubstance use, or previous treatment history. Developed by Joshua Lynch, an emergency physician, MATTERS was created to address the inefficiencies in the way our healthcare system addressed OUD. Referrals take as little as 3 minutes to complete, and patients are automatically provided with medication and transportation vouchers, peer support referrals, and follow-up services to ensure continuity of care and retention in treatment. These resources are automatically provided to patients at the time of referral—all without making a single phone call. For individuals who are not ready for treatment, MATTERS distributes free harm reduction supplies, including drug checking strips, naloxone, and sterile syringes via direct mail. Additionally, MATTERS has deployed over 20 vending machines across New York State to dispense these free supplies 24/7.

Conclusion

While each wave of the opioid epidemic has affected communities differently, the third and fourth waves have revealed and intensified health disparities, particularly among Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) communities.32 To effectively reduce overdose rates and address opioid use disorder, it is essential for emergency physicians and ED staff members to prioritize equitable, inclusive, and culturally competent prevention and treatment strategies.4 MATTERS provide various services to patients and providers alike to effectively respond to the opioid epidemic, including linkage to treatment, access to telemedicine services, and distribution of free harm reduction supplies across New York State. Providers seeking resources for OUD can access educational materials and support by visiting www.mattersnetwork.org.

Correction

In the April issue (EMN. 2025;47(3):2,11,15), the 2nd sentence of the 11th paragraph of the article, “STEMI Critics Are Right. We’re Missing Too Many Heart Attacks,” has been changed to Why did we need that? (How do I pronounce that again?)—the case for the new OMI/non-occlusive myocardial infarction (NOMI) paradigm is powerful. This change has been made online.

JOSHUA LYNCH, DO, FACEP is the founder and Chief Medical Officer of the MATTERS program. He is also an associate professor of Emergency & Addiction Medicine at the University at Buffalo Jacobs School of Medicine, a senior physician with UBMD Emergency Medicine, clinical co-chair of the UB Clinical & Research Institute on Addictions, and medical director of Mercy Flight of Western New York.

LUCY CONNERY, MPH is the marketing coordinator at MATTERS. She also serves as an adjunct professor for Daemen University’s Health Promotion and Master of Public Health departments and secretary of the Urban Roots Cooperative Garden Market’s Board of Directors.

KAILYN TOMILIN, MPH is the program evaluator at MATTERS and has written several evidence-based articles on emerging drug threats and contaminants in the United States. She has a passion for public health and plans to spend her career helping to improve health outcomes for underserved populations.

Source: https://journals.lww.com/em-news/fulltext/2025/05000/the_changing_demographics_of_the_opioid_epidemic.10.aspx

by Joe Edwards – Newsweek
Update, 05/06/2025, 12:11 p.m. ET: This article was updated with comment from Chip Lupo.

A new analysis by WalletHub has revealed the states struggling most with drug use, with New Mexico, West Virginia and Nevada ranking at the top.

Why It Matters

The study evaluated all 50 states and the District of Columbia using 20 metrics ranging from arrest and overdose rates to opioid prescriptions and employee drug testing laws. More than 80,000 drug overdose deaths were recorded nationwide in the 12 months ending in November 2024, according to CDC data cited by WalletHub.

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The findings come amid rising concerns over the spread of powerful synthetic drugs e fentanyl. In 2024 alone, the Drug Enforcement Administration seized the equivalent of 380 million lethal doses of fentanyl, according to WalletHub.

What To Know

According to WalletHub, the top 10 places with the highest overall drug use issues are:

  1. New Mexico
  2. West Virginia
  3. Nevada
  4. Alaska
  5. Washington, D.C.
  6. Oklahoma
  7. Missouri
  8. Colorado
  9. Louisiana
  10. Arkansas

The study found New Mexico to have the worst drug problem in the U.S., particularly among teens. It leads the nation in teen illicit drug use and early marijuana experimentation. Adults in the state also rank third for illicit drug use.

Contributing to the crisis are weak drug prevention policies, a lack of adults with drug problems receiving treatment, and a high number of children exposed to substance abuse at home. New Mexico also has one of the highest rates of drug overdose deaths per capita, according to the study.

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West Virginia ranks second in the nation for drug problems, with the highest drug overdose death rate and fourth-most campus drug arrests per capita.

The state faces a shortage of mental health and substance abuse professionals, limiting access to treatment, according to the study.

Additionally, many children are exposed to drug-related issues at home, with one of the highest rates of kids living with someone struggling with drug problems.

Nevada ranks third for the worst drug problems in the U.S., with nearly 30 percent of students exposed to drugs at school and the third-highest rate of early teen marijuana use, the study found.

The state struggles to address addiction, the report suggested, with few treatment facilities and counselors, and a high percentage of untreated adult drug users.

On the other side of the spectrum, Hawaii, Utah, Nebraska, Connecticut, and Florida were the lowest ranking states, suggesting relatively fewer drug-related issues according to WalletHub’s metrics.

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What People Are Saying

WalletHub analyst Chip Lupo said in the report: “Drug problems can start from multiple sources, like taking illegal substances with friends or getting hooked on a prescription that was originally given for a legitimate medical issue. As states fight drug addiction, they need to consider all angles and make sure they are not just addressing things from a law enforcement perspective but also providing the resources necessary to help people with addictions get clean.”

Lupo told Newsweek: “Washington and Oregon have seen their rankings slide over the past three years, driven largely by worsening scores in drug use and enforcement.

Over the past three years, Washington has experienced a significant decline in its fight against drug abuse, rising steadily in the ranks toward worse conditions. In 2023, the state ranked 33rd overall, but by 2024 it had worsened to 31st, and by 2025 it reached 18th—marking a troubling upward trend toward the most severe drug problems.

“The most alarming shift came in the ‘Drug Use & Addiction’ category, where Washington’s rank deteriorated from 19th in 2023 to 15th in 2024 and 5th in 2025—placing it among the five worst states in that area.

“Similarly, Oregon’s overall rank declined from 19th worst in 2023 to 12th worst in 2025. Its drug use and addiction rank worsened from 10 to three. While its access to rehab remained relatively strong (ranking between eight and 10), persistently low law enforcement performance and increasing drug use dragged down its overall standing.”

Source: https://www.msn.com/en-us/health/other/map-shows-states-with-highest-drug-use-issues/ar-AA1E3A4t

by Dr Ross Colquhoun, Consultant to Drug Free Australia – March 26, 2025
Summary:
Key Findings:
1. Mortality and Relapse Risks – Research indicates that opioid-dependent individuals face heightened mortality risks when starting or discontinuing methadone treatment and, to a lesser extent, while in MMT. Reviews have consistently found no significant difference in mortality and criminality between those in MMT and those who have not been in treatment. Studies suggest that methadone is a significant factor in the recent increase in overdose-related deaths, as shown by the disproportionate numbers of overdose deaths associated with the prescribing of methadone for chronic pain relief in the US.
2. Long-Term Dependency and Treatment Retention – Methadone is found to retain more people in treatment and to prolong opioid use rather than facilitate recovery. Many individuals remain dependent for decades, experiencing difficulties in achieving abstinence due to severe withdrawal symptoms and long-term neurological changes caused by sustained opioid use.
3. Effectiveness in Reducing Illicit Drug Use – While methadone is promoted as a harm reduction strategy, findings suggest it does not significantly reduce illicit drug use in the long term, with many users continuing to inject heroin and other substances alongside methadone treatment.
4. Impact on Public Health and HIV/HCV Transmission – Contrary to some claims, studies indicate that methadone has a negligible effect on preventing the transmission of blood-borne diseases like HIV and hepatitis C. Research suggests that education, awareness campaigns, and access to ancillary medical, psychological, and social services are more effective at reducing risky behaviours than OAT programs.
5. Comparison with Naltrexone – Naltrexone, an opioid antagonist, is shown to be a safer alternative with better long-term outcomes. Studies demonstrate that long-acting naltrexone implants significantly reduce opioid use, have lower relapse rates, and allow individuals to regain normal cognitive and social functioning without ongoing opioid dependency.
6. Social and Psychological Consequences – Methadone treatment often leads to stigma and social limitations, with patients reporting dissatisfaction due to daily dosing requirements, the inability to travel freely, and a diminished quality of life. Many individuals perceive methadone as a “liquid handcuff” that prolongs addiction rather than offering a pathway to recovery.
7. Policy Implications and Recommendations – The paper suggests a re-evaluation of harm reduction policies that heavily rely on methadone. Instead, it advocates for greater accessibility to naltrexone-based treatments and comprehensive support services that focus on achieving full recovery rather than maintaining opioid dependence.
Conclusion:
While methadone remains a widely used treatment for opioid dependency, this review raises significant concerns regarding its long-term efficacy, safety, and impact on individuals’ lives. The findings suggest that long-acting naltrexone devices present a more viable alternative for those seeking complete abstinence, and public health strategies should shift towards supporting opioid-dependent individuals in achieving full recovery from addiction, restoration of cognitive function, and resumption of more productive activities rather than indefinite substitution therapy.
1. Introduction
This paper critically examines the effectiveness, safety, and long-term outcomes of opioid agonist treatments (OAT), particularly methadone, compared to opioid antagonists like naltrexone, in managing opioid dependency. The study reviews a vast body of research, including randomized controlled trials and cohort studies, highlighting key concerns regarding mortality, relapse rates, health effects, and the social implications of long-term OAT use. This monologue is organised as follows: Section 2 provides a review of the relevant literature, focusing on the effectiveness of Opioid Agonist Treatment (OAT), including retention in treatment, use of opioids and other drugs, injection of drugs, sharing of injection equipment, morbidity, and mortality while in treatment while not in treatment. In Section 3, I detail the research that relates to the effectiveness of OAT in the prevention of the transmission of blood-borne viruses. Section 4 presents the results of the research on long-term MMT, recent changes in the demographics of OUD people, and the structural brain changes from chronic drug use, while Section 5 reports on the evidence examining the effectiveness of slow-release naltrexone implants, and Section 6  concludes with a discussion of the research findings for methadone and naltrexone and makes recommendations, based on the evidence.
2. The Effectiveness of Opioid Agonist Treatment (OAT)
 Good evidence for the effectiveness of methadone is scant, consisting of poorly designed and implemented, mainly observational studies and very few quality, long-term RCT studies that are free of serious bias, with a history of ad-hoc-cherry-picking of dependent variables that look promising. It is also marked by extravagant claims based on wishful thinking and unsubstantiated assumptions, or at best, misleading associations (e.g. needle sharing and coincidental HIV transmission among IUDs and the claim that methadone was a critical component and cause of low infection rates, when research demonstrated that it was not protective of HIV transmission) (Ameijden, 1885) and the realisation of the harm that it causes only when the harm has already been done (e.g. the mortality rates of six times more on leaving MMT, compared to when people are in MMT (Caplehorn and Drummer, 1999; Santo, et al. 1995), and failure to safely and responsibly implement the program and rarely making any admission of these failings (e.g. that ancillary services were essential for the effective and responsible use of methadone and the implementation of dosing with virtually none of these services being made available to the patients, including medical examinations (Ward, 1995)) and in all probability concealment of the real level of harm (e.g. as revealed by the hugely disproportional number of fatalities caused by unscrutinised prescribing of methadone for chronic pain relief in the early 1990s in the US) (CNC, 2012). Most heinous is the irrational rejection and offhand denial of the solid evidence for the effectiveness of naltrexone in the effective treatment of OUD.
In this monologue, the evidence to support this thesis will be methodically documented and rigorously defended.
It is important to set the stage by making explicit the tragic consequences of opioid use disorder OUD and the urgent need to find a solution to stem the tide of death and destruction that is causing in our communities. Illicit opioid use, especially heroin injection, causes significant personal and public health problems in many countries across the globe (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2008). Apart from the burden on users, their families and the broader community, opioid dependence increases the risk of premature mortality (Darke et al., 2006). This elevated risk is concentrated in several causes of death: accidental drug overdose, suicide, trauma (e.g. motor vehicle accidents, homicide, or other injuries), the spread of HCV infections and risky behaviour that facilitates the transmission of HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases (Degenhardt et al., 2004, Degenhardt et al., 2006, Darke et al., 2006).
According to Santo and colleagues (2021), researchers claimed that multiple randomised controlled trials and observational studies had found that “methadone treatment decreases illicit opioid use and other drug use, improves social functioning, decreases offending behaviour, and improves health” claims that had been made by earlier researchers (Ward et al., 1998, Mattick et al., 2003). All these outcomes it was claimed, were due to the circumstances surrounding attending dosing facilities, such as having to spend less time finding and pursuing illicit opioids without reducing their dependence on opioids, the use of other illicit drugs, or the risks involved. It is noteworthy that these researchers do not associate OAT (methadone or buprenorphine) with any reduction in mortality or that it was protective against HIV or HCV, which had been the most influential claims that led to many countries adopting OAT programs.
However, early reports of research into the effectiveness and safety of methadone as a substitute treatment for opioid dependency raised concerns that were confirmed by later research, which initiated the search for a safer agonist substitute than methadone. In 1998, Ward (1995) stated that: “Opioid pharmacotherapy is not without its own risks” and that it does not “completely remove the excess mortality risks that opioid-dependent persons are known to face” (Darke et al., 2006). Moreover, studies had shown “high mortality during the period of induction onto methadone “ (Caplehorn, 1998, Buster et al., 2002). Later research confirmed that the period at induction onto methadone and after cessation of methadone dosing carried elevated mortality risks (Caplehorn and Drummer, 1999; Buster et al., 2002; Brugal et al., 2005).
In a report of this more recent research conducted by Santo and colleagues (2021), the authors collected and analysed data on all-cause or cause-specific mortality among people with opioid dependence while receiving and not receiving (OAT) from all observational studies and from randomized clinical trials (RCTs). In all. 15 RCTs, comprising 3852 participants, and 36 primary cohort studies, of 749,634 participants, were analysed.
The authors introduced their paper by proclaiming that “methadone and buprenorphine were classified by the World Health Organization as essential medicines for opioid agonist treatment (OAT) for opioid dependence and that there is “robust evidence from a recent systematic review that during OAT, overdose and all-cause mortality are reduced among people with opioid dependence”, citing a published paper of Sordo, et al.(2017), which concluded that “people who cease OAT are at the highest risk of all-cause and overdose mortality in the first 4 weeks after treatment cessation and that risk of mortality is elevated in the first 4 weeks of OAT compared with the remainder of time of receiving OAT”. This paper did not address the broader issue of “overdose and all-cause mortality” being “reduced among people with opioid dependence”, but only reviewed the deaths of people with Opiate Use Disorder (OUD), while they were in OAT and during the period when they had recently commenced or ceased the treatment.
In their review, Santo and colleagues (2021) aimed to (1) examine and compare all-cause and cause-specific crude mortality rates (CMRs) during and out of OAT, for both randomised clinical trials (RCTs) and observational studies; (2) examine these rates according to specific periods during and after treatment; (3) examine and compare all-cause and cause-specific CMRs for OAT provided during incarceration, after release from incarceration while receiving OAT, and according to the amount of time receiving and not receiving OAT after release from incarceration; and (4) to examine the association between risk of mortality during and out of OAT by participant and treatment characteristics. They claimed that this kind of systematic review of the evidence related to the use of OAT and other causes of death had not been done before.
They concluded that among the cohort studies, the rate of all-cause mortality during OAT was more than half of the rate seen among those who had left OAT. They found that 45 deaths in total were reported across Randomised Clinical Trials (RCTs) and that 7 of 15 RCTs (47%) reported no deaths. They concluded that there was no significant difference in all-cause mortality for patients allocated to OAT compared with comparison groups and that three of 15 RCTs (20%) evaluated the administration of OAT to people with OUD who were incarcerated where no deaths were reported.
They went on to report that in the “first 4 weeks of methadone treatment, rates of all-cause mortality and drug-related adverse events were almost double the rates during the remainder of OAT. Further, all-cause mortality was 6 times higher in the 4 weeks after OAT cessation (RR, 6.01; 95% CI, 4.32-8.36), remaining double the rate for the remainder of the time they were not receiving OAT.” The researchers concluded that the results suggested that “RCTs of OAT were underpowered to examine mortality risk” and that “there was no significant association between OAT and mortality risk in the pooled community RCTs. They found that viral hepatitis mortality was higher among those who received OAT in 7 studies. they also found that people with opioid dependence were at substantially lower risk of suicide, cancer, drug-related, alcohol-related, and cardiovascular-related mortality during OAT compared with time while not receiving OAT and while they had hypothesised a relationship between OAT and mortality risk due to injection-related injuries and diseases, such as bacterial infections, “no such relationship was identified.”
However, depending on which comorbidities were considered, researchers reported divergent findings. For example, in one study, Nosyk et al. (2009), found retention was higher among people with greater comorbidity (measured as the number of chronic diseases), while two other studies both suggested that there was no association between HIV or HCV status and retention in OAT (Kimber, 2010; Gisev, 2015)
An Australian study suggested that depression and other substance use disorders were associated with increased retention in OAT, whereas psychosis was associated with reduced retention. Moreover, cohort studies that had adjusted for comorbidity did not find changes in the estimated mortality risk by time during and out of OAT (Degenhardt et al. 2009).
Despite the reported findings, they concluded that the results of the systematic review meta-analysis, showed that OAT was “an important intervention for people with opioid dependence, with the capacity to reduce multiple causes of death.” They suggested that despite this positive association, few people with OUD stay in OAT for very long, and participation remains limited in the US and globally, perhaps due to the low uptake of OAT and a perception among OUDs that there were more negative aspects to OAT than there were benefits.
As indicated above, the study cited Sordo, et al.(2017), who did not provide this “robust” evidence of the benefits of OAT or that, overdose and all-cause mortality were reduced among people with opioid dependence., but compared “all-cause deaths” for people retained on methadone and buprenorphine and those who had recently left treatment, and concluded that “Retention in methadone and buprenorphine treatment is associated with substantial reductions in the risk for all-cause and overdose mortality in people dependent on opioids.”, compared to those who leave treatment and for the first two weeks after they enter treatment. This infers that mortality is higher for those who are retained on methadone and is even higher when people first commence OAT and when they leave an OAT program than opiate-dependent people who had never entered treatment. It does not say otherwise, as it does not include people who never entered OAT programs and who continued to use other opioids, whether prescribed or otherwise, or those who had managed to detoxify and achieve abstinence from all drugs, including methadone. They then concluded that “The induction phase onto methadone treatment and the time immediately after leaving treatment with both drugs are periods of particularly increased mortality risk, which should be dealt with by both public health and clinical strategies to mitigate such risk and base their predicted reduction in deaths on improved strategies to keep people dependent on the substitute opioids for longer periods.” They conclude that “further research must be conducted to properly account for potential confounding and selection bias in comparisons of mortality risk between opioid substitution treatments, as well as throughout periods in and out of each treatment.” (Sordo, et al., 2017)
It suggests that those who are inducted into OATs are more likely to die than if they had never been dosed with methadone. It becomes apparent that high-dose methadone leaves the user at high risk of unintentional overdose and death when they use other drugs that suppress respiration due to the synergistic effect of these drugs. It is well documented that the risk of overdose is greatly increased when opioids, including methadone, are used in combination with other CNS depressants, such as alcohol and benzodiazepines (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
Further to this, a study by the CDC in 2012 in the US, found that “by 2009, methadone accounted for nearly one-third of all opioid-related deaths, even though it represented only 2% of opioid prescriptions.” It was thought that methadone’s long half-life led to overdose deaths. The report also noted that “methadone accounted for 39.8% of single-drug opioids prescribed for pain relief (OPR) deaths, highlighting its significant role in overdose fatalities when used alone.” This suggests that while the number of prescriptions was significantly lower compared to other opioids prescribed for pain relief, the risk was higher as the overdose death rate for methadone was significantly greater than that for other OPRs for multidrug and single-drug deaths. (CDC, 2012). Although the figures for mortality for OUD people undergoing MMT are not made available, it strongly suggests that the risk of mortality associated with the use of methadone for OUD people is far greater than advocates for MMT are willing to admit.
Opiate use is inherently dangerous, with death rates among groups not in treatment ranging from 1.6 to 8.4% with, on average, over 29 studies showing a death rate of 5.1% (Caplehorn et al., 1996). Moreover, patients in methadone maintenance show death rates of between 0.76% and 4.4%. Patients who had been discharged from methadone treatment show death rates between 1.65 and 8.4% averaging 4.9% from six studies (Caplehorn et al., 1996). However, diverted methadone has been implicated in higher death rates. In Scotland 79% of drug-related deaths were found to involve methadone, either alone or in combination with other drugs (Ling, Huber, & Rawson, 2001)
It may also suggest that ongoing dysregulation and discomfort while taking methadone and withdrawal symptoms both when leaving MMT and following a missed dose, and the inability of those in MMT to achieve abstinence are the reasons that people leave OAT programs as they find it impossible to succeed given the severity and prolonged and severe withdrawal symptoms This seems to be directly related to the unacceptable rise in deaths, when these people resume injecting other, more potent opioids and other CNS depressant drugs. In light of this, it is inconceivable that these ‘experts’ would not consider the preferred option of their patients becoming abstinent and meeting the needs of their patients based on the evidence of the efficacy of using extended-release naltrexone to facilitate this course of action.
In defence of their assertion as to the proven effectiveness of reducing illicit opiate use and the other claimed benefits of OAT, Sordo and colleagues (2017) referenced the Cochrane reviews of the evidence presented by Mattick and colleagues (2003 and 2009) and Larney and colleagues (2014). The authors reported eleven studies that met the criteria for inclusion in this review, all were randomised clinical trials, and two were double-blind. There were a total number of 1969 participants. The sequence generation was inadequate in one study, adequate in five studies and unclear in the remaining studies. The allocation of concealment was adequate in three studies and unclear in the remaining studies. Methadone appeared statistically significantly more effective than non-pharmacological approaches in retaining patients in treatment and in the suppression of heroin use as measured by self report and urine/hair analysis (6 RCTs, RR = 0.66 95% CI 0.56-0.78), but not statistically different in criminal activity (3 RCTs, RR=0.39; 95%CI: 0.12-1.25) or mortality (4 RCTs, RR=0.48; 95%CI: 0.10-2.39). The 2009 paper found that there was a significant improvement in reduced injecting and retention in treatment, however, there was no significant difference in criminality and mortality between those on methadone maintenance medication and those not receiving treatment, which contradicted the findings of Sordo, although Mattick’s review included the broader group of those with OUD including those who had never been in OAT. The inference is that OAT did not significantly decrease mortality or criminality among OUDs. In the Cochrane Review of 2014, Larney and colleagues found that a moderate dose of “buprenorphine did not suppress illicit opioid use measured by urinalysis and was no better than placebo” and that there was high-quality evidence that buprenorphine, “was less effective than methadone in retaining participants” and “For those retained in treatment, no difference was observed in suppression of opioid use as measured by urinalysis or self-report.”. Again, these studies did not provide evidence of the effectiveness of OAT programs, either by dosing people on methadone or buprenorphine, but merely compared the two pharmacotherapies with both linked to unacceptable risk.
In the Sordo (2017) paper, they made the claim that OST has been shown to reduce mortality, and they cite a paper published in 2009, written by Degenhardt et al., as evidence of this claim. However, this paper does not show that this is the case as the results were reported as:
“ Mortality among 42,676 people entering opioid pharmacotherapy (methadone) was elevated compared to age and sex peers, where drug overdose and trauma were the major contributors. Mortality was higher out of treatment, particularly during the first weeks, and it was elevated during induction onto methadone but not buprenorphine, a partial agonist/antagonist. Mortality during these risky periods changed across time and treatment episodes. Overall, mortality was similarly reduced” (compared to those who had withdrawn from the treatment) “whether patients were receiving methadone or buprenorphine”. It was estimated that the program produced a 29% reduction in mortality across the entire cohort”. That is, for those who were in OAT or had recently commenced or ceased OAT.
They concluded that:
“Mortality among treatment-seeking opioid-dependent persons is dynamic across time, patient, and treatment variables. The comparative reduction in mortality during buprenorphine induction may be offset by the increased risk of longer out-of-treatment time periods. Despite periods of elevated risk, this large-scale provision of pharmacotherapy is estimated to have resulted in significant reductions in mortality” That is, only while people are retained in treatment,
However, Mattick et al., in a paper published in 2003) admitted that: “The need for supervised daily dosing of methadone in a defined treatment setting, and evidence of increased overdose death on induction into MMT “ (not to mention the even higher mortality among those leaving OAT programs), “ prompted the search for alternative pharmacological treatment options. As a partial agonist, buprenorphine produces less depression of respiration and consciousness than methadone, thereby reducing the overdose risk. They state that buprenorphine is longer acting than methadone, allowing for less than daily dosing, although it has been found not to be effective in retaining people in treatment, as it is not effective in suppressing opioid craving and is not favoured by injecting drug users (IDUs) as it blocks the effect of opiates and it is not without risks when people inject it,” (Mattick, 2014) and it was reported “buprenorphine did not suppress illicit opioid use measured by urinalysis and is no better than placebo and that there was high-quality evidence that buprenorphine”, “was less effective than methadone in retaining participants”. This statement is very telling as it was earlier declared that a substitute for methadone needed to be found because of the poor outcomes of MMT and that buprenorphine seemed superior (Mattick et al., in a paper published in 2003). So, it seems that there were doubts, even alarm, about the effectiveness and safety of methadone some 15 years before given the unacceptable rate of mortality upon induction onto methadone and for a period following cessation of the treatment (Sordo 2017; Degenhardt et al., 2009).
To further investigate the efficacy of OAT, Degenhardt and colleagues (2009) conducted a large-scale demographic study of OUDs entering OAT over a period of.10 years in NSW.
The stated aims of the study were to:
• “(i) Estimate overall mortality for all persons entering opioid pharmacotherapy between 1985 and 2006, by demographic and treatment variables;
• (ii) Examine whether demographic or treatment variables were related to mortality levels during and following cessation of treatment;
• (iii) Estimate mortality risk, according to specific causes of death, during time within treatment and following cessation of treatment;
• (iv) Estimate the number of lives that may have been saved by the provision of methadone and buprenorphine in NSW over this period (ie. Within treatment and following cessation of treatment)
• (v) That is, to consider the estimated lives saved from the improved clinical delivery of these treatments” by keeping people on methadone for longer periods (indefinitely) therefore reducing deaths when they leave and re-enter treatment.
And further:
“Mortality among opioid-dependent people entering opioid pharmacotherapy is elevated compared to age and sex peers, with overdose, external causes and suicide the major contributors. This elevated mortality is higher when out of treatment (i.e., treatment reduces mortality only while people are retained in treatment), and it is particularly elevated during the first weeks out of treatment. The elevation in mortality varied in ways that probably reflect heroin availability and use. Mortality was highest during induction onto methadone”. (Degenhardt, 2009).
Nowhere in this paper does it state that OAT programs reduced mortality among opioid-dependent people who have not entered treatment, nor does it offer any evidence to support this contention.
Moreover, methadone is associated with continued injection of heroin and other drugs, as the overall median duration of injecting is longer for those who start methadone compared to those who don’t. For those who do not start methadone treatment, the median time of injecting is 5 years (with nearly 30% ceasing within a year) compared to a prolongation of opioid use and injecting for up towards 40 years (albeit at a reduced frequency) or more for those who continue with opioid substitution treatment (Kimber, Copeland, Hickman, Macleod, McKensie, De Angelis & Robertson, 2010). This means that if the time in agonist treatment is up to 8 times as long, the harm that is associated with injecting drugs, will inevitably result in an overall increase in mortality and morbidity.
It must be asked why Sando did not simply refer to some of the earlier studies that were enthusiastically referred to as robustly and overwhelmingly validating the efficacy of OAT and had convinced many that methadone was effective and achieved reductions in heroin use and other drug use, unsafe injecting, criminal activities, social dysfunction, and mortality, and prevention of BBV transmission. The reason appears to be that these studies were flawed and did not provide convincing evidence of the effectiveness of methadone among the population of OUDs attending community-based methadone dispensing facilities or in the prison system.
 Many of the papers justifying methadone were conducted over only 6-12 months with some as short as a few weeks, often with small samples (often only 7 or 8 subjects in each arm) and with using non-representative populations. A breakdown of some early studies indicates several problems that make these claims doubtful.
The Dole et al. (1969) study that was considered a landmark study confirming the benefits of methadone had a duration of 12 months and looked at two groups: MM (16) vs. Control (16), and reported on daily heroin use. With an odds ratio of 0.01 (0.0–0.2), it tended to support the contention that methadone was effective in reducing heroin injecting. While it is expected that there would be a decline in heroin use, compared to the control group, who inevitably would continue to use heroin, and given its addictive properties, the study did not report on other variables that were considered to be vitally important, such as mortality, the use of other drugs, the dropout rates, and the movement in and out of the program, changes in health status and social functioning, among others, as they may not have been tested for or they did not reach significant levels and were not reported. Moreover, the very small number of subjects that were not randomly allocated to treatment levels raises some doubts about the robustness of these results.
A similar outcome was reported by Gunne & Gronbladh (1981), with a study duration of 24 months. The study compared MM (17) to a control group (17) with an odds ratio of 62.4 (8.0–487.9). Again, it seems that the reported outcomes that more were retained in MM treatment were expected, although the width of the CI (e.g., for treatment retention and discontinuation of illicit drug use) indicated variability, likely due to the small sample size and/or the heterogeneity in the study design, and that the subjects were not randomly allocated makes the results unreliable. Again, they did not report on other variables that are of vital interest perhaps because they were not significantly different.
However, several studies with larger subject numbers, were completed: Newman & Whitehill (1976), with a study of duration 36 months MM (50) vs. Placebo (50) found a reduction in imprisonment for those on OAT (0dds ratio 0.02; CI 0.0–0.4); Vanichseni et al. (1992) in a study with a duration of 45 days compared MM (120) vs. Methadone detoxification (120) (Interim), and found that numbers that were discharged for heroin use were different between the two groups with an odds ratio 0.3 (0.1–0.9); Yancovitz et al. (1992) showed a similar pattern with a trial period duration of one month comparing MM (121) vs. Control (118), found that discontinuing regular illicit drug use favoured the MM group with an odds ratio of 38.4 with a wide CI of 4.0–373.1; Strain et al. (1993) reported on four outcomes of a study with a duration of 20 weeks that compared MM 50 mg (84) vs. Placebo (81) to test the odds of each group testing positive to morphine >50% of the time, completing 45 days in treatment, returning a positive urine test for morphine and retention in MMT at 20 Weeks with each trial favouring the MM group, with odds ratios of 4 (CI 0.2–0.6), 6.1 (3.4–10.6),  0.3 (0.2–0.5), and 4.1 (2.1–8.2), respectively. Apart from the study by Newman & Whitehill (1976), which included 50 subjects in each comparison group and had a duration of 36 months, the duration of these other studies was very short. Notwithstanding, this study is flawed as it chose “imprisonment,” a curious dependent variable to test, because it can relate to the commission of a crime prior to coming into MMT or during MMT and that may be unrelated to drug use. Like this, of the many variables that are touted as being positively affected by MMT, each study reported on a single and predictable variable.
The choice of the variable to be measured seems to be done ad hoc, rather than a priori. This occurs when there are no significant differences that were predicted are found, such as reduced mortality or transmission of BBVs, and the researcher goes searching among the results to find a variable that did reach statistical significance when the data are reanalysed and results retested. It is also apparent that the many other variables that are meant to be impacted by MMT did not reach significance as they were not reported. It raises the possibility that many other studies that did not find any significance were never sent for publication or were rejected by the door-keeper editors of the major journals, who actively censor research that does not adhere to their views about OAT.
This research on the effectiveness of OAT is neither relevant nor informative, as it doesn’t touch on the important issues, such as mortality, morbidity, continued injecting of opioids and other drugs, reduction in risky behaviour, improved health and social outcomes, including the transmission of BBV, nor does is it sound in its methodology, design or analysis of findings, as it rarely extends over sufficient time to be useful as many people cycle in and out of treatment or tend to stay on methadone for 20 to 40 years. Even though, death represents the more relevant effect of abuse and the more reliable outcome measurable in population studies, mortality is rarely reported in RCTs of treatment of opioid dependence and is seldom considered to assess the efficacy of treatments. The issue of association between intermediate and surrogate indicators and the actual outcome of interest (i.e., quality and duration of life) seems to be extremely relevant in the interpretation and generalization of the results of these studies and should be the subject of high-quality long-term RCT studies. The high rates of mortality among people leaving MMT, and large numbers cycle in and out of treatment, and disproportionate mortality among people prescribed methadone for chronic pain relief should have been predictable had these precautionary studies been done (Amato, 2005).
An exception was a prospective open cohort study, conducted over a period of 27 years. Kimber et al. (2010) examined survival and long-term cessation of injecting in a cohort of drug users and assessed the influence of opiate substitution treatment on these outcomes. 794 patients with a history of injecting drug use presented between 1980 and 2007; 655 (82%) were followed up, and (85%) had received OAT. Results showed that of the total number of those in the cohort, 277 participants achieved long-term cessation (5 years or more) of injecting, and 228 died. Half of the survivors had poor health-related quality of life. The median duration from first injection to death was 24 years for participants with HIV and 41 years for those without HIV. For each additional year of opiate substitution treatment, the hazard of death before long-term cessation fell by 13% (95% confidence interval 17% to 9%) after adjustment for HIV, sex, calendar period, age at first injection, and history of prison and overdose. Exposure to opiate substitution-agonist treatment (OAT) was inversely related to the chances of achieving long-term cessation of injecting. They concluded that although survival benefits increased with cumulative exposure to treatment, the “treatment does not reduce the overall duration of injecting” and, therefore, did not have an impact on the transmission of BBV, which was declared to be a major benefit of OATs.
The study reported by Yancovitz et al., (1991) that was mentioned earlier, comprised 149 subjects who were randomly assigned to a treatment group and to a control group of 152 not on OAT at an interim methadone maintenance clinic. The treatment group was on a maintenance dosage of 80 mg/day. One-month urinalysis follow-up data of 129 subjects originally assigned to the treatment group and 121 assigned to the control group showed a significant reduction in heroin use in the treatment group with no change in the control group. A higher percentage of the treatment group were in treatment at the 16-month follow-up. The researchers claimed that the limited services interim methadone maintenance group reduced heroin use while waiting for entry into a comprehensive treatment program, which resulted in an increased number entering treatment compared to the group that received no treatment. This was not only very short-term (one month of drug testing), but it did not have any bearing on the experience of those who attended unsupported methadone dispensing facilities over many years. Moreover, it must be asked, as they were all dependent on opioids, what was it that the control group was meant to do but to continue to use heroin while they waited to join the MMT program? While it was no surprise that those receiving methadone were spared the inconvenience of having to source heroin each day, it seemed that, in any case, many did. Further to that, there appeared to be no other benefits of being dosed on methadone that were worth reporting (Yancovitz et al., 1991).
In a 1981 study by Gunne and Grönbladh, the sample size was notably small, with only 34 participants divided equally between the methadone maintenance treatment (MMT) group and the control group. Such limited sample sizes can significantly impact the statistical power of a study, making it difficult to detect true effects. Additionally, small samples may not accurately represent the broader population, limiting the generalizability of the findings. Therefore, while the study reported positive outcomes for the MMT group, these results should be interpreted with caution due to the potential limitations imposed by the small sample size. Again there were no other significant findings that were worth reporting despite their importance in evaluating the efficacy of MMT. (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012)
In 2007, Kinlock and colleagues conducted a randomized clinical trial examining the impact of methadone maintenance initiated in prison on post-release outcomes. The study involved 204 incarcerated males with pre-incarceration heroin dependence, who were assigned to one of three groups: counselling only, counselling with transfer to methadone maintenance upon release, and counselling with methadone maintenance initiated in prison and continued post-release. Findings at 12 months post-release indicated that participants who began methadone maintenance in prison had higher treatment retention and lower rates of opioid use compared to the other groups.
Regarding the relevance of the 2007 study by Kinlock and colleagues, which involved men with pre-incarceration heroin dependence, the findings demonstrated that initiating methadone maintenance treatment (MMT) in prison led to higher treatment retention and lower rates of opioid use post-release compared to other groups. However, generalising these results to populations beyond incarcerated individuals would not be valid. The unique environment of incarceration, along with factors such as structured daily routines, limited access to illicit substances, and diversion of methadone, were likely to influence treatment outcomes differently than in non-incarcerated settings. In conclusion, the authors say, “Methadone maintenance initiated prior to or immediately after release from prison appears to have a beneficial short-term impact on community treatment entry and heroin use.
Therefore, while the study provided some insights into the impact of initiating MMT. during incarceration, further research was necessary to determine if these findings were applicable to prisoner populations and if they persist in being dosed, let alone other populations, such as individuals undergoing long-term, community-based treatment programs. It is also apparent that prisoners who leave jail while being dosed on methadone are at elevated risk of overdosing and death, especially when they find it difficult to find a dosing facility once released and withdrawal symptoms become intolerable.
A later meta-analysis of opioid-related mortality by Gahji and colleagues in 2019 tended to confirm this heightened risk of overdose, when they found that in a total of 32 cohort studies (representing 150 235 participants, 805 423.6 person-years, and 9112 deaths) that met eligibility criteria, crude mortality rates were substantially higher among methadone cohorts than buprenorphine cohorts. Relative risk reduction was substantially higher with methadone relative to buprenorphine when time in-treatment was compared to time out-of-treatment. This statement means that when comparing the effectiveness of methadone versus buprenorphine in reducing a specific risk (likely overdose or relapse), methadone appeared to provide a greater reduction in risk, but only when considering the time that patients were actively in treatment versus the time they were out of treatment.
This suggests that while people are actively in treatment, methadone provides a stronger protective effect against overdose, death, or other risks compared to buprenorphine.
It also means that looking at overall death rates, more deaths occurred in methadone patients compared to buprenorphine patients.
To make sense of this information, it is necessary to understand the mechanism that leads to methadone deaths being 6 times higher during the period after leaving an MMT program, that results in over 30% of the deaths of those using prescription opioids when only 2% of the opioid pain relief prescriptions are for methadone and 79% of the overdose deaths among a group of hardened long-term opioid addicts and leads to an unacceptable death rate among those on MMT.
Users can develop tolerance to methadone, like other opioids. Tolerance occurs when the body adapts to the drug’s effects over time, requiring higher doses to achieve the same therapeutic or subjective effects. However, tolerance develops unevenly across different effects of methadone, and some effects may persist even as others diminish. Even after withdrawal symptoms begin, significant levels of methadone remain in the body due to its long half-life (24–36 hours). This creates a dangerous scenario where a person experiencing withdrawal might take additional opioids (e.g., heroin, fentanyl, or oxycodone) to relieve symptoms, inadvertently risking overdose from the combined effects of residual methadone and the new opioid. Methadone and other opioids both suppress breathing. Even partial residual methadone can synergize with a new opioid dose, overwhelming the respiratory system. Tolerance to respiratory depression is incomplete, so combining opioids can lead to a fatal overdose even in tolerant individuals (SAMHSA).
SAMHSA (2012) warns that relapse during methadone withdrawal is a high-risk period for overdose due to fluctuating tolerance and residual methadone and CDC Data shows that individuals discontinuing methadone or other opioids face a 5–10× higher overdose risk in the first 2 weeks of withdrawal.
After 1–3 days, withdrawal begins, but methadone levels are still substantial. Adding another opioid risks immediate overdose, and after 4–14 days, methadone levels decline further, but tolerance may drop rapidly. Relapse doses that were once “safe” can now be fatal. {SAMSHA, 2012)
Moreover, it seems that those who have gone into MMT hoping for substantial benefits, as promised by the advocates, have not experienced an improvement in health or social functioning. Rather, they are subject to numerous negative effects as they develop tolerance to methadone. These include tolerance to methadone’s pain-relieving effects can develop, particularly in individuals using it long-term for chronic pain. Higher doses may be needed over time to maintain efficacy. Tolerance to the euphoric and sedative effects develops relatively quickly. It heightens overdose risk if users resort to other CNS depressants to get pain relief and who want to experience the euphoria that initially lead to becoming dependent on opioids. It also includes partial tolerance to respiratory depression however, this tolerance is incomplete, and overdose remains possible if methadone is combined with other depressants (e.g., benzodiazepines, alcohol). However, other effects of methadone are not diminished over time, such as little to no tolerance develops to methadone’s constipating effects, chronic use can suppress testosterone, estrogen, and cortisol production, leading to issues like low libido, fatigue, or osteoporosis as tolerance to these effects is minimal. These complications can become debilitating and users become desperate to detox and be free of this drug and dropping out of MMT and exposing themselves to high risks of overdose.
As reported by Mattick and colleagues, “a consistent finding in the studies of methadone-assisted heroin detoxification is the high rates of relapse to heroin use following cessation of methadone doses” (Mattick et al., 2009a, p 65) with a high risk of overdose and death. Despite this admission, the same authors state that “Methadone assisted withdrawal has shown to be safe, effective and acceptable” (Mattick, et al., 2009a, p85)
.
It seems that users are aware of these aspects of being on MMT for long periods and are not choosing to enter these programs. Further to this, it is likely that despite the continued endorsement of the effectiveness and safety of MMT in the face of overwhelming evidence that says otherwise, health practitioners are not keen to refer opioid-dependent people to MMT, particularly in view of the changing demographics of this group from predominantly heroin users to chronic pain patients who become addicted to prescription opioids. This accounts for the lack of expansion of the number of new people entering MMT.
3. The Effectiveness of OAT in Reducing Transmission of HIV.
 The move towards a harm reduction approach was given impetus by what was discovered about the association between injecting drug use and the transmission of blood-borne infections such as HIV and hepatitis B and C. (NDARC, 1995; Ward 1995)
By the early 1980s, reviewers of short-term uncontrolled-observation studies supporting the use of OAT claimed that there was sufficient evidence “to conclude that methadone maintenance treatment led to substantial reductions in heroin use, crime, and opioid-related deaths, and that it was highly likely that methadone maintenance would also contribute significantly to preventing the spread of HIV among injecting opioid users”, and were used to endorse methadone maintenance as part of shift toward Harm Reduction of NCADA and the subsequent expansion that took place in methadone services around Australia. In 1985, there were some 750 people on MMT programs in NSW, and by 1995, this had increased nine-fold to over 6,750 participants. An important aim of research over the decade before 1995 was to determine whether methadone maintenance contributed to the prevention of the spread of HIV among injecting drug users. They thought that there were two ways in which this might be established: from studies that examined whether being in methadone maintenance was protective against HIV infection, and by those which examined the extent to which methadone maintenance reduced the likelihood of needle sharing among its recipients. Such was the conviction that methadone was the key to the prevention of the harm associated with opioid use that the contribution of ancillary services to successful methadone maintenance treatment was subject to debate as it was unclear what proportion of clients would want and if they would make use of such services, and what kinds of problems might be addressed by them. In any case, there was a reduction in the types and numbers of services that were provided at methadone clinics due to the rapid expansion of services delivered by the private sector. (Ward, 1995). However, research that was available at the time, made it clear that the provision of ancillary services such as education, awareness campaigns, exposure to primary health care services, and the provision of condoms for those with OUD, were the major factors in changing behaviour that led to the comparatively low rates of HIV transmission in Australia. (Wodak and McLeod. 2008;Ward, 1995; Ameijden, 1994).
A series of studies conducted over 6 years, examined methadone programs in Amsterdam and found that they “were not protective against HIV infection, not associated with significant reductions in injection-related risk behaviour, and not protective in terms of preventing the transition from non-injecting to injecting opiate use.” However, they reported that the provision of advisory/counselling services, public awareness campaigns, education about risk factors and HIV testing played a decisive role in achieving some positive outcomes (Ameijden, 1994).
Another report found that there was a lack of convincing evidence that attending exchange programs or receiving methadone treatments had a beneficial effect on the HlV prevalence, HIV incidence, or current sharing of equipment. They also found indications that voluntary HIV Antibody testing and/or counselling reduced high-risk behaviour (van Ameijden, van den Hoek, et al.,1994). In an earlier paper published in 1992, the authors studied a cohort of human immunodeficiency virus-seronegative injecting drug users in Amsterdam and found that there was no evidence that receiving daily methadone treatments at methadone posts and obtaining new needles/syringes via the exchange program were protective.
The studies conducted and reported by Ward (1995) had as its broad purpose, “in light of the literature reviewed and recent changes to the New South Wales public methadone programs, an attempt to build upon the methodology and the findings reported by Ball and Ross in examining the relationship between aspects of treatment received and treatment outcomes and to investigate the role of factors outside of treatment (life events, social support) in predicting outcomes” (Ward, 1995). However, contrary to the evidence before him, he took the view that the reviews concerning the use of methadone as a treatment for opioid dependence had found that there was sufficient evidence to conclude that methadone maintenance treatment led to substantial reductions in heroin use, crime and opioid-related deaths, and that it is highly likely that methadone maintenance would also contribute significantly to preventing the spread of HIV among injecting opioid users. These reviews, therefore, supported the endorsement of methadone maintenance as part of NCADA and the subsequent expansion that took place in methadone services around Australia.
Alex Wodak, a leading figure in the adoption and implementation of harm reduction, claimed in 2008 that the “scientific debate about harm reduction is now over: harm reduction has been shown convincingly to be effective in reducing HIV, and to be safe and cost-effective. (Wodak & McLeod., 2008)
He was happy to concede that “Enduring abstinence is, after all, the ultimate way to minimise harm”. It is well known that abstinence can facilitate a reasonable quality of life by not being tied to MMT and to a never-ending regime of drug dependence that prolongs the harm associated with it, while being hopelessly addicted to a lethal drug and condemned to live as a second-class citizen. He goes on to proclaim that “it has been known since at least the early 1990s that HIV among IDU can be easily controlled by the early and vigorous implementation of a comprehensive harm reduction package. This package consists of education, needle syringe programs, drug treatment (meaning methadone to be dispensed daily) and the community development of drug users.” However, other researchers found that this package is often not provided (Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004), and it begs the question of whether he believes that OAT, even in conjunction with SNPs, is effective on its own. Researchers have responded with a resounding “No!” (Ward, 1995; Ameijden, 1994; Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004)
Later in this paper, Wodak maintains that “these programmes usually provide a great deal of practical education and also serve as important entry points for drug treatment and the provision of other basic services.” (Wodak & McLeod, 2008).
Indeed, it would be more beneficial if methadone treatment was supplemented by a range of ancillary counselling, welfare and health services. The reality is that these services are often not available and rarely taken up by IUDs, as it “it is expensive to operate these specialist services and methadone programs are often situated in general or primary health care settings or in pharmacies, where access to ancillary services is not provided” (Ward, 1995; Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004). Moreover, it is not obvious why this package of services needed to be coupled with OAT, as most of the changes in behaviour among homosexual men were the result of education programs about safe sexual practices, provided by government AIDS agencies and support groups, delivered in the early to mid-1980s, well before there were many people in MMT; meaning that the men who were most at risk of contracting HIV were not in MMT. The evidence indicates that (1) voluntary HIV testing and counselling led to less borrowing, lending, and reusing equipment, and (2) obtaining needles via exchange programs led to less reusing needles/syringes. However, it appeared that “nonattenders of methadone and exchange programs had reduced borrowing and lending to the same extent as attenders” (Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004; Ameijden, 1994).
It is recommended that “education of IDUs about the risks of unsafe sexual behaviour and sharing injecting equipment should be simple, explicit, peer-based and factual about behaviours associated with the risk of HIV transmission and practical ways of reducing risk.” (Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004). Moreover, if the person has a long-acting naltrexone implant and is abstinent, as association with people using illicit drugs, as occurs around OAT and NSP facilities, tends to promote risky behaviour, the impact of education is more effective and there is no need for people to be burdened by having to take methadone each day. It has been shown that education about safe sex practices has been effective in reducing the incidence of HIV infection among those who are not IUDs and those who are, and who are most at risk of contracting the disease, are men who have sex with men and young females who have unprotected sex with multiple partners. Moreover, it was found for those in OAT that it “had little effect in changing risky behaviour and that it did not affect condom use.” (Gowing et al., 2017)
Wodak goes on to say, “needle syringe programmes and opiate substitution treatment are often regarded as the hallmark of harm reduction.” However, these programs are largely irrelevant in the quest to reduce HIV transmission, as the research shows that HIV is rarely transmitted due to drug injection as HIV does not survive long outside the human body, and its ability to cause infection diminishes rapidly once exposed to environmental conditions. Studies have shown that drying HIV causes a rapid (within a few hours) 90%-99% reduction in HIV concentration. (Moore, 1993; Guy, 2008; CDC, 1987). Gay, bisexual, and other men who reported male-to-male sexual contact are the population most affected by HIV. In 2022, gay and bisexual men accounted for 67% (25,482) of the 37,981 new HIV diagnoses and 86% of those diagnosed were men.  (CDC, 2023). The risk of sexual transmission of HIV between HIV-positive IDUs and their sexual partners is much lower at 0.02–005% per heterosexual sex act, while the risk during receptive anal intercourse between men can be 0·82% (95% CI 0·24–2·76%) (Degenhardt and Hall 2012) The risk of HIV infection via injection with an HIV-infected needle is about 1 in 125 injections. The prevalence of hepatitis C antibodies varies widely in IDUs, from 60% to greater than 90% prevalence. (Degenhardt and Hall 2012). It is estimated that men and women who inject drugs accounted for 4% (1,490) and 3% (1,161) of new HIV diagnoses, respectively. (CDC, 2023)
Wodak claimed that eight reviews of the evidence for needle syringe programs conducted by or carried out on behalf of US government agencies concluded that these programs were effective in reducing HIV and are unaccompanied by serious unintended negative consequences (including inadvertently increasing illicit drug use). More recent reviews commissioned by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the US National Academy of Science came to the same conclusions (Wodak & McLeod., 2008) It seems that some experts thought OAT was a good idea based on the relationship between people who inject drugs (PWIDs) and HIV transmission, led to conclusions about its effectiveness in preventing HIV infection which were mistaken.
Many of these studies had recorded associations between injecting opioids and other drugs and various health-related harm (HIV and HCV). However, the determination of whether such associations are causal is more problematic. To make a causal inference, it is necessary to document an association between drug use behaviours and the adverse outcome, confirm that injecting the drug preceded the outcome, and exclude alternative explanations of the association, such as reverse causation and confounding (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012). Cohort studies of injecting amphetamine, cocaine, and heroin users suggested that these practices increase the risk of premature death, morbidity, and disability, mainly from drug overdose and blood-borne viruses. These studies have rarely controlled for unsafe male-to-male sexual practices, but the association between this behaviour and transmission of HIV is too large to be wholly accounted for by this confounding variable of a large proportion are IDUs; the major causes of increased mortality are plausibility and directly related to unsafe sexual behaviour among men, and to a lesser extent, women who have unsafe multiple-partner sexual contact (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
The epidemiological study by Cornish et al. (1993) was influential in that people latched onto their findings and convinced bodies such as WHO of the benefits of OATs on preventing HIV transmission as it had shown a positive relationship between needle sharing and acquiring HIV and then others assumed that as methadone led to a reduction in injecting, then, in turn it would reduce HIV transmission. There, however, appeared to be significant problems with the study design and with the identification of confounding variables, the major one being the proportion of each group who were homosexual and engaged in unsafe sexual behaviour. The study did not randomly assign subjects to treatments, and they did not control for differences between the groups. As observational studies, including epidemiological longitudinal studies, do not establish causation primarily due to confounding variables, differences in outcomes could be due to other factors that vary between groups rather than the exposure to MMT itself. They also lack randomisation, resulting in confounders, which are variables that influence both the exposure and the outcome, making it difficult to determine whether the observed relationship is truly causal. In this study linking MMT to HIV, it is likely unsafe sex among men would be a confounder if the group who are not on MMT are more likely to be men engaged in unsafe and risky sexual behaviour. Reverse causation may also be an issue in that those who practice safe sex and who are not homosexual may be more likely to prefer methadone as they are more conscious of their health and the risks of HCV, for example, due to unsafe injecting. There are also some serious biases in this study that can be identified that can distort results. For example, as we have noted, participants in this observational study were not randomly chosen, which can lead to selection bias as it is possible that HIV-positive people were less likely to choose the MMT group as engaging in activities to acquire and inject street drugs other than heroin, mainly which has hypersexuality properties, which aligns with their lifestyle (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012).
The reality is that in 2022, it was estimated that IUDs accounted for 7% (2,651) of the 37,981 new HIV diagnoses. According to the research findings it was estimated that OUD people who injected opioids accounted for one in three PWIDs (37%) (AHIW, 2023), that 50% of PWIDs were in MMT and that MMT reduced injecting by 30% (Gowing et al., 2017 then it is possible that this reduced the number of transmissions by 0.126% or 48 cases over this period.
Wodak, despite the negligible effect of OAT on HIV transmission rates, concludes by saying that “Drug treatment is also critical, especially opiate substitution treatments. Methadone and buprenorphine maintenance treatment have been shown convincingly to reduce HIV spread “ (Wodak & McLeod, 2008), despite the evidence that suggests otherwise.
Gowing and colleagues (2017) claim that oral substitution treatment for injecting opioid users reduces drug‐related behaviours that are reputed to be a high risk for HIV transmission but has less effect on sex‐related risk behaviours. They say that “a lack of data from randomised controlled studies limited the strength of the evidence presented in this review.”
In their review, they go on to state: “Thirty‐eight studies, involving some 12,400 participants, were included. The majority were descriptive studies, or randomisation processes did not relate to the data extracted, and most studies were judged to be at high risk of bias.”
“The recommended approach for assessing risk of bias in studies included in Cochrane Reviews is based on the evaluation of six specific methodological domains; namely, sequence generation, allocation concealment, blinding, incomplete outcome data, selective outcome reporting, and ‘other issues’ (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012).
Studies (Gowing et al., 2011) showed a statistically significant decrease in injecting behaviour (either as the proportion of participants injecting, the frequency of injecting drug use, or both) after entry into methadone treatment. The relative risk of injecting drug use at follow‐up compared to baseline ranged from 0.40 (at 12 months) and (at 24 weeks) to 0.80 at 6 month follow‐up (corresponding to reductions in relative risk of 60% and 20%, respectively) and other studies all showed significantly less injecting behaviour (either as the proportion of participants injecting, or the frequency of injecting drug use, or both for cohorts receiving OAT compared to those not receiving this treatment at the time of assessment. The relative risk of injecting for substitution treatment compared to no substitution ranged from 0.45 for to 0.87 for (corresponding to reductions in relative risk of 55% and 13%, respectively)”. The problem with these studies was that they were only short-term and did not look at the effect of MMT on HIV or HCV transmission rates and other long-term adverse health effects. People tend to stay on MMT for many years and, indeed, it is suggested that they do so indefinitely (Degenhardt et al., 2009; Kimber, 2010) and that they continue to inject drugs, which in the long-term diminishes any of the early benefits.
In other words, many of those receiving OAT were not injecting opioids and even among injectors, there was no evidence that HIV transmission was affected, rather it was speculated that a reduction in frequency of injecting drug behaviour could be interpreted as a reduction in new HIV infections among this group, however, it was said that it “had little effect in changing risky behaviour” including unsafe injecting and among other things that it did not affect condom use, which was the critical factor in reducing HIV transmission.”
According to a 6-year longitudinal study among IDUs in Amsterdam, from 1987 to the end of June 1993, a cumulative total of 2678 cases of AIDS were reported in the Netherlands (circa 15 million inhabitants). Homosexual men were the largest risk group (78%), followed by injecting drug users (9%); 93% of the cumulative AIDS cases were men. In 1992, 481 new cases were diagnosed and in 1991, there were 437 new cases. Most of the AIDS cases in the Netherlands were reported from Amsterdam (700,000 inhabitants) (van Ameijden, 1994). The research of Guy et al. (2007) confirmed these estimates when they found that by far the most frequent route of HIV exposure was male-to-male sex, accounting for 70% of diagnoses and that, in terms of HIV prevention, methadone treatment programs “were not protective against HIV infection, not associated with significant reductions in injection-related risk behaviour, and not protective in terms of preventing the transition from non-injecting to injecting opiate use.” Heterosexual contact accounted for 18% of cases, with just over half of these people born in or having a sexual partner from a high-prevalence country, or were young women who had unsafe sex with multiple partners and that transmission by injecting drugs was rare. The risk of sexual transmission of HIV between HIV-positive IDUs and their sexual partners was much lower at 0.02–005% per heterosexual sex act, while the risk during receptive anal intercourse between men can be 82% (95% CI 0·24–2·76%) (Degenhardt and Hall 2012)
These findings tend to lend weight to the results of the review by Gowing et al., in 2011, who reported that OAT programs had little effect on injecting drug rates and, more importantly, it had minimal impact on changing sexual behaviour. As, has been shown, (Guy et al, 2007, CDC, 2023; van Ameijden, 1994) HIV is almost exclusively transmitted through unsafe sex practices and reductions in HIV transmission resulted from changes in risk-taking sexual behaviour, most importantly the use of condoms, it must be concluded that “OAT was almost entirely ineffectual in reducing HIV infection rates, either directly or indirectly by altering drug injecting or unsafe sexual behaviour.”
While the rate of HIV infection remains comparatively low amongst injecting drug users in Australia (Des Jarlais, 1994; Kaldor, Elford, Wodak, Crofts & Kidd, 1993), evidence of previous hepatitis B and C infection among people who have been injecting drugs for some time suggests that the proportion of exposed individuals is very high (80-90%) (Bell, Batey, Farrell, Crewe, Cunningham & Byth, 1990a; Bell, Fernandes & Batey, 1990b; Crofts, Hopper, Bowden, Breschkin, Milner & Locarnini, 1993). Thus, if HCV infections have the same transmission characteristics as HIV, HIV cases should be much higher therefore it is difficult to account for this anomaly, apart from the probability that MMT had negligible impact on HIV infection rates and that other factors were at play.
The research of van Ameijden (1994) and Ameijden and colleagues (1994) in Amsterdam followed 616 OUD people over 6 years. Their aim was to evaluate the protective effects of MMT and NSPs and of HIV antibody testing, counselling and the provision of educational material on risky behaviour.
They reported that previous studies in Amsterdam and elsewhere (van Ameijden,1992), had shown that “HIV testing and counselling were strongly associated with significantly lower levels of risky injecting behaviour and unsafe commercial sexual behaviour and found that NSPs and OAT had an impact on injecting drug use” however, it had “minimal if any, direct relationship to HIV infection rates.” They went on to say that if the effect of a prevention program aimed at reducing risky injecting behaviour is to be evaluated, the extent to which the sexual transmission of HIV influences the prevalence and incidence of the virus among injecting drug users must also be considered.
 In discussing their results, Ameijden and colleagues (1994), reported that “it appeared that nonattenders of methadone and exchange programs reduced risky injecting to the same extent as attenders.” They found that neither NSPs or OAT had any protective effect on reducing sharing of injecting equipment or on the rate of transmission of HIV. However, they found indications that voluntary HIV antibody testing and counselling/education were the factors that reduced high-risk behaviour (Ward, 1995).
Higher levels of needle sharing, with its associated risks of transmission of HCV and other blood-borne viruses, is also associated with the use of benzodiazepines by injecting drug users. A study of non-fatal heroin overdoses in Sydney revealed that 25% of individuals reported having used benzodiazepines at the time of their last overdose. Further to this Ward (1995) found that benzodiazepine misuse increased with higher doses of methadone.
 It is apparent that the rate of HIV infection is comparatively low amongst injecting drug users in Australia (Ward, 1995), due to the rapid response to the threat and quick implementation of public safety awareness and education strategies, including the most important factor; the rapid increase in the use of condoms, which occurred and had a major impact on transmission rates before methadone had taken hold in Australia. However, the evidence of previous hepatitis B and C infection among people who have been injecting drugs for some time suggests that the proportion of exposed individuals is very high (80-90%) and that a different mechanism was influencing the outcomes (Ward, 1995). Despite this, HR advocates continue to state that “methadone maintenance is effective in preventing HIV infection”, but conceded that” this may not be the case for HCV as HCV is more readily transmitted than HIV” with infection rates of between 50 and 95% (Mattick, et al.,2009a, p. 123).
4. Long-Term MMT and Changes in Demographics and the Brains of OUD people.
In the paper of Larney et al., (2020), the authors analysed the need for a comprehensive policy to combat the alarming increase in the numbers of dependent people and mortality among a largely new demographic who have become addicted to extra-medical opioids.
 Of the 8683 studies identified, 124 were included in this analysis. “The pooled all-cause CMR, based on 99 cohorts of 1 262 592 people, was 1.6 per 100 person-years (95% CI, 1.4-1.8 per 100 person-years).” All-cause CMR” (all-cause crude mortality rate) means that the number of people who died from any cause during the study was 1.6 deaths per 100 person-years, which means that of 1000 people followed over one year, about 16 of them would die on average.
It also found “substantial heterogeneity (I2 = 99.7%). Heterogeneity was associated with the proportion of the study sample that injected opioids or was living with HIV infection or hepatitis C” as opposed to those who were addicted to oral, either prescribed or extra-medical opioids, which infers a different group of newly dependent people. The pooled all-cause SMR, based on 43 cohorts, was 10.0 (95% CI, 7.6-13.2). SMR (standardised mortality ratio, where it compares the death rate in the study group to the death rate in the general population. In this study, the SMR was 10.0., which means that the people in these groups were 10 times more likely to die than the average person in the general population. A meta-analysis of mortality in opioid users calculated a pooled standardised mortality ratio of 14·7 (95% CI 12·8–16·5) (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
They conclude by stating that “excess mortality was observed across a range of causes, including overdose, injuries, and from infectious and noncommunicable diseases.” They further found that those in OAT thought that
• Methadone was seen as having a “low status” and was only used to medicate to avoid withdrawal
• Methadone was seen as easy to obtain
• There was a belief that methadone was used by those not in treatment in “emergencies” (i.e. for individuals who could not get heroin)
• Methadone clients were viewed as “losers” who had “given up”
• Participants viewed methadone as a dangerous drug that had worse side effects than heroin, including bone and muscle aches, sexual problems, dental problems, and weight gain–fear of long-term effects of methadone
• Participants held the belief that methadone caused unacceptable discomfort felt during detoxification
• Participants held the belief that methadone had a more severe opiate effect, including the increased risks of overdosing
• Having to go to a clinic every day to get methadone interfered with their daily routine, including time spent with family and the ability to find and maintain employment.
It turns out that most of these beliefs are borne out by those researchers who surveyed and interviewed people who were in MMT and the impact of MMT on individual’s lives who often refer to methadone as “liquid handcuffs” (Hunt et al., 1985; Ward 1995; Divine, 2010)
Alternative forms of treatment should be implemented as variations in patterns of drug initiation between countries and cultures suggest that entry into illicit drug use is dependent on social factors and drug availability, as well as characteristics of users and social settings that facilitate or deter use.
Cohorts of users seeking treatment or entering the criminal justice system are groups whose trajectory of use can differ from users who do not enter these systems. The available evidence suggests that a minority of individuals will no longer meet the criteria for dependence a year after diagnosis (Degenhardt and Hall 2012) and that for whom being coerced onto MMT is inappropriate for all the above-stated reasons.
It has been found that major social and contextual factors increase the likelihood of use are drug availability, use of tobacco and alcohol at an early age (ie, early adolescence), and social norms for the toleration of alcohol and other drug use. (Degenhardt and Hall 2012)
It has been identified there are four broad types of adverse health effects of illicit drug use, including diverted methadone, that exist: the acute toxic effects, including overdose; the acute effects of intoxication, such as accidental injury and violence; development of dependence; and adverse health effects of sustained chronic, regular use, such as chronic disease (eg, cardiovascular disease and cirrhosis), blood-borne bacterial and viral infections, and mental disorders (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
Many studies have recorded associations between illicit drug use and various health-related harm, but the determination of whether such associations are causal is more difficult. To make a causal inference, it is necessary to document an association between drug use and the adverse outcome, confirm that drug use preceded the outcome, and exclude alternative explanations of the association, such as reverse causation and confounding (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012).  Cohort studies of problem amphetamine, cocaine, and heroin users suggest that these drugs increase the risk of premature death, morbidity, and disability. These studies have rarely controlled for social disadvantage, but the mortality excess is too large to be wholly accounted for by this confounding; the major causes of increased mortality are plausibly and directly related to illicit drug use (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
Moreover, the chronic use of addictive drugs leads to significant changes in brain structure and function, particularly in areas involved in reward, motivation, memory, and self-control. These changes contribute to addiction, making it difficult for users to stop despite the harmful consequences of continued use of the drug.
Brain changes from chronic drug use include:
1.‘Dysregulation of the Dopamine System. Most addictive drugs increase dopamine levels in the brain’s reward system (especially in the nucleus accumbens), reinforcing drug-seeking behaviour. Over time, the brain reduces natural dopamine production and receptor sensitivity, making it harder to experience pleasure from natural rewards (food, social interactions, etc.)” (NIDA. 2020).
2.“Impaired Prefrontal Cortex Function (Loss of Self-Control). The prefrontal cortex, responsible for decision-making, impulse control, and judgment, becomes less active. This leads to poor self-regulation, making it harder to resist cravings and make rational choices” (NIDA. 2020).
3.“Changes in Brain Structure (Neuroplasticity and Damage). Chronic drug use rewires neural pathways, strengthening those linked to drug-seeking behaviour while weakening pathways involved in self-control. Some drugs (e.g., methamphetamine, alcohol) that are frequently used by people on OAT, cause neurotoxicity, leading to brain shrinkage and cognitive impairments” (NIDA. 2020).
4.“Increased Stress and Anxiety Responses. The brain’s stress system (amygdala, HPA axis) becomes overactive, making users more prone to anxiety, depression, and emotional instability when not using the drug. Withdrawal symptoms (irritability, restlessness, depression) reinforce continued drug use” (NIDA. 2020).
5.“Memory and Learning Deficits. The hippocampus, critical for memory and learning, is often damaged by chronic drug use (e.g., alcohol, opioids, cannabis), leading to cognitive impairments. Drug-related cues become deeply ingrained in memory, triggering cravings even after long periods of abstinence” (NIDA. 2020).
The consequences of chronic drug use include:
1.“Increased Tolerance and Dependence. The brain adapts to the drug, requiring larger doses to achieve the same effect (tolerance). Dependence develops, meaning the user needs more of the drug to feel normal and avoid withdrawal symptoms” (NIDA. 2020).
2.“Compulsive Drug-Seeking Behaviour (Addiction). Brain changes lead to compulsive craving and use, despite the negative consequences (legal, financial and health-related). Users also lose control over their behaviour, prioritising the drug use over relationships, work, and responsibilities” (NIDA. 2020).
3.“Mental Health Disorders. Chronic drug use increases the risk of depression, anxiety, psychosis (e.g., with meth, opioids, or cocaine), and cognitive decline. Some drugs (like cannabis or hallucinogens) can trigger long-term psychotic disorders in vulnerable individuals” (NIDA. 2020).
4.“Increased Risk of Overdose and Death. Opioids (heroin, methadone, fentanyl) depress the brain’s respiratory centres, leading to fatal overdoses. Stimulants (cocaine, meth) can cause heart attacks, strokes, or seizures” (NIDA. 2020).
5.“Social and Behavioural Consequences. Addiction often leads to job loss, financial ruin, legal troubles, relationship breakdowns, and homelessness. Increased risk of risky behaviours, such as unsafe sex, crime, and accidents” (NIDA. 2020).
It has been shown that some brain changes can be re-instated with prolonged abstinence, especially in dopamine function and prefrontal cortex activity. However, severe damage (e.g., neurotoxicity from meth or alcohol) may be irreversible, leading to long-term cognitive deficits. Behavioural therapy, medication (naltrexone), and lifestyle changes can help restore brain function over time (NIDA. 2020).
While chronic drug use rewires the brain, leading to compulsive drug-seeking behaviour, emotional instability, cognitive deficits, and loss of self-control. With sustained recovery efforts, many of these changes can be partially or fully reversed (NIDA. 2020).
The importance of ancillary services that are applicable to the environment from which those with IDUs come and the circumstances of their initiation and ongoing use of opioids and other drugs is emphasised by Ritter & Lintzeris, (2004), Wodak & McLeod, (2008).Ameijden (1994) and Degenhardt and Hall (2012) and Ward (1995). The types of interventions include public awareness campaigns, education about risky injecting and sexual behaviour, BBV testing, medical examination and treatment, psychological assessment, counselling, and timely, low-cost access to these services.
It has been shown that OAT programs entail chronic, high-level, and sustained opioid use that results in these brain changes and that they become worse over time. Naltrexone, on the other hand, is not an agonist and results in the recovery of normal brain function within a short time. It is acknowledged that the ancillary services are just as important as the users need to adjust to living in the community without dependence on drugs to self-medicate, or even more so as cessation of antagonist treatment leaves the drug users vulnerable to overdose.
There is an obvious similarity between methadone and other addictive-agonist opioids including the structural brain changes and compromised health resulting from continuing and regular use of these drugs, and the risk of fatal overdose, development of tolerance, having withdrawal symptoms and the obvious difference between the antagonist naltrexone and methadone, with one allowing the OUD person to abstain entirely from opioids including methadone and improvement in their wellbeing and their ability to return to normal within a short period of time, while the other makes it worse. Therefore, it is disingenuous for HR advocates to skate around this fact and give the impression that methadone is simply a benign medication that is beneficial for the opioid-dependent person when this is not the case  (Kosten and George 2002).
5. The Evidence Examining the Effectiveness of Naltrexone Implants
It is important to note that since methadone and buprenorphine are opioids, they can be misused and, with long-term dosing, cause brain changes and severe dysfunction. As with other opioids, buprenorphine and methadone can result in changes to the brain architecture, hormonal levels, physical and psychological dependence, and a diagnosable OUD and can be fatal when used alone or with other CNS depressants and by people who are not on OAT, which demands that the use of these medications is strictly regulated and supervised (NIDA. 2020).
Naltrexone is not an opioid but rather is a full antagonist of the mu-opioid receptor and completely blocks the euphoric and analgesic effects of all opioids (Kleber, 2007). Naltrexone does not cause physical dependence, nor does it produce any of the rewarding effects of opioids. It is not uncommon for patients to try to use opioids while on extended-release naltrexone, but it is exceedingly rare that using an opioid can override the effect of naltrexone to the extent that the opioid yields rewarding effects and lead to relapse.
Ideally, patients on extended-release naltrexone learn quickly not to use the opioids that caused their addictive behaviour, and, after sustained use of the medication, their cravings declined, and the changes to the brain return to normal (NIDA, 2020; Krupitsky et al., 2011; Lee et al., 2018; Tanum et al., 2017). Neurologically; there is some evidence to suggest that chronic administration of an opioid antagonist can induce up-regulation of opiate receptors. This means that over time, opiate receptors can be brought back to normal baseline level, thus reversing the pharmacological changes that leave an addict prone to relapse (Simon, 1997).
In a randomised, clinical trial, Waal (2009) matched one group who received a long-acting naltrexone implant and the control group who received usual aftercare but no implant. The naltrexone implants were found to be effective as they reduced heroin use compared to the control group. Significant differences were found in the use of heroin, codeine, methadone, and buprenorphine as well as polydrug use, injecting behaviour, and quality of life. It was reported that there was a high level of satisfaction with the treatment, and there were not any more adverse events than those reported by other treatments that were available to the groups. Waal concluded that naltrexone had considerable potential in helping to prevent relapse in heroin dependency and that longer-lasting formulations for naltrexone treatment were desirable to further reduce non-adherence and relapse during treatment of opiate dependence (Smythe, 2010).
Krupitsky et al. (2012) sought to compare outcomes of naltrexone implants, oral naltrexone hydrochloride, and nonmedicated treatment. In a 6-month randomised double-blind trial they reported on the percentage of patients retained in treatment without relapse and found that by month 6, 54 of 102 patients in the naltrexone implant/placebo implant group (52.9%) remained in treatment without relapse compared with 16 of 102 patients in the placebo implant/oral naltrexone group (15.7%) and 11 of 102 patients in the placebo implant/oral placebo group (10.8%) (P < .001). The placebo implant/oral naltrexone vs the placebo implant/oral placebo comparison showed a nonsignificant trend favouring the placebo implant/oral naltrexone group (P = .07). Counting missing test results as positive, the proportion of urine screening tests yielding negative results for opiates was 63.6% (95% CI, 60%-66%) for the naltrexone implant/oral placebo group; 42.7% (40%-45%) for the placebo implant/oral naltrexone group; and 34.1% (32%-37%) for the placebo implant/oral placebo group (P < .001). They found no evidence of increased deaths from overdose after naltrexone treatment ended and concluded that the implant was more effective than oral naltrexone or placebo.
The research by Kelty and colleagues (2017) sought to examine and compare mortality rates in patients with an opioid use disorder treated with implant naltrexone, methadone, and buprenorphine. They found that there were no significant differences in mortality between the groups and concluded that implant naltrexone may be associated with added benefits during the first 28 days of treatment and in female patients compared to methadone.
The study by Kalty and Hulse (2019) compared rates of fatal and serious but non-fatal opioid overdose in opioid-dependent patients treated with methadone, buprenorphine, or implant naltrexone, and sought to identify risk factors for fatal opioid overdose. They found that there were no significant differences between the three groups in terms of crude rates of fatal or non-fatal opioid overdoses. During the first 28 days of treatment, rates of non-fatal opioid overdose were high in all three groups, however, there were fatal opioid overdoses in patients treated with methadone. No fatal opioid overdoses were observed in buprenorphine or naltrexone patients during this period. Following the first 28 days, buprenorphine was shown to be protective, particularly in terms of non-fatal opioid overdoses. After the cessation of treatment, rates of fatal and non-fatal opioid overdoses were similar between the groups, with the exception of lower rates of non-fatal and fatal opioid overdose in the naltrexone-treated patients compared with the methadone-treated patients. After the commencement of treatment, gender, and hospitalisations with a diagnosis of opioid poisoning, cardiovascular or mental health problems were significant predictors of subsequent fatal opioid overdose.
They concluded that rates of fatal and non-fatal opioid overdose were not significantly different in patients treated with methadone, buprenorphine or implant naltrexone. Gender and prior cause-specific hospitalisations could be used to identify patients at a high risk of fatal opioid overdose.
Several research papers have examined the legal, ethical and practical problems posed by use of
naltrexone, including depot injections, among offenders leaving jail. Researchers concluded that
naltrexone had the potential to improve outcomes among those on probation and parole as it
appeared to be ideally suited to providing a drug-free period to facilitate some rehabilitation
into society among a group whose relapse rates and recidivism upon leaving prison were alarmingly
high, even when under the supervision of a parole officer (O’Brien & Cornish, 2006). Use of
naltrexone was seen as providing real benefits to parolees, the criminal justice system and the
community, and offered the best chance of success among drug-abusing offenders compared
to what has been offered before (Marlowe, 2006), although some thought it should be provided
as an informed decision in the context of the Treatment Court and not as coercion or as a
mandatory sentence (Presenza, 2006). As depot naltrexone appears to be efficacious,
non-psychoactive, and with few negative side-effects, it “makes it the ideal candidate for studying
 coerced treatment for addicted offenders” (Marlowe, 2006, p. 138).  Marlowe (2006) also found
 minimal legal or ethical problems with this approach. A randomised controlled study found that
 59% of probationers with a history of opiate addiction who received standard supervision
by parole officers, but not naltrexone, relapsed and were re-incarcerated within a year of their
 release. On the other hand, a similar group who additionally received oral naltrexone had a
relapse rate of only 25% (Cornish, Metzger, Woody, Wilson, McLellan & Vandergrift, 1997).
Bonnie (in Patapis & Norstrom, 2006) concluded that “the legal prospects for mandated treatment
 of probationers and parolees with naltrexone are excellent” (p. 127) if it was found that
naltrexone was medically appropriate, without significant risk, and therefore likely to prevent
 relapse, prevent crime and promote rehabilitation. However, it was also thought also that there
 was a dire need for more research regarding the use of naltrexone in a criminal justice
populations.
Five randomised controlled trials (576 patients) and four non-randomised studies (8,358 patients) that were published between 2009 and 2013, were included by Larney and colleagues (2014) in a review of the effectiveness of naltrexone implants. The risk of biased judgments were reported in the paper, with randomised studies showing mixed results and non-randomized studies showing a generally high risk of bias.
The results reported on the five trials showed no statistically significant differences in induction to treatment between naltrexone implants and placebo implants (two trials; Ι²=0%), oral naltrexone (two trials; Ι²=0%), methadone maintenance treatment (one trial), or treatment as usual (one trial).
Two trials of naltrexone implants were found to be significantly more effective than placebo implants (RR 3.20, 95% CI 2.17 to 4.72; two trials; Ι²=84%) and oral naltrexone (RR 3.38, 95% CI 2.08 to 5.49; one trial) in retention in treatment.
Five trials of naltrexone implants were significantly more effective in suppressing opioid use than placebo (RR 0.57, 5% CI 0.48 to 0.68; two trials) or oral naltrexone (RR 0.57, 95% CI 0.47 to 0.70; two trials).
Despite these positive results, the reviewers found that the evidence on “safety, efficacy, and effectiveness of naltrexone implants was limited in quantity and quality, and the evidence had little clinical use in settings where effective treatments for opioid dependence (meaning, opioid agonist therapy) were available” a conclusion that seemed to be at odds with the intention and outcome of the trials and stated without providing any evidence of how they arrived at this conclusion. (Larney et al., 2014),
A randomised control trial reported by Lee et al. (2018) found that among participants successfully inducted (n=474), 24-week relapse events were similar across study groups (p=0·44). Opioid-negative urine samples (p<0·0001) and opioid-abstinent days (p<0·0001) favoured the buprenorphine/naltrexone group compared with counselling, among the intention-to-treat population but were similar across study groups among the per-protocol population. Self-reported opioid craving was initially less with the counselling/naltrexone group than with buprenorphine/naltrexone (p=0·0012), then converged by week 24 (p=0·20). Except for mild-to-moderate counselling/naltrexone injection site reactions, treatment-emergent adverse events, including overdose, did not differ between treatment groups. Lee and colleagues suggest that extended-release naltrexone and buprenorphine-naloxone medications are equally safe and effective. They suggested that future work should focus on facilitating induction into counselling/naltrexone and on improving treatment retention for both medications. (Lee, Nunes, Novo, et al., 2018)
In North America, opioid use has now become a public health crisis, with policymakers declaring it a state of emergency. Opioid Agonist Treatment (OAT) continues to be a favoured harm-reduction method used in treating opioid use disorders. While OAT has been shown to improve some treatment outcomes successfully, there is still a great degree of variability among patients. This cohort of patients has shifted from young males using heroin to a greater number of older people and women misusing prescription opioids. The primary objective of the review of Manchikanti et al. (2021) was to examine the literature on the association between the first exposure to opioids through prescription versus illicit use and OAT treatment outcomes. The increased misuse of prescription opioids has contributed to these rising numbers of opioid users and related consequences. Nearly 108,000 people died from drug overdose in 2022 and approximately 82,000 of those deaths involved opioids (about 76%). The number of people who died from an opioid overdose in 2022 was 10 times the number in 1999; however, opioid overdose death rates were relatively stable from 2021 to 2022.
Historically, many individuals were first introduced to opioids through recreational drugs such as heroin [7, 8]. However, recent opioid use patterns have contributed to a demographic shift in which individuals developed OUD after being exposed to opioids by means of prescription drugs such as fentanyl, codeine, or oxycodone.
A significant relationship exists between sales of opioid pain relievers and deaths. Most deaths (60%) occurred in patients when they were given prescriptions based on prescribing guidelines by medical boards, with 20% of deaths in low-dose opioid therapy of 100 mg of morphine equivalent dose or less per day and 40% in those receiving morphine of over 100 mg per day. In comparison, 40% of deaths occur in individuals abusing the drugs obtained through multiple prescriptions, doctor shopping, and drug diversion. The purpose of this comprehensive review was to describe various aspects of the crisis of opioid use in the United States. The obstacles that must be surmounted are primarily inappropriate prescribing patterns, which are largely based on a lack of knowledge, perceived safety, and inaccurate belief of the undertreatment of pain. (Manchikanti et al. 2021)
In North America, opioid use has become a public health crisis with policy-makers declaring it a state of emergency. Opioid substitution therapy (OAT) is a harm-reduction method used in treating opioid use disorder. While OAT has been shown to be successful in improving some treatment outcomes, there is still a great degree of variability among patients. The cohort of patients has shifted from young males using heroin to a greater number of older people and women using prescription opioids. The present literature primarily focuses on the cohort of patients that were exposed to opioids through illicit means and little is known about the cohort of patients that started misusing opioids after receiving a prescription. This new shift in the demographic profile of opioid users and the predominance of prescription opioid use over heroin in different parts of the world, including Canada and the USA, the highest opioid-consuming countries in the world, warrants detailed examination. Given the rise of prescription opioid use in Canada and the USA, it is important that factors that may affect the effectiveness of opioid substitution treatment for this cohort of patients are evaluated (Sanger, 2018).
A study conducted by Gaulen and colleagues in 2021, included 143 patients who had successfully completed detoxification, 37 women and 106 men. The mean age was 35.7 (SD, 8.3) years in the extended-release naltrexone group 35.9 (SD, 8.9) years in the Subutex group.
In the 12‐week trial, they found that the mean follow‐up time for the extended-release naltrexone group was 10.8 (SE = 0.3) weeks and 10.6 (SE = 0.3) weeks for the Subutex tablet group (P = .251 for the log‐rank test). In the 36‐week prospective follow‐up period, the mean follow‐up time for those who continued with extended-release naltrexone was 37.5 (SE = 1.6) weeks and 37.1 (SE = 1.6) weeks for those who switched to extended-release naltrexone after the trial period. The aim of this study was to perform a secondary analysis looking at the time to first relapse to illicit opioid use among abstinent‐motivated patients who successfully completed detoxification, both in the randomized trial and the subsequent follow‐up,
The risk of the first relapse to heroin and other illicit opioids was reduced by 54% and 89% in the extended-release naltrexone group compared to the Subutex group (HR, 0.46; 95% CI, 0.28‐0.76; P = .002, and HR, 0.11; 95% CI, 0.04‐0.27; P < .001), respectively. The risk of any relapse to heroin or other illicit opioids was also significantly reduced in the extended-release naltrexone group compared to the Subutex group (HR, 0.15; 95% CI, 0.09‐0.27; P < .001 and HR, 0.05; 95% CI, 0.03‐0.09; P < .001, respectively), with a total of 14 and 11 relapses, respectively, in the extended-release naltrexone group and 95 and 147 relapses, respectively in the Subutex group (P < .001 both groups). The pooled risk of first or any relapse to any illicit opioids strongly favoured the extended-release naltrexone group (HR, 0.35; 95% CI, 0.22‐0.55; P < .001 and HR, 0.08, 95% CI, 0.05‐0.12; P < .001, respectively). The aim of this study was to perform a secondary analysis
looking at the time to first relapse to illicit opioid use among abstinent‐motivated patients who successfully completed detoxification, both in the randomized trial and the subsequent follow‐up,
.
The 36‐week follow‐up study period included 117 patients
receiving extended-release naltrexone There was no significant difference in time to first relapse to heroin or other illicit opioids between those continuing with extended-release naltrexone treatment and those switching to extended-release naltrexone after week 12. Among those who continued to use extended-release naltrexone, there were 27 relapses to heroin compared with 29 relapses among those switching to extended-release naltrexone. In both groups, there were 18 relapses to other illicit opioids in the 36‐week follow‐up. However, in the group switching to extended-release naltrexone, there were more relapses to other illicit opioids during the first four weeks compared to the group continuing with extended-release naltrexone (HR, 0.45; 95% CI, 0.22‐0.94; P = .034) despite the equal number of relapses in the two groups throughout the study period. On the other hand, this difference between the groups became insignificant after adjustment for the use of illicit opioids, injecting days, mental health, self‐assessed problematic drug use, alcohol abuse, cannabis use, use of amphetamines and benzodiazepines, and money used on drugs, assessed prior to baseline. This study showed that opioid‐dependent patients who had successfully completed detoxification and were randomized to treatment with extended-release naltrexone had a substantially reduced risk of relapse to heroin and other illicit opioids compared to those randomly allocated to Subutex. The overall risk of relapse to any illicit opioids was about three times in favour of treatment with extended-release naltrexone. Their finding of low relapse rate to heroin and other illicit opioids found in the extended-release naltrexone group is consistent with other treatment studies of extended-release naltrexone. The low relapse rate of heroin and other illicit opioids on extended-release naltrexone treatment continued throughout the 36‐week follow‐up period. The authors suggested that the aspect of motivation for opioid abstinence should be taken into consideration in clinical practice when deciding on treatment for individuals with opioid dependence. For opioid‐dependent individuals who could successfully complete detoxification and who are motivated for longer‐term abstinence from opioids, extended-release naltrexone could be offered as a first‐line treatment.
6. Conclusions
This paper has included several recent studies that examined the efficacy, safety, and outcomes for opioid-dependent people and the use of medication to facilitate recovery from this debilitating and life-threatening use and dependency on these drugs.
The conclusions to be reached are that:
1. Methadone is associated with ongoing use and injection of opioids and other drugs over long periods of dependence on this drug, It, therefore, leads to greater levels of harm compared to those who never started methadone and who quit using opioids.
2. Methadone is associated with cycling in and out of treatment, which is characterised by high rates of mortality, especially in the period immediately following induction into a methadone program and in the first few weeks of ceasing methadone dosing.
3. It is well recognised that most drug fatalities are the result of polydrug use, especially when people use a combination of respiratory depressants, such as. other opioids, alcohol and benzodiazepines. The advocacy and use of high-dose methadone are common factors in overdoses and heighten the risk of death, especially when a person uses another opioid and or other CNS depressants. High-dose methadone is fatal for people who enter a methadone treatment program, who are occasion users of opioids and who lack tolerance or for those who do not experience the desired euphoric effect of the drug who then use another opioid being unaware that the longer-acting methadone is still in their system and of the synergistic effect that results in overdose, after they leave treatment.
4. Methadone is a treatment that is not favoured by drug users as it diminishes the euphoric effect of other opioids, and it often results in users dangerously injecting the methadone syrup and that they need to be dosed daily and that it be dispensed from a dedicated facility or from a pharmacy. Users and advocates complain that it impedes their lives and is inconvenient, citing the inability to go on a holiday or attend important family events and that it takes too much of their time. The need to go to the clinic each day is due to the high rates of diversion and misuse of the medication, which can result in the overdose and death of others, including children. These people, who complain about the inconvenience of daily dosing of methadone, which is subsidised by the government, disingenuously forget to mention that illicit opioid use is much more costly and requires the users to dedicate much more of their time acquiring their drugs through commission of crime, sex work, doctor shopping or selling and using the drug and doing this four times each day on average, than it does to attend a methadone clinic.
5. Methadone was promoted as an important preventative measure in the spread of blood-borne viruses, most importantly the spread of HCV and HIV among IDUs. This has been shown not to be case, as it is based on false assumptions. The research shows that the prevalence of HCV is higher among people who use and attend methadone and needle exchange clinics and facilities. The changes in behaviour that stemmed HIV infection rates predated the widespread availability of methadone. Moreover, it is not protective of the rates of HIV transmission as it is almost exclusively spread through unsafe sexual behaviour, with studies showing that methadone does not influence this behaviour, including condom use, which is the major preventative measure for transmission of this virus.
6. Adverse health effects of sustained chronic, regular use, such as chronic disease (eg, cardiovascular disease and cirrhosis), blood-borne bacterial and viral infections, and mental disorders are exacerbated by the long-term dosing of methadone (Degenhardt and Hall 2012). Advocates for OAT and the disease model of addiction purport to be experts and maintain that methadone is a treatment medication, equivalent to insulin in treating diabetes, but are being deliberately misleading when they infer that methadone is not the same to the extent as any other opioid is not the same, in its effect on cognitive functioning and brain structure and the development of tolerance, withdrawal symptoms, craving for the drug and continued use despite unwanted and negative consequences. Despite this, they maintain that “like morphine, heroin, oxycodone, and other addictive opioids, methadone causes dependence”, but because of its “steadier influence on the mu-opioid receptors, it produces minimal tolerance and alleviates craving and compulsive drug use, and that methadone therapy tends to normalize many aspects of the hormonal disruptions found in addicted individuals” (Kosten and George 2002)
7. Methadone does not facilitate abstinence from these addictive drugs. On the contrary, because of the very high mortality rates when people leave a methadone program, and high rates of relapse to heroin injecting behaviour, it is strongly advocated that people stay on this drug for an indefinite time. Many people who were coerced into the methadone program and who wanted to stop their dependency on the drug find that it is virtually impossible to withdraw from it, and many have been on it for 40 years or more.
8. A CDC report of a study in the US, found that by 2009, prescribed methadone accounted for nearly one-third of all opioid-related deaths, even though it represented only 2% of opioid prescriptions. It was thought that methadone’s long half-life led to overdose deaths. The report also noted that methadone accounted for 39.8% of single-drug OPR deaths, highlighting its significant role in overdose fatalities when used alone. This suggests that while the number of prescriptions was lower compared to other opioids, the risk was higher as the overdose death rate for methadone was significantly greater than that for other OPR for multidrug and single-drug deaths.  It concluded that “Methadone remains a drug that contributes disproportionately to the excessive number of opioid pain reliever overdoses and associated medical and societal costs” and cautioned that “Healthcare providers who choose to prescribe methadone should have substantial experience with its use.”.
 9. Methadone is an inferior and unsafe treatment for these people compared to naltrexone slow-release implants and, to a lesser extent buprenorphine, and this has resulted in very low numbers of people who have OUD, who are entering OAT programs despite their availability.
10. However, buprenorphine is even less popular among opioid drug users as it blocks the effect of opioids as it is a partial agonist and precipitates withdrawal symptoms if the user uses other opioids and does not reverse the brain changes caused by chronic use of opioids. (NIDA. 2020) The uptake of OAT has stagnated. Despite the rise in the misuse of opioids and associated deaths (an increase of 240% over the last 10 years), methadone numbers have remained the same at 53,300 (accounting for population growth), over the same period with the evidence indicating that those who are on OAT are the mainly the same people who commenced the program some 30 to 40 years ago, even though many were cycling in and out of the program and many have died.
11. The randomised trials and research around the application of naltrexone slow-release medication, that have been presented in this paper, that are disregarded by methadone advocates, indicate that naltrexone implants are a beneficial, effective and safe, while people are in treatment, and most importantly when they leave treatment, as they provide an opportunity to be rid of their dependency, to reverse the debilitating changes to the brain and to resume a normal and preferred life free of their addiction.
12. The evidence to date indicates that the use of naltrexone implants is a superior, more effective, and safer treatment for opioid dependence on most criteria, including, cessation of illicit opioid use and injecting, crime, social cohesion, employment, and importantly, a reversal of brain changes, and dysfunction, compared to methadone. Not surprisingly, it was not superior in retention in treatment as methadone is highly addictive and indefinite retention in treatment is the major goal of MMT. It is noteworthy that none of the methadone studies reported very few as being able complete detoxification and to attain abstinence from opioids and, presumably, they remained addicts with no realistic chance of normalising their lives, whereas this was the stated goal for those entering naltrexone treatment, which was shown to be highly effective, when combined with ancillary services, particularly for those who were motivated to do so.
It is galling therefore, when academics and researchers refuse to accept research findings that do not suit their ideological position and dismiss that which is well conceived and constructed because it does not fit their worldview or the current political realities.
Source: Dr Ross Colquhoun, Consultant to Drug Free Australia

by Lisa Ryckman – NCSL’s associate director of communications. (National Conference of State Legislatures)

Somewhere in America right now, a teenager searches the internet for drugs. The pills they buy might look like the real thing—Xanax, maybe, or Adderall—but chances are, they’re not getting what they think they are.

The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration estimates that six out of 10 pills bought online actually might contain lethal doses of the opioid fentanyl, says Rahul Gupta, director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy.

“So, the odds of dying from those pills is worse than playing Russian roulette with your life,” he told a session at the 2023 NCSL Legislative Summit.

“Substance use cuts across every geographic boundary, every sociocultural boundary. It doesn’t matter what race you are, how rich or poor you are, where you live.”

—Rahul Gupta, Office of National Drug Control Policy

More than 110,000 Americans died from drug overdoses in 2022, Gupta says.

“Substance use cuts across every geographic boundary, every sociocultural boundary. It doesn’t matter what race you are, how rich or poor you are, where you live,” he says. “It’s got your number.”

An iteration known as “tranq dope”—a potent cocktail of fentanyl, heroin and the animal tranquilizer xylazine—is the latest scourge to hit the streets, Gupta says. It is particularly problematic because the xylazine tends to increase the effect of the other drugs.

The costs of opioid addiction and trafficking fall mostly on the states: an economic loss of $1.5 trillion in 2020 alone, Gupta says. He outlines a two-pronged federal approach that includes treating addiction and disrupting drug trafficking profits. Making the drug naloxone, which can reverse an overdose, available over the counter has been a game-changer, he says, as have efforts to disrupt the fentanyl supply chain—chemicals from China, production in Mexico and sales in the U.S.

“We’re going after every choke point in this supply chain,” Gupta says, “and we’re putting sanctions on all of these folks to make sure that we’re choking off those important points the cartels and others depend on to create this deadly substance that kills Americans.”

Expanding Treatment Access

In Oklahoma, fentanyl overdose deaths increased sixfold from 2019 to 2021, and fentanyl was involved in nearly three out of four opioid-related deaths, compared with 10%-20% in previous years, says state Sen. John Haste, vice chair of the Health and Human Services Committee.

The Legislature focused on prevention and treatment by expanding access to naloxone, including requiring hospitals and prisons to provide it to at-risk patients and inmates upon release, he says. Telehealth can now be used for medication-assisted treatment, and fentanyl test strips have been legalized, Haste says.

The state Department of Mental Health and Substance Abuse has launched a campaign to reduce the number of accidental overdoses through education awareness and resource access, he says. As part of the campaign, the department is placing more than 40 vending machines in targeted areas that freely dispense naloxone and fentanyl test strips. “This is the largest program of its kind in the country,” Haste says. “All around Oklahoma, you can see messages reminding the public to utilize test strips and naloxone on billboards, buses, local businesses and other strategic locations.”

Opioid Alternatives

In Hawaii, legislators are looking at safe alternatives to opioids for pain relief.

“It’s easy to say, just stop opioids, stop all drugs,” says Rep. John Mizuno, chair of the Hawaii House Committee on Human Services. “We know that chronic pain is complex; in addition to pain, you’ve got mental health. We need to think about the person’s quality of life. We’ve got to balance the patient’s right to manage his or her pain.”

Mizuno suggests that legislators meet with their state’s top pain management physician to learn about safe pain alternatives, including nerve blocks, implanted medication pumps, physical therapy, acupuncture, massage therapy, chiropractic treatment and medical cannabis.

His state has asked that Medicaid expand coverage for native Hawaiian healing that previously has been covered only for tribal members.

Mizuno says coverage is the main barrier to safer treatments, many of which might not be paid for under private health insurance or federal programs.

“But the best thing to do is work with your colleagues, work with your medical providers, and try to get these safe alternatives (covered),” Mizuno says. “It’s a lot better than being addicted to opioids.”

Source: https://www.ncsl.org/events/details/states-and-feds-are-partners-in-fight-against-opioid-epidemic

  • In trials to develop medications for substance use disorder, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has historically favored abstinence as the endpoint/goal, rather than reduced use.

The details: A model for evaluating treatments based on reduced use instead of abstinence exists with alcohol use disorder (AUD) and is in the works for smoking.

  • The percentage of participants with no heavy drinking days is accepted by FDA as a valid outcome measure in trials of medications for AUD. The National Institutes of Health and FDA have recently called for consideration of study endpoints in addition to abstinence in research for new smoking cessation products.
  • Reduction in alcohol or tobacco use is easy to measure since alcoholic beverages/tobacco products tend to be purchased and consumed in standard quantities. Substantial evidence supports the clinical benefit of reduction in heavy drinking days.

But:

  • Objective assessment of use reduction for illicit substances presents greater difficulty given variability and uncertainty of the composition and purity of illicit drugs.
  • Little research has been conducted on alternative endpoints in OUD treatment.

Why it’s important:

  • Reducing drug use has clear public health benefits, including reducing overdoses, infectious disease transmission, car accidents, and emergency department visits, as well as reducing adverse effects such as cancer and other diseases associated with tobacco or alcohol.
  • Broadening the goals of treatment could potentially expand treatment options, increase the number of people in treatment, and reduce stigma associated with return to use. Expecting complete abstinence may be unrealistic in some cases and can pose a barrier to treatment.
Source: https://drugfree.org/drug-and-alcohol-news/nida-director-rethinking-sud-treatment-goals/
This article gives a useful summary of the viewpoints of the various Canadian candidates for premiership
“After briefly approaching overdose deaths as a health problem, the ‘war on drugs’ appears to be making a comeback.”
Tyler Sekulic, a volunteer with the Tri-Cities Community Action Team, plants some of the 1,500 purple flags around Coquitlam’s Lafarge Lake April 14 to mark the the ninth anniversary of British Columbia’s declaration of a toxic drug emergency.
Close to 51,000 Canadians died from apparent opioid toxicity between January 2016 and September 2024, making the unregulated toxic drug supply one of the most pressing health issues in Canada.

For context, that’s nearly 16,000 more Canadians than were killed in the Second World War, and more than double the number of people killed in Canada by AIDS.

The spike in deaths began when the synthetic opioid fentanyl began to appear in illicit drugs sold on the street starting around 2014. Fentanyl can be relatively cheaply manufactured locally and is 20 to 40 times more potent than heroin. The illicit, unregulated supply has only become more unpredictable and deadly since.

Over the last decade there’s been a push in Canada to move addiction away from the realm of the criminal — what is often referred to as the “war on drugs” — and to recognize it as a public health problem. Broadly speaking, that means that instead of arresting people who use drugs for possession, doctors and advocates have pushed for people who use drugs to be able to access evidence-based harm reduction interventions, opioid agonist therapy and, in some cases, safer, predictable prescription drugs such as hydromorphone or benzodiazepines.

Today, however, the move away from the “war on drugs” seems to be in flux.

There’s widespread discontent in the visible increase in homelessness, mental health crises and drug use across the country, with people on the left criticizing the government for not rolling out more accessible harm reduction programs and housing solutions and people on the right calling for involuntary treatment and increased criminal sentences for drug-related offences.

As The Tyee waits for official platforms to drop, we take a look at how each federal party has been framing the crisis and fact check some of their proposed policies.

This article won’t be covering Bloc Québécois because the party doesn’t table policies that directly affect British Columbians.

The Liberal Party of Canada

The Liberals’ 2021 platform promised to introduce a comprehensive strategy to end the opioid crisis, invest $25 million in public education to reduce stigma, invest $500 million to support provinces and territories in providing evidence-based treatment, create standards for treatment programs and reform the Criminal Code to repeal mandatory minimum penalties for substance use-related infractions to keep lower-risk and first-time offenders out of the criminal justice system.

DJ Larkin, executive director of the Canadian Drug Policy Coalition, says that while the Liberals had some early commitments to evidence-based policy reform, such as support for decriminalization and prescribed alternatives, things fell flat because there was no followup.

The Liberals didn’t bother to explain what decriminalization or safer supply was, “or help the public understand and combat some of the misinformation around how those programs work,” Larkin said.

Funding ‘goes towards enforcement efforts’

In October 2023 the federal government released its Canadian Drugs and Substances Strategy, in which the “preponderance of funding goes towards enforcement efforts, with very little going towards harm reduction,” Larkin said.

Funding for “treatment” seems to go towards research and prison-based health care, Larkin added, noting “it’s quite unclear the extent to which they’ve really made that investment.”

Limited decriminalization

Health Canada supported B.C.’s request to implement a decriminalization pilot project in January 2023, and then-party leader Justin Trudeau said the government would support other provincial or territorial decisions implementing similar programs.

But in 2022, Health Canada denied the Drug User Liberation Front’s request for an exemption under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, which DULF had sought so it could buy, test and sell drugs at cost through its compassion club safer supply project.

From a policy perspective this was a “huge error,” Larkin said. The request was “well supported by evidence, it was well thought out and it was very well structured.” The exemption could have been a “huge turning point” in the crisis and would have helped generate evidence for how a compassion club model of safer supply distribution worked, Larkin said.

DULF asked pharmaceutical companies if it could buy pharmaceutical-grade drugs from them but was told it had to get permission from Health Canada first. When that permission was denied, DULF was punished for buying drugs illegally.

Harm reduction, treatment funding

In 2022 the federal government announced a $40-million investment for 73 community-led projects across Canada that focused on “evidence-informed” prevention, harm reduction and treatment.

It also invested $150 million over three years for an Emergency Treatment Fund in 2024, which helped municipalities and Indigenous communities respond to issues around substance use and overdoses.

The government has not yet published standards for treatment programs, something former chief coroner Lisa Lapointe emphasized a need for.

Larkin said the treatment industry has a “total lack of transparency,” where it’s not known how much a private facility is charging, what its policies are, what happens when someone is discharged or if they’re allowed to be on opioid agonist treatment.

The Conservative Party of Canada

The 2025 Conservative stance on drugs is dramatically different from the party’s 2021 platform, in which the party supported widespread distribution of naloxone, building 1,000 treatment beds and treating “the opioid epidemic as the health issue that it is.”

Back to criminalization

This time around, the party is framing the crisis as a criminal issue and promoting abstinence-only treatment while working to shut down harm reduction programs across the country.

Poilievre is “going back to criminalization” by proposing heavy criminal sentences for fentanyl and calling supervised consumption sites “drug dens,” Larkin said. This term has racist origins in 1907-era Vancouver, where Chinese and Japanese businesses were called “opium dens,” they added.

None of this rhetoric has been shown to decrease toxic drug deaths, Larkin said.

On April 6, Poilievre said he would prevent provinces and territories from opening overdose prevention sites, fire bureaucrats who support prescribed alternatives, introduce abstinence-only treatment and cut funding to federal supervised consumption sites and prescribed alternatives programs, according to the Globe and Mail.

Mandatory life sentences for amounts equivalent to less than half a baby Aspirin

In February, Poilievre said he’d introduce mandatory life sentences for anyone caught with 40 milligrams of fentanyl.

That’s “absurd,” said Leslie McBain, who co-founded Moms Stop the Harm after her son Jordan died from toxic drugs in 2014.

Forty milligrams is smaller than half a baby Aspirin, less than one-fifth of what someone with a regular fentanyl habit might use in a day, and 1.6 per cent of what a person can legally have to use in their own residence, a legal shelter or an overdose prevention site under B.C.’s decriminalization.

When it was first introduced, even the BC Association of Chiefs of Police gave decriminalization and its 2.5-gram limit the stamp of approval, saying that’s what a person who uses drugs might carry around for personal use.

The Tyee asked the association what it thought of the 40-milligram policy but did not hear back by press time.

McBain said many people sell drugs to fuel their own habit, not because they’re some “hardened criminal.”

Preventing the opening of overdose prevention sites — an unconstitutional promise?

When it comes to Poilievre’s promise to prevent provinces and territories from opening overdose prevention sites, he could do that if he lets an exemption under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act expire in September, said M-J Milloy, an associate professor in the University of British Columbia department of medicine. The exemption is what gives provincial health officers the authority to open overdose prevention sites.

Stephen Harper tried to do the same thing in 2008 and in 2011 was ordered by the Supreme Court of Canada to grant the exemption because ending it would be unconstitutional.

B.C. currently has 39 overdose prevention sites, four supervised consumption sites (which are under federal jurisdiction) and additional unsanctioned sites being operated by doctors volunteering their time.

The day after Poilievre said he’d close the sites down, B.C. Health Minister Josie Osborne said she would not let a federal government shut down “life-saving overdose prevention sites.”

Governments can also “choke” the funding of harm reduction sites to close them down, as the Albertan and Ontarian governments have done, Milloy said.

Health Canada says more than 488,400 Canadians visited supervised consumption sites more than 5,103,000 times between January 2017 and November 2024, with 62,200 non-fatal overdoses and more than half a million referrals to drug treatment, rehabilitation and other health services, or referrals to social services like housing or employment supports.

Firing bureaucrats

Poilievre’s promise to fire bureaucrats who support safer supply would be difficult, Milloy said, because public service workers at the federal and provincial levels are unionized and protected by collective bargaining agreements and well-established labour rights.

Safer supply pilot projects rolled out through Health Canada and non-government initiatives have shown the program reduced participants’ risk of overdose and death, improved their health and well-being and helped participants stabilize their lives.

McBain said the BC Coroners Service has consistently said fentanyl is killing people — not hydromorphone, which is commonly prescribed for safer supply.

Around 3,900 British Columbians are being prescribed safer supply out of the 100,000 British Columbians estimated to have opioid use disorder.

Does Poilievre’s math on treatment add up?

On April 6, Poilievre said he’d fund treatment for 50,000 Canadians by defunding safer supply and supervised consumption sites and suing opioid manufacturers.

A Canada-wide lawsuit against pharmaceutical companies that downplayed the risks of opioids is already underway.

Funding for treatment would be “results-based,” where “organizations are going to be paid a set fee for the number of months they keep addicts drug-free,” Poilievre said, according to the Globe and Mail.

Abstinence-based treatment can be dangerous because opioid use disorder is a chronic relapsing disease, meaning people will generally cycle in and out of substance use in their life, Milloy said. Most people will go to treatment a number of times before they achieve periods of lasting sobriety, he added.

When a person stops using opioids, their body starts to lose its high tolerance for the drug in as little as three days, meaning they’re at much higher risk of overdose when they use again.

Opioid agonist treatment is considered the gold-standard treatment for opioid use disorder, but it’s not clear if it would be allowed under Poilievre’s definition of “drug-free.”

“Simply detoxing individuals and putting them into a 12-step program, which is what the majority of recovery houses do, is not recommended because of the risk of death,” Milloy said.

Poilievre said each patient would get around $20,000 for treatment, for a total of $1 billion in funding. The party’s 2021 platform pledged $325 million over three years to fund 1,000 treatment beds, meaning there was $325,000 per bed.

The B.C. Ministry of Health said in an email it currently has 3,751 publicly funded treatment beds and the cost of a single patient’s treatment is between $20,000 and $183,000 per year.

The New Democratic Party

In its 2021 platform the NDP said it would declare a national public health emergency, “end the criminalization and stigma of drug addiction,” create a national medically regulated safer supply program, support overdose prevention sites, expand access to treatment on demand and launch an investigation into the role of pharmaceutical companies in the current crisis.

Drugs not on the party’s radar

For the last two years drugs haven’t been on the NDP’s radar. The party puts out a press release roughly every two days, and the last one that directly addressed the toxic drug crisis was in November 2023, marking National Addictions Awareness Week. The party didn’t mark the week in 2024.

Defeated private member’s bill

Shortly after the 2021 election, NDP mental health and harm reduction critic Gord Johns tabled a private member’s bill to decriminalize certain substances nationally and to expunge certain drug-related convictions, but it was defeated.

The Green Party of Canada

As part of its 2021 platform, the Green Party of Canada said it would declare a national public health emergency, legislate decriminalization for personal possession and all use of drugs, increase funding for community drug checking, implement a national education and distribution program for naloxone and create a national safer supply program for “drugs of choice.” A regular criticism of safer supply from people who use drugs is that it offers a limited number of pharmaceuticals that often aren’t able to replace the unregulated substances people use. This policy would have addressed that issue.

Larkin said it was a “very good sign” that the Greens’ platform recognized the intersectionality and nuance of the crisis and promoted programs and policies that are “supported by considerable academic evidence,” such as supervised consumption sites, decriminalization, prescribed alternatives and access to regulated treatment.

No current drug-related policies

The Greens don’t currently have drug-related policies on their website. But in August 2024 the party put out a press release calling for Canada to adopt an evidence-based approach by offering safer supply, safe consumption sites and barrier-free regulated treatment facilities, integrating pharmacare and mental health care in Canada’s universal health care, increased harm reduction services and action to address poverty and homelessness like guaranteed livable income and affordable and accessible housing.

Source: https://www.bowenislandundercurrent.com/highlights/where-the-parties-stand-on-the-toxic-drug-crisis-10532543

As part of a ‘painful period’ of cuts, Trump and RFK Jr. plan on dismantling the agency that focuses on substance abuse.

I’m talking about a dramatic turnaround in America’s opioid crisis, the epidemic that began in the late 1990s with an explosion in the use of addictive prescription painkillers, and then got even worse with a surge in the use of heroin and its synthetic alternative, fentanyl. The effects have left families, communities, and in some cases whole regions of the country reeling, and more than 700,000 Americans dead from overdoses.

But recently the death rate from overdoses has started to fall. In the latest twelve-month period that the official data captures, the decline has been particularly steep: 24 percent.

In raw numbers, that’s 27,000 fewer deaths over the course of a year—a figure that, as Johns Hopkins University professor Brendan Saloner told me in an interview, is “astonishing.”

Pinpointing the cause of the drop is, as always, difficult. Researchers like Saloner think it’s most likely a combination of factors—like changes in the purity of fentanyl available from dealers and more effective interdictions of foreign smuggling chains. There’s also the grim possibility of a “burning out” effect, as the people most likely to overdose die off.

But another likely factor, in the view of most experts, has been a surge in federal support for substance abuse programs.

That includes the programs offering prevention, treatment, and recovery services, as well as those focusing on “harm reduction” strategies like the distribution of Naloxone, the fast-acting drug that can keep overdose victims alive long enough to get them emergency medical care.

The surge started with legislation that Barack Obama signed in the final year of his presidency, but in the years that followed the effort was relatively bipartisan. That included support from Donald Trump, who talked frequently about the opioid crisis during the 2016 campaign and then, as president, returned to the subject in a memorable October 2017 speech.

“As Americans, we cannot allow this to continue,” Trump said, citing his late brother’s difficulties with alcoholism as a personal connection to the issue. “It is time to liberate our communities from this scourge of drug addiction.” And although his record didn’t really live up to his rhetoric, his administration did launch several anti-opioid initiatives.

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But just nine days later, Kennedy announced sweeping layoffs designed to slash HHS staff by 25 percent, as part of a broader reorganization that will partly dismantle several of the department’s smaller agencies. One of them is an agency that’s been at the center of the federal opioid effort.


IT’S CALLED the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Agency, or SAMHSA. And if you’ve never heard of it, don’t feel bad. Most people haven’t.

But SAMHSA is the agency that awards and manages the big grant program that states use to finance their substance abuse efforts. It’s also the agency that runs the National Survey on Drug Use and Health, the gold-standard assessment that policymakers and researchers rely on to understand trends and shifts in how people are using drugs.

Other SAMHSA duties include establishing best practices for different types of substance abuse initiatives, offering training programs for substance abuse workers, and operating the new 988 hotline for suicide and mental health crises.1 In order to keep close tabs on what’s actually happening in the country—and maintain an ongoing dialogue with local officials—SAMHSA had staff in the ten HHS regional offices.

Now all of that is going to change. The plan Kennedy announced will eliminate SAMHSA as a separate entity, folding it and several other smaller agencies into a new division called the “Administration for a Healthy America.” It will also cut the number of HHS regional offices in half, leaving just five.

And while HHS officials have not specified publicly how many SAMHSA staff will lose their jobs, the New York Times has reported (and a source familiar with discussions has since confirmed to me) that Kennedy and his lieutenants have talked about reducing the agency’s headcount by half, with occasional mention of even bigger cuts.

The official rationale for the cuts and consolidation is that they will make SAMHSA work better: “Transferring SAMHSA to AHA will increase operational efficiency and assure programs are carried out because it will break down artificial divisions between similar programs,” an HHS press release said.

“This will be a painful period for HHS,” Kennedy acknowledged, although he vowed that the public won’t feel much of a pinch: “We’re going to do more with less. No American is going to be left behind.”

There’s absolutely nothing controversial about trying to reorganize the sprawling, frequently byzantine structure of HHS, or hacking away at the internal processes and rules that can impede rather than enable progress. Just three years ago, a blue-ribbon commission convened by the Commonwealth Fund—a well-respected, left-leaning think-tank—issued its own call for substantial changes at the department.

But that document was the result of lengthy, careful discussion of priorities and tradeoffs. There are few visible signs that the Trump administration engaged in such deliberations, and plenty of signs that it didn’t—especially at SAMHSA.


SAMHSA GOT ITS FIRST TASTE of cuts back in February, when the Trump administration ordered government-wide firings of “probationary” workers (which meant anybody, whether newly hired or newly promoted, who’d been in their position for less than a year).

Among those hit hardest were the ten regional offices, according to Scott Gagnon, who ran the New England division. SAMHSA’s staffing at several of them fell from four or three workers to one or none, he told me, undermining capabilities and responsiveness in a way that will only get worse with the new cuts HHS just announced.

“Imagine what that means—they’re still going to cover the whole country, but now every office is going to cover up to twelve states, instead of just five or six,” said Gagnon, who is now on administrative leave because the courts ordered the Trump administration to reinstate the probationary workers but HHS hasn’t put them on the job. “In my state of Maine, they would see me several times a year. Now they might be lucky to get one or two visits. It’s just really going to dilute that responsiveness and that connection,”

The damage to SAMHSA’s data collection work could be even more pernicious, several experts told me, because the data is so essential to public and private-sector leaders trying to craft substance abuse policy—and because projects like the big national survey require so much expertise and institutional knowledge to operate.

“That is the only national survey we have on drug use, and if the staff who does that work is cut, then we’re flying blind,” Regina LaBelle, a Georgetown University professor who served in the Obama and Biden administrations, told me.

“Good data actually takes a lot of manpower,” added Kathryn Poe, a health care researcher at the think tank Policy Matters Ohio. “You have to clean it, you have to evaluate it, you have to organize it. You have to make sure that you’re getting accurate reporting. You have to actually analyze it. And all of that is stuff that’s done by humans.”


THE BEST HOPE for the government’s opioid efforts is that all of the talk about making HHS more effective is genuine, that they will cut smartly and not arbitrarily, and that somewhere in the Trump administration there are officials mindful of recent progress and eager to—as Saloner put it to me—“be heroic and do something big and important to sustain what was already underway.”

But it’s awfully hard to imagine such thoughtful, deliberate reforms coming from leaders who wave around chainsaws while discussing their designs on government, or who say their ultimate goal is turning career civil servants into “villains.” And it’s hard to understand how HHS is going to get more efficient when it is shuttering so many offices—and firing so many people—whose very jobs are to watch over agency programs and make sure they are working properly.

“They have the know-how, in-house, to make decisions about how to steer resources, that institutional judgment . . . that’s intangible but super important,” Saloner said, adding that they are also the ones who handle the tedious, unglamorous and essential work “of making sure that there’s compliance with federal standards, that things are being correctly reported, that there’s no misuse or waste of funds.”

As for Trump, his interest in the opioid project also seems suspect at best. The rhetoric from his first campaign and term, whatever its authenticity, featured a discernible empathy for people with substance abuse problems—and a clear commitment to the proposition that an effective strategy included the kinds of investments SAMHSA has managed.

Now, whenever Trump talks about opioids, it’s to raise the specter of fentanyl as a foreign menace, justifying his border policies and posture towards other countries.

Trump is also behind congressional efforts to enact sweeping spending cuts, in order to offset the cost of his multitrillion-dollar tax cut. And although the Republicans in Congress are still arguing over how to do that, it’s easy to imagine them agreeing to cuts in substance abuse funds given that one element of the current strategy—harm reduction—already has loud critics among conservatives, who think it implicitly condones drug use.

And that’s to say nothing of the possibility, which Republicans in Congress have discussed explicitly, of cuts to Medicaid, the federal-state program that pays medical bills for more than 70 million mostly low-income Americans. It is the nation’s single biggest financier of mental health and substance abuse treatment.

If Medicaid shrinks and fewer people have coverage, either states will have to make up for the lost substance abuse funding by pulling funds from elsewhere, or they’ll just let the shortfalls stand. Either way, the result will likely be fewer people getting the help they need and, ultimately, more people dying from overdoses.

It doesn’t have to be that way, as the last two years have shown. But it’s not at all clear the Trump administration knows this—or that it cares.

Source: https://www.thebulwark.com/p/when-make-america-healthy-again-actually-means-opposite-rfk-trump-opioid-overdose-hhs-samhsa-painful

“Money alone won’t solve it,” Kennedy told attendees at a Nashville convention addressing addiction 

by J. Holly McCall – April 24, 2025 12:55 pm
Hecklers interrupted a speech Thursday by U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. at a conference on opioid addiction in Nashville.

The Rx and Illicit Drug Summit 2025 drew law enforcement officials, addiction prevention counselors, social workers and public health officers to the Gaylord Opryland Resort & Convention Center for the three-day event.

For years, Kennedy has drawn ire and disapproval for his anti-vaccine messages and, more recently, for belittling comments about people with autism and budget cuts in his department.

“Believe science!,” shouted a protester before security rushed him from the room.Another protester held aloft a sign that read, “Vaccines save lives.”

Kennedy’s speech was apolitical and focused on his own history in recovery from an addiction to heroin and his recommendations for dealing with the nation’s opioid crisis — many of which focused less on medical or treatment solutions and more on the need to build community, embrace spirituality and take personal responsibility.

After touting a $4 billion budget at HHS, Kennedy said that “money alone won’t fix this.”

“We have a whole generation of children who have lost faith in our country and their future,” Kennedy said. “Policy should reestablish hope for the future.”

Alexis Pleus of Binghamton, New York, and another woman unfurled a banner saying “Cuts Kill” before being ejected.

Pleus, who came to Nashville with other members of a group called Moms United to End the War on Drugs, lost her son to a drug overdose and said budget cuts at HHS spurred her attendance.

The Trump administration — and Kennedy — have proposed to restructure HHS, including dismantling the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), cutting research funding and funding for addiction treatment and mental health care.

“All these changes are impacting people on the ground,” Pleus said. “People who are struggling with addiction can’t get help already and now they’re going to have an even harder time.”

The conference was sponsored by HMP Global, which provides continuing medical education.

Past speakers have included former Presidents Joe Biden, Barack Obama and Bill Clinton. President Donald Trump spoke to the group in 2019 during his first term in office.

In addition to Kennedy, 2025 speakers included U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi, Tennessee senior U.S. Sen. Marsha Blackburn and Dr. Ralph Alvarado, commissioner of the Tennessee Department of Health.

Source: https://tennesseelookout.com/2025/04/24/health-and-human-services-secretary-robert-kennedy-jr-urges-community-as-fix-to-opioid-crisis/

by International Journal of Drug Policy – Volume 139, May 2025 – Brandon del Pozo et al.

Highlights
  • Studies show an association between police opioid seizures and fatal overdose.
  • This model presents physical and behavioral causes of this positive relationship.
  • Reducing the disruptive outcomes of police opioid seizures can reduce overdose.
  • Police opioid seizures can worsen the problem of overdose they intend to address.

Abstract

Context

Police seizures of illicit opioids remain a dominant strategy for addressing problematic substance use and overdose in the United States and throughout the world, yet qualitative accounts and quantitative analyses exhibit positive associations between police opioid seizures and ensuing risk of fatal overdose at the local level of individual incidents. Since these associations run counter to the commonly held belief that removing potent illicit substances from the community is protective of overdose, a causal model is needed to demonstrate this association and convey the overdose risks that follow from police opioid seizures.

Methods

Leveraging well-established biological and psychological outcomes of opioid use disorder and opioid supply interruption, our analysis presents the Police Opioid Seizure Temporal Risk (POSTeR) Model, an individual-level casual model that begins at the point of opioid dependence, introduces an interruption to an individual’s supply of opioids as the result of a police drug seizure, and presents the physical and behavioral outcomes that increase the ensuing temporal risk of fatal overdose.

Results

The aftermath of a police opioid seizure can increase a person’s risk of fatal overdose. The urgent need to prevent or reduce acute opioid withdrawal symptoms leads people to seek a replacement supply, while reduced opioid tolerance resulting from post-seizure involuntary abstinence combines with the uncertain potency of a replacement supply of illicit opioids to significantly increase the difficulty of administering a safe but effective dose. In the face of these hazards, people in withdrawal often have a reduced aversion to risk, prompting them to consume this uncertain dose in a manner that increases their exposure to overdose.

Conclusions

Strategies that emphasize police opioid seizures as an acceptable way to reduce the prevalence of illicit drugs in a community without accounting for the elevated risk of fatal overdose that results can worsen one of the most significant problems they are meant to address.

Introduction

A growing body of evidence shows that when a person is dependent on opioids, temporarily interrupting their supply of the drug exposes them to an increased risk of overdose (Hochstatter et al., 2023Mark & Parish, 2019Williams et al., 2020). The first studies about interruptions originating from police drug seizures explored this assertion qualitatively, finding that people problematically dependent on opioids reported this increased risk when asked about their personal experiences (Carroll et al., 2020Rhodes et al., 2019Victor et al., 2020). Conversely, these and other studies found people who use drugs (PWUD) with steady access to a supplier they could trust, who provided a basically consistent supply, could warn of inconsistencies, and who might supply naloxone, was protective of overdose (Carroll et al., 2020Hedden-Clayton et al., 2024). More recently, quantitative analyses have found a statistically significant spatiotemporal association between police opioid seizures and overdose during a multiyear periods in Indianapolis, Indiana (Ray et al., 2023), and San Francisco, California (Kral, et al., 2025). In accordance with studies that show ecological associations at the state and county levels (Cano et al., 2024), the analysis found that fatal overdoses doubled within three weeks of the police seizure, in a radius of up to 500 m from the seizure’s site, and this association held when considering all quantities of opioids seized, regardless of whether they were taken from a dealer or an individual who uses drugs (Ray et al., 2023).
Many people find the conclusion that police drug seizures increase overdose risk strongly counterintuitive, considering that governments act to interrupt the supply of illicit drugs to ostensibly reduce risk and save lives. To that end, the presumption is that reducing the quantity of illicit drugs in circulation and interrupting their consumption by people dependent on opioids is believed to reduce risk. But at least in the proximate sense, the evidence does not bear this presumption out. To address this gap between emerging research findings and many people’s intuitions, and to promote the rigorous interrogation of this proposition, this paper presents the discrete causal model by which increased exposure to overdose arises from the aftermath of a police drug seizure, a phenomenon that has critical implications for our present public health and drug enforcement policies. In doing so, it intends to bolster our understanding of the health outcomes of police drug enforcement and suggest ways to interrupt the causal chain to reduce overdose mortality. Barring such a model, the evidence we produce to explore this relationship will continue to face its inherent limitations. Qualitative research conveys the lived experience of increased exposure to overdose in the aftermath of police drug seizures with nuance, but the method inherently precludes broad generalizability. In contrast, quantitative analyses of administrative data can demonstrate statistically significant associations, but do not readily illuminate the causal pathways that suggest where to effectively intervene. Both veins of research would benefit from the development of a model that conveys how personal experience and quantitative correlation can be understood as causation. By presenting such a model here, this paper provides guidance about where future research on this topic should go, and what intervention designs might look like.
The model we present takes policing as its primary focus. It concerns the events that we commonly understand to be police drug seizures: the arrest of people for drug possession, the seizure of contraband drugs that people preemptively discard to avoid arrest by police, and the arrest of distributors and suppliers accompanied by the seizure of their drugs as evidence. It does not distinguish between the volume or target of the seizure; it could consist of the arrest of an individual person and the seizure of their own supply, or the seizure of a dealer one or more steps up the supply chain. The inclusion criteria for the model are only that opioids are seized by police, and in a manner that ultimately interrupts supply at an individual level. The model therefore operates at these lower geographic resolutions, during the relatively short time frames considered in Ray et al. (2023) and Kral et al. (2025), and does not intend to offer explanatory power across larger ecologies such as cities, counties, or states, or over longer periods of time.
The model here takes up overdose as the exclusive outcome of interest, although there is evidence that police drug seizures can increase the risk of other harms as well. In the aftermath of police contact, people may change the way they consume drugs, for example, speeding the act of injection or sharing syringes (Cooper et al., 2005Werb et al., 2008), thereby increasing the risk of abscess and infectious disease (Baker et al., 2020). To keep our causal model as direct and compelling as possible, these other outcomes will not be its focus. In the same vein, while the model here pertains to policing, and is not intended for general application across the criminal justice system. Release from a period of incarceration is a prime example of another event that substantially increases risk of overdose (Binswanger et al., 20112007), and researchers have presented the corresponding conceptual framework (Joudrey et al., 2019), while emphasizing the particular role of fentanyl in generating these overdoses (Brinkley-Rubinstein et al., 2018). We intend to complement this research with a pragmatic realist account (Cherryholmes, 1992) of overdose risks that occur upstream, at the point of police encounters, prior to a period of imprisonment. In its realist approach, our account asserts that prevalent scientific and behavioral theories accurately describe the aspects of the world they were created to explain (Leplin, 1984Psillos, 2005). We further assert that their individual explanatory mechanisms can combine to produce an accurate, predictive understanding of an overall phenomenon (Leplin, 1984), in this case, increased overdose risk after a police drug seizure. In this way, our approach is in the tradition of scientific realist evaluation (Pawson & Tilley, 1997), where outcomes arise from interactions between mechanisms and their social contexts, and causal mechanisms can be reliably identified through reductionist theorizing (Jagosh, 2020). The model’s pragmatism lies in providing insights and recommendations that acknowledge the current political and social contexts of substance use and policing.
The paper will proceed as follows: it will present widely accepted principles of pharmacology, accounts of how opioid dependency biologically influences the behavior of PWUD, and research about how both the mechanics and social dynamics of policing and substance use further affect these behaviors. Taken in sum, we will argue they combine to elevate overdose risk, and we will present these relationships in a graphical model, i.e., a causal diagram (Greenland & Brumback, 2002) entitled the Police Opioid Seizure Temporal Risk (POSTeR) Model. We close by discussing several policy responses to the risks the model presents, stressing that there are potential ways to mitigate overdose risks that result from seizures, although they vary in feasibility and acceptability given individual contexts and political climates. We then discuss POSTeR Model’s limitations and suggest avenues for further research.

Principles underlying overdose as a result of drug seizures

There are five factors that drive our model, each one an evidence-based premise that combines to increase fatal overdose risk when a personal drug supply is interrupted by a police drug seizure. They may present as contributory causes that are insufficient to decisively increase fatal overdose on their own, but that synthesize to do so. In that sense, they build on each other to produce increased risk. The principles are as follows:

  • 1)
    Supply interruption sends people who are physically dependent on opioids into withdrawal, and the most common outcome is that they will avoid or reduce the condition with a replacement supply of opioids (Frank et al., 2023Hall et al., 2024). Opioid dependence is defined by the physical experience of opioid withdrawal, its psychological toll, and the ways in which they guide and modify behavior (Pergolizzi Jr et al., 2020). The most common responses to the onset of opioid withdrawal are to avoid it, reduce it, or reverse it (Bardwell et al., 2021Frank et al., 2023Mateu-Gelabert et al., 2010), which sets the stage for the challenges presented by the other principles below. For many people, relief requires gaining access to a replacement supply of opioids (which could include treatment medications) or being forced to endure a period of detoxification that is, by all accounts, extremely painful and difficult to bear (Dunn et al., 2023Shah & Huecker, 2018). Its symptoms can last weeks (Ware & Dunn, 2023), and are potentially life-threatening (El-Sabawi, 2024), and therefore motivate strong survival behaviors. The idea that a person with problematic opioid dependence can detoxify by enduring a few days of discomfort reflects a deep misunderstanding of the physiological processes and changes to the body and brain that have occurred when a person is heavily dependent on opioids (Monroe & Radke, 2023). In response, some may attempt to manage the symptomatic presentations of their withdrawal by means such as benzodiazepines, sedatives, cannabis, or other substances, which may provide some relief to individual symptoms without alleviating withdrawal themselves, and which may present the additional risks discussed in Principle 5 below.
  • 2)
    Supply interruption reduces a person’s tolerance of opioids to a degree they cannot measure with precision, making dosing more hazardous. Withdrawal, in and of itself, is insufficient to elevate a person’s overdose risk. If a person were to know the dose necessary to alleviate it, and had reliable access to that dose, the resulting risk would be reduced. An initial challenge, therefore, is establishing a safe dose, since even short interruptions in the supply of opioids affect a person’s tolerance of the substance. As prolonged use generally increases tolerance, such that greater quantities are necessary to avoid withdrawal, produce a euphoric effect, or simply maintain bodily homeostasis (Dumas & Pollack, 2008Freye & Latasch, 2003), interruptions have the opposite effect (Kesten et al., 2022), which is why physicians may alter the dose of patients who use prescribed opioids if there is cause to believe they have diminished tolerance (Gökçınar et al., 2022Jeffery et al., 2020).
    It is critical to note, however, that several factors affect the actual loss of tolerance, from genetic predispositions to body composition (Byanyima et al., 2023Lötsch et al., 2004Na et al., 2024Wilder-Smith, 2005), preventing the precise measurement of this reduction. While these variables and a lack of research prevent accurate predictions about the tolerance lost by a particular person after a given period of time, the warnings provided to patients about resuming opioid use after discharge from inpatient detoxification advise that a potentially fatal loss of tolerance can occur within a few days (META PHI, 2024). In sum, when a person resumes consumption, it will be with a tolerance for opioids that is reduced by an uncertain amount, making dosing much more a matter of estimation than it would otherwise be.
  • 3)
    The replacement supply of illicitly produced opioids sought in the aftermath of a seizure event is likely to be of a different, uncertain potency than the interrupted one, further compounding the hazards of dosing. While an indeterminate reduction in tolerance prevents a person from gauging the dose necessary to safely and effectively address withdrawal symptoms, the replacement opioids procured in an illicit market compound this risk by being of an unknown potency regardless (Rosenblum et al., 2020). In saying this, it is critical to note that we do not mean the new supply is likely to be more potent. In presenting our model to nonspecialist audiences at practitioner-oriented conferences as an accompaniment to quantitative findings about the relationship between police opioid seizures and overdose, one misconception that frequently arose was that initial heroin supplies were replaced with a resupply of fentanyl. Our model does not depend on pharmaceutically produced opioids or heroin being replaced by fentanyl. Instead, it presumes that fentanyl has saturated the nation’s illicit opioid markets (Zoorob, 2019Zoorob et al., 2024), is what people who use illicit opioids are likely to consume, and what replacement supplies most likely consist of. The variability in potency that powers the model here arises from the heterogeneity in which illicit opioids are cut for distribution to the end user (Ivsins et al., 2020Larnder et al., 2022Tobias et al., 2021), and the unsuspected presence of fentanyl in counterfeit analgesic pills (Friedman & Ciccarone, 2025O’Donnell et al., 2023). Since illicit manufacturing and packaging processes are not carried out to any standard, or with reliable precision, barring the illicit consumption of pharmaceutically produced opioid analgesics, there will most likely be variance between the potency of an initial supply of illicit opioids and its replacement.
  • 4)
    People experiencing opioid withdrawal have a reduced aversion to risk, causing them to discount these hazards. Finally, while PWUD who use drugs often understand the preceding problems, the risks they pose are often insufficient to deter them from consuming replacement opioids, or doing so in a safer, more cautious manner (Hall et al., 2024). It is well-documented that the symptoms of opioid withdrawal range from extreme discomfort to acute pain and trauma (Bluthenthal et al., 2020). The motivation to reduce these symptoms is compelling, and can lead people to take risks solely for the need to escape the sensation of withdrawal (Frank et al., 2023). Such risks are wide-ranging, and while many do not apply to this model, they illustrate the powerful forces at work. For example, people may engage in criminal activity to obtain funds for drugs, patronize unfamiliar drug dealers with uncertain reputations, use replacement substances of unknown quality (perhaps using them by a new and unfamiliar route of administration), and engage in unprotected, risky sex work. In our model, however, we posit that one of the risks a person will be significantly less averse to is consuming a replacement opioid supply of an uncertain potency, and doing so in a more risky manner than if they were not experiencing withdrawal (Mateu-Gelabert et al., 2010), such as by rushing consumption, neglecting to test the dose for potency, or to ensure other people are present in the event of an emergency, preferably with naloxone on hand. In other words, not only is a person in these circumstances likely to encounter an uncertain replacement supply that will have an unknown interaction with their newly-reduced tolerance, but they will be less averse to consuming it regardless, and to doing so with few or reduced protective measures, even if they are aware of the attendant risks.
  • 5)
    Efforts at self-medication after a police opioid seizure can also increase risk of overdose. If a person loses their supply of opioids and begins to experience withdrawal, other factors may contribute to their overall overdose risk in addition to ones directly tied to a sequence of withdrawal, loss of tolerance, replacement supplies of uncertain potency, and reduced aversion to risk. For example, people may seek sedatives or other substances to alleviate symptoms until they can resume opioid use or fully detoxify, such as by taking prescribed or illicit benzodiazepines or kratom (Boyer et al., 2008Preiss et al., 2022). This alternative poses its own set of risks. Benzodiazepines compound the respiratory depression of opioids, and can cause overdose if they are consumed together or in close succession (Sun et al., 2017). Moreover, the illicit market for sedatives has been heavily compromised by counterfeit pills (Friedman & Ciccarone, 2025), introducing the dangers of uncertain dosing discussed above (O’Donnell et al., 2023).
There is also an ancillary factor that plays a role in the model: the margin of error for correctly dosing fentanyl and other powerful synthetic opioids is very small. The challenge of safely dosing illicitly-supplied fentanyl is driving the present wave of the nation’s overdose epidemic (Zoorob, 2019Zoorob et al., 2024), since a comparatively small difference in the volume of this powerful synthetic in a given dose, or its presence in other substances, can spell the difference between safe use and overdose for many consumers. Not only does dosing vary by supply source, merchant, and batch (given the ad-hoc means of preparing and packaging drugs for smuggling and consumption), but for any unit of difference in the amount of opioid in a supply, the dose is going to be much more potent if it is a unit of fentanyl than some type of less potent alternative. We consider this an ancillary factor because the model suggests people whose supply of illicit opioids are interrupted by a police seizure will suffer an increased risk of fatal overdose regardless of the type of opioid involved. Rather, highly potent synthetic opioids such as fentanyl greatly increase the magnitude of this risk because any given unit of inconsistency represents a much greater variance in potency than the variance per unit found in heroin or pharmaceutically produced analgesic pills.

The causal model

The POSTeR Model proceeds through the eleven parts presented in Fig. 1 as follows. The figure’s solid arrows represent causal relationships with no alternatives in the model, and the dotted arrows represent possible branches. Green arrows signal ways to lower risk, and red signals a pathway to elevated risk. The underlying principles presented above appear in the figure both when they first manifest, and then when they combine to ultimately produce elevated overdose risk.

Fig. 1. The Police Opioid Seizure Temporal Risk (POSTeR) Model of increased exposure to fatal overdose.

Parts 1 through 4 present the basic stasis of consistent supply for people who have transitioned from opioid use to a state of dependence. A person with opioid dependence (1) exhibits increasing physical and psychological dependence on opioids (2), as well as an increasing pharmacological tolerance for the effects of the drug (2). As their tolerance increases, the general consistency of their supply (3) allows them to adjust their dose accordingly. There is still risk to this behavior, including instances of polydrug use that can introduce unpredictable variables (Peppin et al., 2020) and the inherent instability of an illicit drug supply (Holland et al., 2024), but this general consistency in comparison to a seizure event means that the person’s opioid supply is not exceedingly difficult to dose as needed, thereby reducing overdose risk (Carroll et al., 2020). Overdose may still occur, but these protective factors make it less likely to be fatal (4), or imprecise dosing may not be sufficient to alleviate withdrawal and lead to the risks that arise from repeat dosing (4). The result is the continued cycle of opioid dependence as described above, which can last for years or decades. People may exit this cycle over time, in which case they would leave the model by completing the withdrawal period and not re-initiating use, or by entering treatment (5). It is worth noting most people who are dependent on opioids do not fatally overdose (Degenhardt et al., 2011), can age out of problematic use (Jones et al., 2020Kelly et al., 2017), may contend with intermittent cycles of substance use and recovery over the course of years or decades (Hser et al., 20012015), and may enter remission of their own accord (Mocenni et al., 2019).
For the person actively dependent on opioids, the path toward an elevated exposure to fatal overdose begins with the type of supply interruption that results from a police opioid seizure (6). The interruption could be the result of an arrest of the person, or their supplier; either event deprives the person of the opioids necessary to maintain their cycle of use and suffices to bring about the physical effects of involuntary abstinence: withdrawal and decreased tolerance (7). These effects produce efforts to avoid withdrawal with a new opioid supply or self-manage it using sedatives or cannabis combined with reduced aversion to the risks associated with consuming these substances (8). The result is seeking a replacement substance of uncertain potency, especially if it is from a new dealer, although this variance is ultimately dependent on the structure and sources of the community’s drug supply network (9). Consuming the replacement supply constitutes an elevated hazard because it occurs at the nexus of two risk factors and a catalyst: a reduced but indeterminate tolerance to opioids, an uncertain potency that precludes accurate dosing (compounded by not knowing what that dose should be in light of lowered tolerance), and the reduced aversion to risk that comes with avoiding or escaping opioid withdrawal (10). This reduced aversion means that even if a person apprehends the pending hazards, they will disregard them, and/or engage in the additional risk behaviors described in the next section. This results in a significantly increased exposure to the risk of fatal overdose (11).
At any point in the model, a person can attempt to enter treatment, and if it was effective, they would leave this causal pathway. A return to use, however, will place them back in the pathway at (9), facing overdose risk. While many factors motivate a person’s return to use, from social pressures to trauma, pain, stress, and deeply-ingrained triggers (Childress et al., 1988Dennis, 2016Massaly et al., 2016), the decision necessarily indicates they have become less averse to the risks of opioid misuse. Since their new drug supply will be of an unknown potency, and their tolerance will be significantly reduced by some indeterminate amount, it may affect them in unknown ways. This accords with research that a return to use after a period of abstinence poses an elevated risk of overdose compared to the risks a person faced if they were consistently supplied when they were dependent on opioids (Hser et al., 2015Kumar 2016). The model as related here is therefore neither directed, nor acyclic. People can remain in a basic stasis given a consistent supply of opioids, although escalating frequency and volume of use as dependence and tolerance increase, and treatment can either remove them from the cycle entirely, or, with a nonfatal relapse, can return them to the provisional stasis expressed by steps (1) through (4) of the model.

Other behavioral responses to police drug seizures

Our model is principally driven by physiological factors. For example, reduced aversion to risk arises from the need to limit acute physical withdrawal symptoms. There are other behavioral factors, however, that emerge from a risk calculus that is not driven by biological and pharmacological concerns but instead result from decisions meant to reduce the probability of additional supply interruptions by police, or tactics to quickly reduce or reverse withdrawal that constitute riskier behaviors. We describe five of them here and note in step (10) that they fit our model as additional causes of risk at the point of consumption that compound those arising from the causal process described above.

  • Use in private places. In order to avoid the attention of police, especially when a prior seizure was the result consuming drugs in public, people who use drugs may shift to doing in more secluded or private places, such as indoors, in tents, or in vehicles. Using in private spaces decreases the likelihood that someone who is overdosing will be discovered and revived in time to avert death or irreversible injury.
  • Using alone. Regardless of whether the person is using in public or not, solitary use increases the risk of fatal overdose. Many people consume drugs alone to protect themselves from exposure to police or to limit their visibility to other people, who may call police or otherwise express the stigma associated with drug use (Hanoa et al., 2024). When someone is in withdrawal, using alone rather than seeking out trusted people who can observe the results may be a response to the need for rapid abatement of physical symptoms, which can increase such risk-taking behavior (Rosen et al., 2023).
  • Electing not to keep naloxone on hand. PWUD and their associates may believe carrying naloxone elevates the suspicion of police and may increase the risk of a seizure (Bennett et al., 2020Smyth, 2017). If that is the case, PWUD may elect not to have it on hand in the hopes of averting seizures, creating the risk that it will not be available to avert a fatal overdose.
  • Rushed consumption. If a person believes they have no option but to consume drugs in public, but a prior seizure leads them to fear police intervention, they may rush the process of consumption (Suen et al., 2022Ti et al., 2015), which runs counter to the harm reduction adage of “start low, go slow” (Aleixo et al., 2024Collins et al., 2024). When consuming a new supply of drugs, a user can test a small quantity of the substance and then adjust the dose as its potency becomes clear, but rushed consumption increases risk as people use a larger amount sooner, either to avoid arrest or to abate withdrawal.
  • Hesitance to seek help for an overdose. People present at the scene of an overdose may be hesitant to seek help if it ultimately means calling 9–1–1, for fear that police will respond and make arrests (Weisenthal et al., 2022). People in recent contact with police that resulted in a drug seizure may likewise hesitate to seek help when they witness an overdose or call 9–1–1 if they witness one, out of the fear of arrest and another drug seizure (Byles et al., 2024van der Meulen et al., 2021). This may lead them to hope the overdose passes without turning fatal rather than try to reverse it. When they do call, people may downplay or obscure the fact that an overdose emergency is occurring (Atkins et al., 2024). Although this may result in medical personnel being dispatched without police, it may also delay the administration of naloxone of police officers who were poised to arrive first (Pourtaher et al., 2022White et al., 2022), elevating the risk of death or serious morbidities.

Implications for policy and practice

The POSTeR Model allows us to examine the points at which overdose risk can be averted or reduced. We present them along a general arc from the interventions that are likely to be the most feasible and acceptable given the present policy environment to the ones that would require more significant shifts in norms, laws, and culture, with the interventions requiring the most significant shifts likely to be the ones that offer the greatest potential to reduce the overdose risks described by this model. In sum, these interventions work by either preventing the move from risky use (10) to fatal overdose (11) by shunting people back toward a comparatively safer stasis or better equipping them with safer supplies (1–4) by referring them to medications to treat opioid dependence (5), or moving further upstream and preventing disruptive supply interruptions (6) in the first place, promoting the ability of people with opioid dependence to consume drugs with a greater level of consistency prior to entering treatment (5), which is in and of itself a possible intervention. Another possibility, as discussed above, is that a person may eventually desist from substance use over time (Jones et al., 2020Kelly et al., 2017), an outcome common to many problematic social behaviors (Sampson & Laub, 1993), since most people with opioid dependence do not fatally overdose (Degenhardt et al., 2019). Given this approach, the following are possible changes to policy and practice that would prevent, interrupt, or reduce overdose risk related to opioid seizures.

Cautionary publicity about police drug seizures, especially notable incidents

Official acknowledgement that police drug seizures can increase risk of overdose would alert people dependent on opioids to the impending hazards and empower them to better manage the risks. Such an acknowledgment could also pave the way for warnings about particularly notable seizure incidents. For example, public officials in Manchester, New Hampshire issued a warning to the community that police had made a significant high-level drug seizure, and deployed overdose response teams to the area concerned as a protective measure, emphasizing both harm reduction measures and linkages to MOUD (Barndollar, 2023McFadden, 2023). In doing so, they explicitly cited the Ray et al. (2023) study that associated police drug enforcement with increased overdose. Such public measures remain rare, however, since they hinge on the still counterintuitive recognition that police drug seizures, despite the goal of reducing harm, can have the proximate effect of increasing them.

Linkage to MOUD

Linking people with opioid dependence to the medications that can effectively treat it interrupts the pathway to overdose by removing the risks associated with consuming illicit opioids of any potency (National Academies of Sciences Engineering & Medicine, 2019). In our model, it forecloses overdose risk by statically positioning the person at step (5). It does not, however, address the risks faced by people who are pre-contemplative about treatment and seek a replacement supply as withdrawal sets in, which will be most of the population of concern at any given time. Moreover, as our model reflects, relapse from treatment back to substance use places a person at elevated risk by moving them through the model to (10), as a person will resume substance use with a supply of unknown potency and a diminished but unknown tolerance as discussed above. Linkage to MOUD also requires that there be sufficient and immediate access to medications in the aftermath of a seizure.
Despite these limitations, linkage to MOUD in the aftermath of a police drug seizure will remain an appealing policy option because it is the least contested and controversial response: it signals a person’s efforts to make a decisive change in their own exposure to overdose risk that is less susceptible to the stigma and biases that typically accompany harm reduction efforts and legal reforms. Despite this appeal, as a response that intends to prevent overdose and save lives, linkage to MOUD will not offer protection to most people whose drug supply is interrupted by a police opioid seizure. Even the most robust, low-barrier linkages to MOUD will only impact people who actively seek out the medication or choose to engage with the treatment that is offered to them. This is a small minority of the at-risk population of PWUD at any time, most of whom are not contemplating treatment and would not accept MOUD if it were offered to them.
Because successful engagement with MOUD requires a change in behaviors entrenched by habits and biological dependence, assessing where an intervention offers its protections among the Stages of Change (Norcross et al., 2011Prochaska & Norcross, 2001) can clarify the subpopulation of PWUD it is most likely to reach, and help assess the collective reach of an array of measures. By such an analysis, MOUD does not reach people in a state of precontemplation, i.e., the majority of PWUD at a given time (Mann, 2023Patton & Best, 2024). As illustrated in Fig. 2, the interventions below are more likely to fill the resulting gap by offering protection from overdose prior to a decision to change drug consumption habits or enter recovery. It suggests the most effective lifesaving response is a comprehensive one.

Fig. 2. Interventions to prevent overdose in the aftermath of a police drug seizure mapped onto the Stages of Change.

Community naloxone distribution

While the distribution of naloxone to lay persons in the community for the purposes of overdose reversal has gained increasing political and cultural acceptance, its success depends on saturating at risk communities with a quantity of naloxone substantial enough to be used in a meaningful number of overdose events. Success in this regard would require a large, sustained investment in naloxone programs targeted to PWUD and the people who are present with them when they consume drugs (Doe-Simkins & Wheeler, 2025). At the individual level, community naloxone distribution would interrupt the model when two conditions are satisfied: a person uses drugs in the presence of someone who abstains from risky drug use or coordinates their own use to prevent simultaneous overdose, and that person has access to, or can feasibly summon a bystander with naloxone. Meeting these two conditions, moves people from instances of dangerous use (10) back toward stasis (1–4). Given Ray et al. (2023)’s findings that overdoses increase withing 500 m of a seizure event over the following weeks, the targeted distribution of community naloxone in the aftermath of a seizure could be particularly effective.

Access to harm reduction services and education

Harm reduction interventions would directly supply people dependent on opioids with naloxone and the knowledge necessary for its effective administration, in doing so reducing risk among people well prior to the point of substantial change in their drug use behavior (see Fig. 2). As people in drug-using communities facing greatly elevated overdose risks, this manner of naloxone distribution has the potential to be more effective than widespread distribution or distribution to first responders (Townsend et al., 2020) by making the medication more likely to be present at the times and places where overdose occur, especially if PWUD are more likely to consume drugs together, rather than in the presence of non-using community members. Harm reduction services can also offer education and training about the importance of “going slow” (i.e., not rushing consumption), and not consuming drugs alone, while innovative measures include prescribing medications such as single-dose buprenorphine (Ahmadi et al., 20182020) or using cannabis or sedatives as a temporary form of withdrawal support (Meacham et al., 2022Wiese & Wilson-Poe, 2018), thereby reducing the risks that come with withdrawal-motivated behaviors. Together, these interventions can reduce the probability that a person proceeds from step (10) of the model to fatal overdose (11) by shunting them back toward comparative stasis (1–4), and decreasing the incidence of other risky behaviors that can occur after a seizure discussed above. Harm reduction services can also provide people dependent on opioids with linkage to treatment (5).

Drug checking services

Analyses of the composition of drugs performed by community drug checking programs can likewise reduce overdose risk by providing reliable information about what a replacement substance may contain Green et al. (2022).They may be especially useful if a person resorts to a replacement substance such as opioid pills, or non-opioids such as benzodiazepines for the purposes of managing withdrawal symptoms before resupply, both of which are likely to be counterfeit and contain unpredictable amounts of fentanyl. As with other harm reduction services, the knowledge gained from drug checking could be leveraged to promote safer use behaviors, which can move people from steps (10) to steps (1–4) rather than (11), providing protection not only in cases if uncertain potency, but when PWUD utilize other substances to try to mitigate the effects of withdrawal.

Overdose prevention centers

Places where people consume drugs under supervision and are revived if they overdose, offer the potential to eliminate the risk of fatal overdose after a person with a reduced, uncertain tolerance uses drugs of uncertain potency. As with other harm reduction services, the user is fully exposed to the risks of supply interruption as a result of seizure (10) but mitigates them by preventing what would otherwise be a fatal overdose (11) either through an effective reversal, or preventive measures, moving the person to point (4) in the model. Similar efforts may also reduce risk through remote observation, such as via phone, app, biometric sensors, or motion detectors (Lombardi et al., 2023).

Decriminalization of drug possession

Attempted in Oregon 2021 and subsequently reversed in 2024, decriminalization could partially mitigate the hazards of a supply interruption (6) for people dependent on opioids. It would do so by preventing or limiting the duration of the supply interruptions that occur when PWUD are arrested for possession and detained or possibly incarcerated, which are associated with increased risk of overdose (Victor et al., 2022Zhang et al., 2022). It would not, however, prevent the interruptions that come from the apprehension of drug sellers and the seizure of their inventory, since the law did not decriminalize the distribution of drugs. In this way, successful decriminalization programs that still enforce laws against drug dealing like the one implemented in Portugal would not eliminate the risks of our model. Rather, they would lessen incidence of personal drug seizures, and the duration of supply interruptions from incarceration, thereby lessening symptoms of withdrawal and reductions in tolerance (7). The Portuguese system of decriminalization also offers immediate, no-cost linkage to medications that treat opioid dependence (5), lowering the risks of a supply interruption through that pathway as well (Laqueur, 2015Rego et al., 2021). The very low rate of overdose in Portugal, where heroin rather than fentanyl remains the principal source of illicit opioids, may support the hypothesis that the severity of the overdose risk described by our model is greatly increased by fentanyl’s potency, and small margin of error in dosing.

Safer supply

The consistent and uninterrupted provision of opioids of known potency to people with opioid dependence, such as analgesics or pharmaceutically manufactured heroin Ivsins et al. (2020), could limit overdose by keeping people in comparative stasis (1–4) rather than subjecting them to supply interruptions (6). While some Canadian jurisdictions have embarked on such an initiative (Young et al., 2022), the programs have high barriers for enrollment, serve small numbers of clients, and have faced implementation hurdles (Karamouzian et al., 2023), limiting their ability to reduce the overdose risk resulting from drug seizures in the larger population. The rationale for safer supply also suggests that our model may see fewer overdoses if the illicit opioids were the pharmaceutically produced analgesics that were the origin of the present opioid epidemic, although erratically dosed counterfeit pills, which have proliferated throughout the illicit opioid market (Friedman & Ciccarone, 2025Green et al., 2022), would likely confound such a reduction.

Legalization and regulation

As with safer supply, legalization and regulation would bring the manufacture of recreationally used opioids under a regime that would closely monitor their consistency and potency and provide a means for commercial distribution that would preclude dealer-related supply interruptions. This would do two things: prevent the supply interruptions arising from police drug seizures in the first place (6) and ensure that the drugs consumed by people were regulated to the extent that their potency was consistent and well-known, regardless of whether a user experiences some type of interrupted supply or not (3 or 9).
Legalization, especially when accompanied by safer supply practices, would also likely lessen the circumstances in which people experienced withdrawal and reductions in tolerance due to extended supply interruptions (7), providing several means to escape the causal pathway from a supply interruption to fatal overdose (Emerson & Haden, 2021). It would also likely decrease the frequency of several other behaviors that contribute to overdose risk, such as rushed use, clandestine use, and variance across suppliers and between batches. Regardless of the theoretical effectiveness of this measure, it is critical to note that all of this is said without regard to the political reality that legalization is currently the least likely of the drug policy interventions discussed here to be implemented, due to a pronounced lack of political and cultural acceptance of the idea.

Discussion

The extent to which police drug seizures impact the broader community in terms of the availability and consistency of the drug supply is ultimately unknown, likely to be highly dependent on local contexts, and deserves further study. We do know, however, that police opioid seizures certainly affect the person the drugs are taken from, and their direct connections, and our model explains the elevated overdose risk that results. The strength of the POSTeR Model lies in its reliance on well-known features of opioid dependence and withdrawal, and a well-established understanding of certain basic mechanics of the illicit drug market. That people who consistently consume opioids will experience increasingly acute dependence and greater tolerance is not open to debate, and neither is the intense desire—or physiological need—for people dependent on opioids to avoid or mitigate withdrawal, which is a known motivator of risky behavior (Frank et al., 2023). The same can be said of the decreased opioid tolerance that comes from abstinence, whether voluntary or involuntary. The inconsistency in the potency and contents of the illicit drug supply in the case of heroin and fentanyl are also well-established, which underlies the main argument for safer supply initiatives (Ivsins et al., 2020).
In showing how these factors come together, the model moves from anecdotal accounts and quantitative research to a logic model that illustrates the causal chain between a drug seizure, the ensuing supply interruption, and increased exposure to overdose, underwriting our prior spatiotemporal analysis of the association between the two. If the four premises presented at the outset of this paper are correct, then they are sufficient to establish the validity of the model. It is important to recall that this validity does not depend on an actual increase in fatal overdose, but an increase in its risk, which can then be reduced by taking the appropriate precautions. We posit that many fatal overdoses occur because the desire to avoid withdrawal in the aftermath of a supply interruption is very strong, and often the reason people do not take the recommended precautions. The behavioral factors presented after the formal model further exacerbate this risk, but it does not depend on them for its validity.
Despite such strengths, our model has limitations that call for both caution and further research. Although it is an ancillary aspect of or model, we do not know how much of an elevated overdose risk can be attributed a general variance in the composition of the opioid supply, versus a variance in the composition of the fentanyl supply in particular, where small changes can yield comparably large increases in potency. The makeshift production processes employed by the illicit market, which can take place in private residences and other crude, repurposed spaces, is far removed from a proper pharmaceutical manufacturing operation, resulting in variance in the volume of the active opioid per dose. We hypothesize that compared to pharmaceutically produced and heroin-based opioids, powerful illicitly packaged synthetics such as fentanyl are inherently more difficult to safely dose, since even the smallest variations in the volume of the active opioid could yield great differences in potency.
It is also worth noting that the POSTeR Model only considers the near-term spatiotemporal effects of police drug seizures. The research findings that motivated this model considered overdose up to three weeks after a police drug seizure (Ray et al., 2023), and POSTeR Model is meant to provide a causal explanation for events on this time horizon. It does not examine the long-term effects of drug seizures on a community, especially large ones that might have a more significant impact on the drug market. So, while we are unaware of any police drug seizure that was significant enough to have a durable effect on the price and/or availability of illicit drugs in the US, our model is not meant to describe mid- to long-term effects. It therefore cannot rule out the possibility that drug seizures of a size and type sufficient to cause a sustained supply shortage may foreclose the induction of new drug users, or promote treatment seeking among existing users, therefore lowering the community’s overall rate of opioid dependence, or the extent to which this may offset the negative effects we describe here at the population level. Given the constant occurrence of police drug seizures across the nation, and the persistence and worsening of the overdose crisis, we would hypothesize this population level effect is minimal in comparison to the elevated risk of overdose.
Relatedly, as a model that draws on data from urban centers, it is unclear how the overdose risks it produces could be exacerbated or reduced by seizures in rural areas which may pose unique concerns (Dunn et al., 2016). The considerably greater distances and smaller populations involved in rural illicit drug distribution may matter (Fadanelli et al., 2020), as may economic precarity, which can limit options for replacement supplies (Pear et al., 2019). They could relate to longer timeframes for resupply that increase withdrawal symptoms with reduced access to harm reduction resources, or it may increase the likelihood that a replacement substance comes from a different supply chain with an inherently different or more volatile potency. Conversely, the tight-knit nature of small rural populations may yield more transparency and trust across dealer networks. More research is necessary to understand how geography affects the model.
Another limitation to the POSTeR Model is that it describes the effects of a supply interruption at the individual level, which can be caused by either a direct encounter with a police officer that results in an arrest of the PWUD, or the police takedown of a distributor who supplies a significant number of people in the community. In either case, the logic of the model is identical, and indicates an increase in overdose risk, but it does not distinguish between the intensity, duration, and breadth of the risk in different cases. It also does not distinguish how the risk is experienced by individuals in different ways, such as sex workers, unhoused people, or those with the financial resources or networks of trusted dealers that may better insulate them from supply interruptions. While these differences should be researched to further refine the model, one of its strengths may be its versatility across cases and populations. That said, the POSTeR Model does not account for the complexities of polysubstance use, i.e., the co-use of depressants and stimulants, or of different drug types within each class. Polysubstance use, which is increasingly common among people who use opioids (Cicero et al., 2020Lim et al., 2021), can exacerbate overdose risks (Pergolizzi Jr et al., 2021), and our model does not account for these interaction effects.
Critically, this analysis does not adjudicate the competing priorities that drive narcotics enforcement and police drug seizures in many communities. There may be reasons for enforcement and the accompanying seizures that communities and their elected officials find compelling despite their iatrogenic effects. For example, police seizures might provide a way to reduce serious violence among drug suppliers, or a drug selling operation may have a significant negative impact on the public order of a neighborhood, and there is a strong desire among community members for the police to reduce or eliminate it. The role of policies and laws in addressing these issues—or failing to do so—is complex and far beyond the scope of this paper. What our model does do, however, is suggest that there may be serious negative health outcomes associated with law enforcement to address these concerns, even though the approach may have community support, and be culturally ingrained in our approach to problematic substance use. If that is the case, it is incumbent upon communities to account for these outcomes. It is counter-intuitive that drug seizures can increase overdose risk, making the public’s recalcitrance is understandable, so the causal model discussed here may offer a critical means to foster a public understanding that could shape future support for evidence-based drug policy proposals.
The fact that policing routinely creates conditions sufficient for fatal overdose, and that they occur with considerable frequency, suggests the proposed model is a critical component of understanding how policing exacerbates the health risks faced by people with opioid dependence. In doing so, it demonstrates a significant tension between the police role of protection and rescue, in which they are expected to prioritize the sanctity of human life in a manner broadly consistent with public health (del Pozo, 2022Goulka et al., 2021), and the potentially fatal risks generated by their principal strategy for addressing problematic substance use.

Conclusion

The POSTeR Model contributes to the body of knowledge about how criminal justice interventions intended to address the effects of addiction and overdose can have iatrogenic consequences that worsen health outcomes of people dependent on opioids. It is a problem that manifests across the criminal justice system. In the case of imprisonment, for example, the moral consequences of punishment are meant to be complemented by a period of detoxification and abstinence intended to promote recovery. Despite the underleveraged potential for evidence-based treatment to lessen these risks (Berk et al., 2022), this type of forced abstinence is neither effective nor safe for the people it is imposed on: release from jail or prison is believed to be one of the highest periods of overdose risk for people dependent on opioids (Binswanger et al., 20132007). By the account here, the drug seizures by police that precede incarceration, whether they are from an individual who possesses drugs for personal use or someone with large quantities intended for distribution, comprise another mechanism that can increase fatal overdose despite being intended to reduce it. It is critical that future research continues to explore this outcome, assesses its prevalence across settings, estimates the magnitude of the effect, discerns which variables are protect against risk, and brings greater clarity to the risks imposed at the individual and community levels. While it is possible that police view the reduction in supply that results from drug seizures as prima facie evidence of a successful outcome, this model and the accompanying research suggest this is not the case if a reduced supply is meant to deliver the proximate public health goal of mortality reduction.
If research continues to exhibit a positive relationship between seizures and overdose, legalization and regulation of opioids would broadly incentivize the drug market to reduce or eliminate products of uncertain potency, decisively lowering the overdose risks resulting from uncertain dosing, as well as moderate the risky behaviors that result from the fear of drug seizures. Legalization, however, has yet to be even a remotely feasible political possibility in the United States, as nascent efforts at more modest forms of decriminalization were met with resistance, implemented poorly, and eventually repealed (del Pozo, 2024Kim, 2024Smiley-McDonald et al., 2023). It is likely that police drug seizures will remain a core feature of our response to illicit substances, and that such enforcement efforts will intensify, as the criminal enforcement of drug possession holds perpetual appeal in communities that hope it will reduce risk. To safeguard health, it is critical that we understand the full range of consequences for these and other policies based on police drug seizures.

Declaration of competing interest

The authors declare the following financial interests/personal relationships which may be considered as potential competing interests:
Brandon del Pozo reports financial support was provided by National Institute on Drug Abuse. Traci Green reports financial support was provided by NIH National Institute of General Medical Sciences. Bradley Ray reports was provided by Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. If there are other authors, they declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.
Source: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S095539592500088X
by DFAF – Save Our Society From Drugs <clincoln-dfaf.org@shared1.ccsend.com> 10 April 2025

 

Rather than investing in prevention strategies and expanding access to treatment and recovery services, British Columbia, Canada, chose to enact radical harm reduction policies—policies that are now being linked to a significant worsening of the opioid crisis.

In March 2020, British Columbia launched its safer opioid supply policy, allowing physicians and nurse practitioners to prescribe pharmaceutical-grade opioids to individuals at risk of overdose. Then, in January 2023, the province implemented a decriminalization policy, removing criminal penalties for possession of small quantities (up to 2.5g) of drugs including opioids, cocaine, methamphetamine, and MDMA.

The result? A public health disaster.

Hospitalizations due to opioid poisoning increased by 33% (93 additional hospitalizations) following the rollout of the safer supply program. After decriminalization was added, these hospitalizations rose another 58% (164 more hospitalizations), relative to the pre-policy period.

The safer opioid supply guidelines allowed prescribers to offer powerful opioids such as up to 14 hydromorphone tablets per day and two oral morphine (80 to 240 mg) capsules per day, with the option of supervised ingestion at the prescriber’s discretion. While advocates argue that these policies shield people from contaminated street drugs, a critical question remains: Who is tracking where these powerful drugs end up—and what’s being done to move people into treatment and recovery?

The evidence is troubling. Diversion is happening. Only about 3% of opioid users have accessed these so-called safer opioids. This means the vast majority of high-dose prescriptions may be going unused by intended recipients—fueling black market activity and increasing the risk of exposure for opioid-naïve individuals, especially youth. Rather than reduce harm, these diverted drugs may be driving overdose and addiction deeper into communities.

Decriminalization only exacerbates the issue by removing legal consequences, making it harder for law enforcement to respond and opening the door for increased public use, street-level trafficking, and easier circulation of diverted substances.

As for opioid-related deaths, there were increases during the safer supply period, although these findings lost statistical significance after deeper analysis. Nonetheless, the trend raises serious concerns, especially given the surge in hospitalizations.

The authors also noted rising reports of public drug use, which contributed to the government’s decision to recriminalize drug use in public spaces—a walk-back of the initial policy.

These policies may have been introduced with good intentions, but the outcomes are clear: they are not working. By prioritizing access to drugs over prevention, treatment, and accountability, British Columbia has intensified the crisis it sought to solve.

If other jurisdictions consider similar approaches, British Columbia’s experience should serve as a warning—not a model.

 

Source:  https://doi.org/10.1001/jamahealthforum.2025.0101

 

National Crime Agency exposes increasing ketamine use in England amid surge in ‘drug cocktails’

by Tony Diver, Associate Political Editor, The Telegraph (London) 21 February 2025

 

Drug use in England

Ketamine

2023: 10,600 kilograms consumed

2024: 24,800 kilograms consumed

Hotspots: Norwich, Liverpool and Wakefield

Street value: Unknown

 

Cocaine

2023: 87,600 kilograms consumed

2024: 96,000 kilograms consumed

Hotspots: Liverpool and Newcastle

Street value: £7.7 billion

 

Heroin

2023: 25,300 kilograms consumed

2024: 22,400 kilograms consumed

Hotspots: Liverpool and Birmingham

Street value: £1.1 billion

 

Ketamine usage more than doubled in England last year amid the rising popularity of designer “drug cocktails”, The Telegraph can reveal.

The largest and most accurate study of its kind, conducted on behalf of the National Crime Agency (NCA), has exposed a dramatic rise in the popularity of the drug.

Almost 25 tonnes of ketamine were consumed in England last year, up from 10.6 tonnes in 2023.

The drug is now more popular than heroin, with the worst hotspots in Norwich, Liverpool, and Wakefield.

The findings are revealed in Home Office data, seen by The Telegraph, which will form part of the NCA’s annual threat assessment next week.

The agency, dubbed Britain’s FBI, will warn of a rise in the use of several recreational drugs in Britain, including a 10 per cent increase in cocaine.

The sharp increase in the prevalence of ketamine on Britain’s streets is thought to be driven by drug cocktails, including “pink cocaine” – a combination of ketamine and other substances taken by Liam Payne, the One Direction star, before his death last year.

Payne, who fell to his death from a hotel balcony in Argentina in October last year, had taken a mixture of methamphetamine, ketamine and MDMA along with crack cocaine and benzodiazepine before he died, a toxicology report found.

Liam Payne reportedly had ‘pink cocaine’ along with other drugs in his system when he fell to his death in Buenos Aires Credit: Marc Piasecki/GC Images

Mixing ketamine and other drugs can produce hallucinogenic effects, but presents a greater risk to partygoers because the substances can be laced with even stronger narcotics including fentanyl.

The Home Office sampled wastewater from 18 treatment plants across England and Scotland over three years to build the most accurate picture of drug consumption in Britain ever compiled.

The samples, which covered wastewater from more than a quarter of the population, were analysed and scaled up by scientists from Imperial College London.

Previous estimates were based on the quantity of drugs seized by police and self-reported drug surveys, which are less accurate.

The final report found that almost 100 tonnes of cocaine were consumed in England alone last year, up from 88 tonnes in 2023.

Liverpool and Newcastle were the heaviest consumers of cocaine. Usage peaked in London during Christmas, the Euro 2024 football tournament and the Eurovision song contest.

Adjusted for purity, quantities of cocaine consumed in England last year had an estimated street value of £7.7 billion.

That figure is almost double the NCA’s previous estimate and the equivalent of £100 spent on cocaine each year by every person in the country.

Over the same period, heroin consumption is estimated to have decreased by 11 per cent, from 25,300 kilograms in 2023 to 22,400 kilograms in 2024. The highest rates were measured in wastewater from Liverpool and Birmingham.

Experts have previously warned of the dangers of trendy designer drug cocktails, including pink cocaine and “Calvin Klein” or “CK”, which refers to a mixture of cocaine and ketamine.

The combination of drugs can make it more difficult for users to know what substances they have taken.

CK, which is growing in popularity in the UK, has been blamed for overdoses among young people in nightclubs.

It comes as in this week’s Crime and Policing Bill, the Government will propose banning “cuckooing” – when criminals seize a vulnerable person’s home and use it as a drug den or for other illegal activity.

The Home Secretary will also propose new measures to jail those convicted of using children for crime Credit: Jacob King

Yvette Cooper, the Home Secretary, will also propose a new offence of child criminal exploitation, which is thought to affect around 14,500 children each year.

Under the new measures, people convicted of using children for crime, including county lines drug dealing, will face ten years in prison.

Ms Cooper said: “The exploitation of children and vulnerable people for criminal gain is sickening and it is vital we do everything in our power to eradicate it from our streets.

“As part of our Plan for Change, we are introducing these two offences to properly punish those who prey on them, ensure victims are properly protected and prevent these often-hidden crimes from occurring in the first place.

“These steps are vital in our efforts to stop the grooming and exploitation of children into criminal gangs, deliver on our pledge to halve knife crime in the next decade and work towards our overall mission to make our streets safer.”

Ministers and the NCA are also concerned about the rise of drug importers, who bring classified substances into the UK through weaker entry points and sell them to distributors around the country.

Source: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2025/02/21/true-scale-uk-illegal-drug-use/

visual abstract icon 

Visual

Abstract

 

Mindfulness Training vs Recovery Support for Opioid Use, Craving, and Anxiety During Buprenorphine Treatment

Key PointsQuestion  During buprenorphine treatment, does group-based mindfulness training reduce opioid use, craving, and anxiety compared with group recovery support?

Findings  In this randomized clinical trial including 196 adults prescribed buprenorphine for opioid use disorder, mindfulness was not superior at reducing illicit opioid use compared with an active group intervention with an evidence-based curriculum. Both arms experienced significantly reduced anxiety, and the reduction in opioid craving during mindfulness groups was greater than during recovery support groups, a significant difference.

Meaning  The findings of this study suggest that mindfulness groups may have utility during opioid use disorder treatment, especially for patients with residual opioid craving while prescribed buprenorphine.

 

Abstract

Importance  During buprenorphine treatment for opioid use disorder (OUD), risk factors for opioid relapse or treatment dropout include comorbid substance use disorder, anxiety, or residual opioid craving. There is a need for a well-powered trial to evaluate virtually delivered groups, including both mindfulness and evidence-based approaches, to address these comorbidities during buprenorphine treatment.

Objective  To compare the effects of the Mindful Recovery Opioid Use Disorder Care Continuum (M-ROCC) vs active control among adults receiving buprenorphine for OUD.

Design, Setting, and Participants  This randomized clinical trial was conducted from January 21, 2021, to September 19, 2023. All study procedures were conducted virtually. Participants were randomized 1:1 and blinded to intervention assignments throughout participation. This trial recruited online from 16 US states and was conducted via online platforms. Patients prescribed buprenorphine for OUD were recruited via social media advertisements, flyers, and health care professional referrals.

Interventions  The M-ROCC program was a 24-week, motivationally adaptive, trauma-informed, mindfulness-based group curriculum. Participants attended a 30-minute informal check-in and 60-minute intervention group each week. The recovery support group control curriculum used 4 evidence-based substance use disorder–focused nonmindfulness approaches and was time and attention matched.

Main Outcomes and Measures  The primary outcome was the number of 2-week periods with both self-reported and biochemically confirmed abstinence from illicit opioid use during study weeks 13 to 24, which was analyzed with an intention-to-treat approach using generalized estimating equations comparing between-group differences.

Results  This sample included 196 participants, predominantly female (119 [60.7%]). Mean (SD) age was 41.0 (10.3) years. Opioid use was 13.4% (95% CI, 6.2%-20.5%) in the M-ROCC group and 12.7% (95% CI, 7.5%-18.0%) in the recovery support group, a 0.6% difference (95% CI, −8.2% to 9.5%; P = .89). Cocaine and benzodiazepine use were also not significantly different. Anxiety T scores were reduced across both the M-ROCC and recovery support groups but were not significantly different between groups from baseline to week 24 (1.0; 95% CI, −2.4 to 4.3; P = .57). The M-ROCC participants demonstrated a larger reduction in opioid craving compared with the recovery support group participants: −1.0 (95% CI, −1.7 to −0.2; P = .01; Cohen d = −0.5).

Conclusions and Relevance  In this study, during buprenorphine treatment comparing mindfulness vs active control, both groups significantly reduced anxiety without significant differences in substance use outcomes. Mindfulness led to significantly greater reductions in residual opioid craving than control. The findings of this study suggest that mindfulness training groups may be recommended for people receiving buprenorphine maintenance therapy who have residual opioid craving.

Trial Registration  ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier: NCT04278586

 

Introduction

 

Opioid use is a major public health crisis in the US, with approximately more than 80 000 opioid overdose deaths in 2023.1 Buprenorphine treatment reduces illicit opioid use and overdose risk2,3; however, studies report that most patients discontinue buprenorphine medical management within 6 months.4,5 Several factors that may serve as treatment targets can increase the likelihood of poor outcomes. Comorbid substance use (eg, cocaine, methamphetamine) increases treatment dropout.6,7 Psychiatric symptoms (eg, anxiety), benzodiazepine misuse, and opioid craving increase relapse risk.8,9 Opioid craving is associated with subsequent use during buprenorphine treatment, is often preceded by negative affect or withdrawal states, and intensifies during exposure to drug cues or stressful life events.3,613 Behavioral interventions targeting these factors may improve outcomes, but, aside from contingency management, a systematic review identified no clear benefits to adjunctive individual counseling or cognitive-behavioral therapy.14 Unlike individual treatment, group treatment attendance has been associated with increased opioid treatment completion, and group-based opioid treatment appears feasible, acceptable, and may improve treatment outcomes.15

 

Mindfulness-based interventions are an increasingly popular evidence-based group treatment for substance use disorders.16,17 A recent fully powered randomized clinical trial found that a mindfulness program reduced opioid use and craving among people with both chronic pain and OUD during methadone maintenance.18 Mindfulness training appears to increase individuals’ capacities for self-regulation through enhanced attentional control, cognitive control, emotion regulation, and self-related processes.19 Mindful behavior change, a curriculum created to leverage those mechanisms, was shown to reduce anxiety symptoms, increase self-regulation, and catalyze health behavior change in trials of the Mindfulness Training for Primary Care program.20,21 The established Mindfulness Training for Primary Care curriculum was adapted for patients with OUD and a 24-week trauma-informed Mindful Recovery Opioid Use Disorder Care Continuum (M-ROCC) was created. A single-arm multisite pilot trial found M-ROCC feasible and acceptable during buprenorphine treatment.22 Additionally, participants experienced significant reductions in anxiety and decreased benzodiazepine and cocaine use but not opioid use.23

 

The present full-scale clinical trial compared the effectiveness of M-ROCC, delivered as an adjunctive live-online group during buprenorphine treatment, with an attention-balanced nonmindfulness control recovery support group using evidence-based approaches. We hypothesized that M-ROCC would be more effective than a recovery support group at reducing opioid use and anxiety.24

 

Methods

 

Design, Setting, and Recruitment

 

We designed this randomized clinical trial, approved by the Cambridge Health Alliance Institutional Review Board, to compare the effectiveness of live-online M-ROCC vs a recovery support group during outpatient buprenorphine treatment. Participants were recruited through social media (ie, Facebook), community partners (eg, Lynn Community Health, Boston Medical Center, North Shore Community Health), online telemedicine health care professionals (eg, Bicycle Health, Boulder Care), and quick response code flyers linking an online referral form, and participants provided informed consent.25,26 Participants received financial compensation. Study inclusion required participants to be aged 18 to 70 years with a stable buprenorphine dose prescribed (>4 weeks) for OUD, confirmed by participants signing a consent form for study personnel to contact their health care professional. Because some people receiving buprenorphine attain sustained remission of OUD, this study aimed to enroll individuals with a less clinically stable status, with residual symptoms of anxiety and/or substance use; therefore, participants had either mild or greater anxiety (Patient Reported Outcomes Measurement Information System–Anxiety Short Form 8a [PROMIS-ASF] T score >55) or recent substance use (<90 days of abstinence from alcohol, opioids, benzodiazepines, cocaine, or methamphetamine). Exclusion criteria included psychosis, mania, suicidality or self-injury, cognitive impairment, past mindfulness group experience, expected inpatient hospitalization or incarceration, or group-disruptive behaviors. Research coordinators (including H.G.) screened participants for eligibility through self-report surveys and telephone interviews.24 This trial followed the Consolidated Standards of Reporting Trials (CONSORT) reporting guideline. The trial protocol is available in Supplement 1.

 

Blinding and Randomization

 

The data coordinator (J.B.) randomized participants in random blocks of 4, 6, and 8 with a 1:1 ratio, using a random spreadsheet sequence (Excel; Microsoft Corp). The data coordinator concealed allocation in a password-protected file from personnel managing recruitment and screening until the randomization allocation was assigned. Participants and the primary investigator (Z.S.-O.) were blinded to intervention assignments.

 

Interventions

 

Groups were attention matched and offered at the same day and time as their comparator within each cohort. Each group started with a 30-minute informal check-in during which participants completed weekly surveys and research coordinators video-monitored oral toxicology tests in a video communications platform (Zoom; Zoom Video Communication) breakout rooms, recording results with screen capture (Droplr; Droplr Inc).27 Then, a 60-minute intervention group was led by 1 to 2 group leaders, including a lead instructor (A.K.F.) and with more than 4 years of group facilitation experience.24 Participants without reliable internet access received smartphones with unlimited data plans.

 

The M-ROCC curriculum had 3 components, starting with a 4-week orientation focused on fostering group engagement through comfort, curiosity, connection, and confidence. Participants continued into a 4-week low-dose mindfulness group, building a trauma-informed foundation for learning mindfulness and increasing daily formal mindfulness practice time. To provide choice about embarking on intensive mindfulness training, we offered those who successfully completed low-dose mindfulness the opportunity to continue into an intensive recovery-focused 16-week mindful behavior change program.20,21 This group focused on cultivating mindfulness of the body, breathing, thoughts, and emotions, plus mindful behavior change skills, interpersonal mindfulness practice, increasing self-compassion and emotion regulation, and developing OUD recovery skills, such as mindful savoring and urge surfing.24

 

We designed the recovery support group based on best practices in group-based opioid treatment, using evidence-based techniques while fostering a sense of accountability, shared identity, and supportive community.15,2830 It incorporated 8 weeks of group-building orientation followed by 16 weeks of evidence-based treatment techniques for substance use disorders, including cognitive behavioral therapy, motivational interviewing, community reinforcement, and 12-step facilitation.3135

 

Measures

 

All surveys were hosted by Research Electronic Data Capture (REDCap). During the screening and baseline periods, participants completed telephone screening interviews to report demographic characteristics (eg, race and ethnicity) and self-report surveys with substance use and buprenorphine dose information. The interventions in the study organize participants within group cohorts, which feature social elements. These are generally positive for many people, but the experience of group belonging and group cohesion may be influenced by participant experiences of minoritization, implicit bias, and microaggressions, which have been reported to lead to feelings of inclusion and exclusion related to race and ethnicity that might impact attrition or intervention adherence or continuation.36,37 In addition, studies have found that demographic variables have been underreported in mindfulness intervention research, leading to systemic bias and inclusion disparities in the field.38 Consequently, we report the racial and ethnic makeup of the study participants to contextualize the results and the limitations of generalizability.

 

Primary Outcome

 

Our primary outcome was the number of 2-week periods with both self-reported and biochemically confirmed abstinence from illicit opioid use during study weeks 13 to 24. During each 2-week period, participants completed at least one randomly assigned 14-panel oral toxicologic report via the video communications platform and 2 self-reported weekly surveys inquiring about past 7-day illicit opioid use. Participants were considered abstinent during each of the six 2-week periods if they had no self-reported opioid use and a negative oral toxicology test result for all illicit opioids tested. We hypothesized that participants in the M-ROCC arm would experience more abstinent periods compared with those in the recovery support group.

 

Secondary and Exploratory Outcomes

 

Participants completed the PROMIS-ASF at baseline and weeks 8, 16, and 24. PROMIS-ASF is an 8-item questionnaire using a 5-point scale asking about the past 7 days (1 = never to 5 = always).39 The T scores were calculated, with higher scores indicating greater symptoms of anxiety. We hypothesized that participants assigned to M-ROCC would experience greater reductions in anxiety than those in the recovery support group between baseline and week 24.

 

Secondary outcomes of benzodiazepine and cocaine use were collected for six 2-week periods in the same manner as described for opioids. We hypothesized that M-ROCC participants would experience greater reductions in benzodiazepine and cocaine use than those in the recovery support group.

 

As a prespecified exploratory outcome, changes in opioid craving during weekly surveys from weeks 1 to 24 were measured. The Opioid Craving Scale asked participants to rate 3 items assessing different aspects of opioid craving on a scale of 0 to 10. Mean ratings were calculated across these items, with higher ratings representing greater opioid craving. In previous research, the Opioid Craving Scale was positively associated with risk for opioid use in the following week.40 We hypothesized that participants assigned to M-ROCC would experience greater reductions in opioid craving between baseline and week 24 compared with those in the recovery support group.

 

Adverse Events

 

Staff monitored adverse events at each study visit and via a REDCap survey at weeks 8, 16, and 24, rated by severity, relatedness, and expectedness. Events were reviewed regularly by a National Center for Complementary and Integrative Health–approved data safety and monitoring board.

 

Statistical Analysis

 

Power analyses assumed randomization of 192 individuals, with an effective sample size of 156. This sample size provided 80% power to detect an effect size of 0.45 for negative toxicologic findings for illicit opioids between M-ROCC and the recovery support group, with a 2-sided significance level of P < .05, using an unpaired test.

 

For the primary outcome, we used an intention-to-treat approach to estimate differences between the M-ROCC and recovery support groups in biochemically confirmed illicit opioid abstinence over 6 biweekly time periods during weeks 13 to 24. We used generalized estimating equation logistic regression accounting for clustering at the individual participant level over weeks 13 to 24.

 

For the secondary outcome of anxiety and the prespecified exploratory outcome of opioid craving, we conducted a difference-in-differences intention-to-treat repeated-measures analysis using linear mixed-effects models with a study week by group interaction term to estimate the relative changes from baseline to week 24. For changes in anxiety, we included only participants with PROMIS-ASF T scores above 55 at baseline.39 We used the Benjamini-Hochberg false discovery rate procedure to account for multiple comparisons.41 Effect sizes (Cohen d) were calculated.

 

We used maximum likelihood estimation to address missingness for all analyses, adjusting the models to account for baseline covariates that differed between study groups after randomization (P < .10). We conducted a supplemental analysis using multiple imputation. We also conducted supplemental sensitivity analyses adjusting for all covariates associated with the outcome measure missingness. We conducted completer analyses for all outcomes among a subsample of intervention-adherent participants, defined as completing at least 15 of 24 sessions. For the number of adverse events, we conducted a negative binomial regression to evaluate between-group differences. All analyses were conducted in Stata, version 18 (StataCorp LLC).

 

Results

 

Participant Characteristics

 

Of 1728 patients referred between January 21, 2021, and February 15, 2023, 260 participants signed informed consent forms. We excluded 64 individuals for exclusion criteria (n = 18) or incomplete baseline assessments (n = 46) and randomized 196 participants to M-ROCC (n = 98) or the recovery support group (n = 98) (Figure 1). Of these individuals, 119 were female (60.7%), 75 were male (38.3%), and 1 (0.5%) was nonbinary. Mean (SD) age was 41.0 (10.3) years. Once 192 participants were randomized, recruitment ended, although 4 screened participants were able to complete the consent process and join the final cohort. Data collection was completed September 19, 2023. Baseline buprenorphine dose, cocaine use, and annual income differed between groups and were added to the models for primary, secondary, and exploratory outcomes (Table 1).

 

Outcomes

 

During weeks 13 to 24, mean illicit opioid nonabstinence time periods were 13.4% (95% CI, 6.2%-20.5%) in the M-ROCC group and 12.7% (95% CI, 7.5%-18.0%) in the recovery support group, a difference that was not statistically significant (0.6%; 95% CI, −8.2% to 9.5%; P = .89) (Table 2). During weeks 13 to 24, benzodiazepine use time periods did not differ significantly between the M-ROCC (22.1%) and recovery support (20.2%) groups (1.9%; 95% CI, −10.3%- 14.1%; P = .76) (Table 2). Similarly, there was no significant difference in cocaine use periods between the M-ROCC (8.4%) and recovery support (1.5%) groups (6.9%; 95% CI, −2.4%-16.2%; P = .15).

 

Large effect size reductions in anxiety from baseline to week 24 were observed in the recovery support group, with a mean T score change of −10.0 (95% CI, −12.0 to −8.0; P < .001; Cohen d = −1.3), and in the M-ROCC group, with a mean T score change of −9.0 (95% CI, −11.7 to −6.3; P < .001; Cohen d = −1.1). The interaction term for study group by week (weeks 0, 8, 16, and 24) was not significant (χ23 = 4.5; P = .31), and there was no significant difference between study groups at week 24 (95% CI, 1.0; −2.4 to 4.3; P = .57) (eFigure 1 in Supplement 2).

 

In exploratory analysis of change in opioid craving over time, we added baseline opioid craving to the other outcome covariates. The interaction term for study group by week was significant (χ224 = 56.5; P < .001). At week 24, the recovery support group mean opioid craving decreased by −44% (−1.3; 95% CI, −1.9 to −0.8; P < .001; Cohen d = −0.7) compared with a −67% (−2.3; 95% CI, −2.9 to −1.7; P < .001; Cohen d = −1.3) decrease in the M-ROCC group (Table 3). This represented a significant differential reduction among the M-ROCC group compared with the recovery support group (−1.0; 95% CI, −1.7 to −0.2; P = .01; Cohen d = −0.5) (Figure 2).

 

Results of the imputation analyses for primary, secondary, and exploratory analyses did not differ substantially from the maximum likelihood estimation analyses (eTable 1, eTable 2, and eFigure 2 in Supplement 2). Sensitivity analyses using all covariates associated with missingness (eg, COVID-19 Delta and Omicron wave cohorts) on the primary, secondary, and exploratory outcomes also had similar results (eResults 1, eTable 3, and eTable 4 in Supplement 2). Only 59% of the participants (116 of 196) completed week 24 of the study. Completer analyses also had similar results. A completer analysis found that women (52.9%) were more likely than men (41.3%) to continue after week 8 in both arms, and non-Hispanic White individuals who spoke English (48.8%) were more likely than others (6.3%) to continue into the intensive M-ROCC after week 8.

 

Adverse Events

 

There were no significant between-group differences in adverse events. One adverse event, which was of mild severity, was intervention-related (ie, pain during mindful movement practice in the M-ROCC group) (eResults 2 in Supplement 2).

 

Discussion

 

This geographically diverse randomized clinical trial recruiting from 16 states (eFigure 3 in Supplement 2) demonstrated that M-ROCC was not more effective than a nonmindfulness, evidence-based recovery support for reducing illicit opioid, benzodiazepine, or cocaine use. Infrequent opioid use in both groups may have limited the study’s power to detect between-group differences. This may have resulted from positive intervention effects, study attrition, missing data, or selecting a sample of participants receiving stable buprenorphine doses for at least 30 days. Additionally, both the M-ROCC and recovery support groups demonstrated similarly large reductions in anxiety, suggesting that, irrespective of theoretical approach, group-based live-online psychosocial interventions may have similar benefits for anxiety during buprenorphine treatment.

 

The M-ROCC participants experienced a differential reduction in opioid craving, a risk factor for illicit opioid use and treatment dropout during buprenorphine treatment.40,42,43 Similar craving reductions were observed in a recent study of mindfulness among opioid misusers with chronic pain.44 However, unlike this and other prior research,45 differential craving reductions among M-ROCC participants did not translate into significantly less opioid use than observed in the comparator intervention group. Participants were required to have stable buprenorphine doses for 30 days or more, which resulted in relatively low levels of baseline residual craving and possibly less opioid use.

 

Several mechanisms may explain the differential reduction in opioid craving among M-ROCC participants.46,47 Mindfulness-based interventions may ameliorate reward processing dysfunction through mindful savoring practices designed to resensitize people with OUD to natural reward signals.48,49 Craving involves interoceptive processing, and several mindfulness practices (eg, body scan) may impact craving by enhancing healthy interoceptive awareness and correcting interoceptive dysregulation.5056 Mindfulness enhances self-regulation capacity and improves emotion regulation, thereby reducing reactivity to negative affect and breaking associations between negative affect and substance use craving.19,21,57,58 Additionally, mindfulness training reduces attentional bias toward opioid-related cues, possibly reducing autonomic reactivity and enhancing cognitive control during a craving response.5961 Mindful urge surfing represents a resilient coping response, reducing craving elaboration and increasing awareness of early signs of craving.62,63 Repeated urge surfing with successful inhibition of craving-related responses paired with reconnection to deeply held values may uncouple activating drug-use cues from conditioned appetitive responses64,65 and realign motivation, helping sustain behavior change.19,66,67

 

Group-based opioid treatment is an increasingly common approach to providing concurrent behavioral health interventions during buprenorphine treatment.15,2830,68 Groups may facilitate improved treatment outcomes by teaching coping techniques and increasing social support, which has been associated with decreased substance use and improved retention in medications for opioid use disorder treatments.69 More research comparing group-based opioid treatment directly with individual care is needed, as well as understanding which implementation factors (eg, telehealth/in-person, delivery of evidence-based curriculum, and providing buprenorphine prescriptions during group) may support improved outcomes in group-based opioid treatment.28,30 The use of a group-based opioid treatment control arm incorporating evidence-based interventions for substance use disorder distinguishes this study from another recent randomized clinical trial18 for people with chronic pain during methadone maintenance that compared an adjunctive telehealth mindfulness group with an active supportive psychotherapy group control that did not provide any therapeutic skill training. In that study, the mindfulness arm demonstrated fewer drug use days and greater medication adherence, although anxiety was not significantly different between the groups.

 

The results of this present study align with meta-analyses suggesting that mindfulness, while often better than passive controls, does not differ substantially from other evidence-based interventions with respect to substance use and anxiety outcomes.70,71 In contrast, meta-analyses suggest that mindfulness outperforms active controls for reducing cravings among individuals with substance use disorders.72,73 This trial extends these findings, highlighting that mindfulness training may be helpful for patients with residual craving during buprenorphine treatment. The findings of this trial suggest the utility of mindfulness training as an evidence-based adjunctive approach for treating residual craving during opioid treatment with buprenorphine.

 

Limitations

 

This study has limitations. Higher levels of attrition in the M-ROCC group were noted compared with the pilot study,23 especially between weeks 8 and 16, when the intensive mindfulness program started. To be trauma informed, M-ROCC leaders encouraged participants at week 8 to consider their personal motivations for continuing into the more intensive Mindfulness Training for Primary Care OUD curriculum, emphasizing the choice to continue or withdraw from the group. The recovery support group did not have similar warnings about changing intervention intensity. Studies of trigger warnings suggest they do not typically lead to therapeutic avoidance in the general population74; however, levels of experiential avoidance can be higher among patients with OUD.75 Women were more likely than men to continue in both arms, and non-Hispanic White individuals who spoke English were most likely to continue into the intensive M-ROCC, suggesting that these warnings might have been experienced differently based on gender, identity, and culture. Additionally, the significant difference between groups in opioid craving changes over time could have resulted from a smaller, more committed group of engaged individuals continuing in M-ROCC compared with recovery support. Future multivariate analyses will be conducted to examine the effects of differential attrition on craving outcomes.

 

Stress, illness, and changes in lifestyle or employment changes due to the COVID-19 pandemic created barriers for multiple participants to engage with this study, resulting in higher than expected attrition particularly during cohorts overlapping with the Delta and Omicron waves of COVID-19 infections. Nevertheless, intention-to-treat analysis using maximum likelihood estimation methods allowed all 196 participants to be included in the final analyses.

 

The study’s predominantly White sample reflects national statistics on buprenorphine treatment engagement, but the study enrolled fewer Black participants than expected, allowing the possibility that findings may not generalize to all populations. Geographic and regional diversity was a unique strength of this study (eFigure 3 in Supplement 2), but integration of geographically diverse populations with different racial and ethnic and cultural backgrounds into common live-online groups added complexity during an intense period of national racial unrest that started in 2020.7678 This study also lacked a control condition with no behavioral treatment; therefore, it is unclear whether specific behavioral interventions, general group effects, or time in buprenorphine treatment were the primary factors of anxiety reduction.

 

Conclusions

 

In this randomized clinical trial, the impacts of a trauma-informed mindfulness-based group intervention during buprenorphine treatment on opioid use, substance use, and anxiety were similar to a recovery support group with a curriculum using evidence-based substance use treatment approaches. While further research is required, the study suggests that mindfulness-based groups may be particularly useful for reducing craving among patients with OUD who are experiencing residual opioid craving during buprenorphine treatment.

PLOS ONE | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0317036 March 7, 2025 1 / 24

Citation: Onohuean H, Oosthuizen F (2025)
1 Biopharmaceutics Unit, Department of Pharmacology and Toxicology, Kampala International University
Western Campus, Ishaka-Bushenyi, Uganda, 2 Discipline of Pharmaceutical Sciences, School of Health
Sciences, Westville Campus, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa
* onohuean@gmail.com

Abstract

Introduction
There is an ongoing global upsurge of opioid misuse, fatal overdose and other related
disorders, significantly affecting the African continent, due to resource-limited settings and
poor epidemiological surveillance systems. This scoping review maps scientific evidence
on epidemiological data on unlawful opioid use to identify knowledge gaps and policy
shortcomings.

Method
The databases (PubMed, Scopus, Web of Sciences) and references were searched
guided by Population, Concept, and Context (PCC) and PRISMA-ScR. The extracted
characteristics examined were author/year, African country, epidemiological distribution,
age group (year), gender, study design and setting, common opioid/s abused, sources of
drugs, reasons for misuse, summary outcomes and future engagement.

Results

A population of 55132 participated in the included studies of 68 articles, with the
largest sample size of 17260 (31.31%) in a study done in South Africa, 11281(20.46%)
in a study from Egypt and 4068 (7.38%) in a study from Ethiopia. The gender of the
participants was indicated in 65(95.59%) papers. The mean and median age reported
in 57(83.82%) papers were 15.9-38, and 22-31years. The majority of study-designs
were cross-sectional, 44(64.71%), and the most used opioids were heroin, 14articles
(20.59%), tramadol, 8articles (11.76%), and tramadol & heroin, 6 articles (8.82%)
articles. Study-settings included urban community 15(22.06%), hospital 15(22.06%),
university students 11(16.18%), and secondary school learners 6(8.82%). The highest
epidemiological distributions were recorded in the South African study, 19615(35.60%),
Egyptian study, 14627(26.54%), and Nigerian study 5895(10.70%). Nine (13.24%)
papers reported major opioid sources as black market, friends, and drug dealers. To
relieve stress, physical pain and premature ejaculation, improve mood and sleep-related
PLOS ONE | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0317036 March 7, 2025 2 / 24
PLOS ONE The burden of unlawful use of opioid and associated epidemiological characteristics in Africa
problems and help to continue work, were the major reasons for taking these drugs as
reported in twenty articles (29.41%).

Conclusion
The findings of this scoping review show significant knowledge gaps on opioid usage in
the African continent. The epidemiological distribution of unlawful use of opioids among
young adults, drivers, and manual labourers in both genders is evident in the findings.
The reason for use necessity scrutinises the role of social interaction, friends and family
influence on illicit opiate use. Therefore, there is a need for regular epidemiological
surveillance and investigations into multilevel, value-based, comprehensive, and strategic
long-term intervention plans to curb the opioid problem in the region.

Introduction
Opiate use disorders and overdoses are an emerging global health concern. Both prescriptions
and non-clinical indications contribute to the escalating global opioid use disorder
problem (OUD). The opioid crisis has metamorphosed through the Use of: methadone in
1999, heroin in 2010, and the current wave of a combination of heroin, counterfeit pills,
and cocaine [1–8]. An estimated 62 million people globally used opioids in 2019, and
36.3 million were impacted by its associated problems [9]. In the US estimated use has
increased from 70029 in 2020 to 80816 in 2021 [10], and in Canada, 7560 opioid-related
fatalities occurred in 2021 [11]. In Italy opioid addiction affects more than five people per
1000 [12], while a regional study in Germany conducted amongst 57 million adults, found
opioid prescription prevalence of 38.7 or 12.8/1000 persons of low- and high-potency
opioids in 2020 [13]. However, little is known about the epidemiological characteristics in
Sub-Saharan Africa.
There are reports of opioid abuse, although not specifically on opioid fatal overdose or
its related disorders, in some African countries, including Egypt, Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania,
and South Africa [14–24]. Some of these studies report the increasing use of tramadol
and heroin among university and secondary school students, factories and site workers,
long-distance drivers, sex workers, as well as unemployed youth [14–16,23,24]. However,
in many other African countries, there is scanty or no information regarding the ongoing
opioid crisis.
The findings on the reason for illicit opioid use includes; pleasure-seeking, craving, habits,
impulsivity, improving energy [25], relieving stress [26], peer pressure from friends [27],
engendering “morale” and “courage” to engage in sex work and “fight” potentially abusive
clients [28]. Some of the reported sources are the black market [29], friends and drug dealers
[30], roadways, bus terminals or intercity stands, low-income residential areas, abandoned or
unfinished buildings, and fishing camps along the Indian Ocean [31].
Global opioid trafficking channels exist from Afganistan, through the india ocean and
East Africa to the west [19,32,33]. This impacts heroin use among the population living in the
coastal region of Comoros, Tanzania, Kenya, northern Mozambique, Madagascar, Mauritius
and Seychelles [34–36]. Unlawful use of opioids could aggravate the already sporadic spread
of infectious diseases like malaria, cholera, and HIV [37–41]. In 2018, the UNODC [42,43]
predicted with insufficient evidence that another opioid crisis was developing in Africa. Inadequate
vital record-keeping and surveillance systems make it challenging to comprehend the
incidence burden and effects of opioid overdose in Africa [44].

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Source: journal.pone.0317036

AddictionPolicyForum.png

Updated: Mar 12
 
A randomized clinical trial published in JAMA Network Open found that incorporating online group mindfulness sessions into buprenorphine treatment for opioid use disorder (OUD) significantly reduced opioid cravings compared to treatment as usual.
The study, led by Dr. Zev Schuman-Olivier and colleagues from Cambridge Health Alliance and Harvard Medical School, examined the effectiveness of a 24-week virtual mindfulness-based program compared to a standard recovery support group using evidence-based practices. The trial included 196 participants across 16 U.S. states.

The mindfulness-based program showed similar levels of opioid use and anxiety reduction compared to standard best-practice groups but significantly outperformed in reducing self-reported opioid craving (67 percent vs. 44 percent, P<0.001). Study results indicate that mindfulness is a potent treatment option that can help reduce opioid craving during buprenorphine treatment.

“These findings are compelling evidence that trauma-informed mindfulness groups can be offered as an option for people during medication treatment for opioid use disorder,” said Dr. Zev Schuman-Olivier, MD, principal investigator of the study, founding director of the Center for Mindfulness and Compassion, and director of addiction research at Cambridge Health Alliance. “Mindfulness should be strongly considered for patients experiencing residual cravings after starting buprenorphine.”
As one participant reported, “This program helped me learn new techniques that I didn’t even know existed before I began. I still meditate all the time and don’t even need to have any sound on. I just lay down and push away all of my stress. It was well worth every minute I spent there.”

OUD remains a major public health crisis in the U.S., with over 100,000 opioid overdose deaths each year. Medications for opioid use disorder (MOUD), such as buprenorphine, are evidence-based treatments for opioid use disorder (OUD). Opioid craving is a risk factor for relapse for patients receiving MOUD. Experts highlight that further research is needed to explore how mindfulness can be integrated into existing OUD treatment frameworks to improve long-term recovery outcomes.

Source: https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/fullarticle/2829421

Photo: UNODC
Member states voting at the 68th session of the CND.

Vienna (Austria), 14 March 2025 — The sixty-eighth session of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) concluded today after five days of intensive discussions on global drug policy, international cooperation and the implementation of international drug policy commitments. The strong engagement and high level of participation from governments and stakeholders in Vienna, 2,000 of whom gathered to exchange views and shape collective responses to evolving drug-related challenges, demonstrates the Commission’s relevance as the global platform for addressing the complexities of the world drug problem in an evidence-based, forward-looking manner.

In her closing remarks, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Executive Director Ghada Waly emphasized the importance of strengthening the CND. “In times of division and uncertainty, we need effective multilateral institutions more than ever,” she said. “And the level of engagement at this session has once again confirmed the enduring relevance of this Commission as the global forum for drug policy.”

She urged Member States to redouble their efforts, commitment and cooperation, recognizing that the evolution of the world drug problem demands a renewed and determined response. “UNODC will remain committed to working for a healthier and safer world, guided by the decisions of Member States,” she concluded.

Six New Substances under Control

In fulfilling its normative functions under the international drug control conventions, the Commission acted on recommendations from the World Health Organization (WHO), deciding to place six substances under international control. These include four synthetic opioids –  N-pyrrolidino protonitazene, N-pyrrolidino metonitazene, etonitazepipne, and N-desethyl isotonitazene – which have been linked to fatal overdoses. The Commission also placed hexahydrocannabinol (HHC), a semi-synthetic cannabinoid with effects similar to THC that has been found in a variety of consumer products, under Schedule II of the 1971 Convention. Additionally, carisoprodol, a centrally acting skeletal muscle relaxant, widely misused in combination with opioids and benzodiazepines, was placed under Schedule IV of the 1971 Convention due to its potential for dependence and health risks. These scheduling decisions reflect the Commission’s ongoing efforts to respond to emerging drug threats and protect public health.

Six resolutions adopted

The Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) also adopted six resolutions, reinforcing global efforts to address drug-related challenges through evidence-based policies and strengthened international cooperation.

To protect children and adolescents, the Commission encouraged the implementation of scientific, evidence-based drug prevention programs, emphasizing the need for early interventions and cross-sectoral collaboration to build resilience against non-medical drug use.

Recognizing the growing impact of stimulant use disorders, another resolution promoted research into effective, evidence-based treatment options, calling on Member States to invest in innovative pharmacological and psychosocial interventions to improve care for those affected.

The importance of alternative development was reaffirmed with a resolution aimed at modernizing strategies that help communities transition away from illicit crop cultivation, ensuring long-term economic opportunities while addressing broader issues like poverty and environmental sustainability.

In response to the rising threat of synthetic drugs, the Commission adopted a resolution to protect law enforcement and first responders dismantling illicit synthetic drug labs and advocating for stronger safety protocols, enhanced training and international cooperation to reduce risks.

To strengthen the implementation of international drug control conventions and policy commitments, the Commission decided to establish an expert panel tasked with developing a set of recommendations to strengthen the global drug control system.

Additionally, recognizing the environmental damage caused by illicit drug-related activities, the Commission adopted another resolution calling on Member States to integrate environmental protection into drug policies and address the negative impacts on the environment resulting from the illicit drug-related activities.

These resolutions reflect the Commission’s commitment to providing concrete, coordinated responses and ensuring that drug control policies remain effective, adaptive and aligned with contemporary challenges.

Source: https://www.unodc.org/unodc/frontpage/2025/March/cnd-68-concludes_-six-new-substances-controlled-six-resolutions-adopted.html

by Professor Onohuean Hope; Department of Pharmacology and Toxicology, Kampala International University, Uganda, and Professor Frasia Oosthuizen who holds a BPharm, MSc (Pharmacology) and PhD (Pharmacology) qualifications, all obtained from PU for CHE (now North-West University). Published: March 7, 2025 in the journal PLOS One (stylized PLOS ONE, and formerly PLoS ONE) is a peer-reviewed open access mega journal published by the Public Library of Science (PLOS) since 2006.

Published: March 7, 2025

ABSTRACT

Introduction
There is an ongoing global upsurge of opioid misuse, fatal overdose and other related
disorders, significantly affecting the African continent, due to resource-limited settings and
poor epidemiological surveillance systems. This scoping review maps scientific evidence
on epidemiological data on unlawful opioid use to identify knowledge gaps and policy
shortcomings.

Method
The databases (PubMed, Scopus, Web of Sciences) and references were searched
guided by Population, Concept, and Context (PCC) and PRISMA-ScR. The extracted
characteristics examined were author/year, African country, epidemiological distribution,
age group (year), gender, study design and setting, common opioid/s abused, sources of
drugs, reasons for misuse, summary outcomes and future engagement.

Results
A population of 55132 participated in the included studies of 68 articles, with the
largest sample size of 17260 (31.31%) in a study done in South Africa, 11281(20.46%)
in a study from Egypt and 4068 (7.38%) in a study from Ethiopia. The gender of the
participants was indicated in 65(95.59%) papers. The mean and median age reported
in 57(83.82%) papers were 15.9-38, and 22-31years. The majority of study-designs
were cross-sectional, 44(64.71%), and the most used opioids were heroin, 14articles
(20.59%), tramadol, 8articles (11.76%), and tramadol & heroin, 6 articles (8.82%)
articles. Study-settings included urban community 15(22.06%), hospital 15(22.06%),
university students 11(16.18%), and secondary school learners 6(8.82%). The highest
epidemiological distributions were recorded in the South African study, 19615(35.60%),
Egyptian study, 14627(26.54%), and Nigerian study 5895(10.70%). Nine (13.24%)
papers reported major opioid sources as black market, friends, and drug dealers. To
relieve stress, physical pain and premature ejaculation, improve mood and sleep-related
PLOS ONE | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0317036 March 7, 2025 2 / 24
PLOS ONE The burden of unlawful use of opioid and associated epidemiological characteristics in Africa
problems and help to continue work, were the major reasons for taking these drugs as
reported in twenty articles (29.41%).

Conclusion
The findings of this scoping review show significant knowledge gaps on opioid usage in
the African continent. The epidemiological distribution of unlawful use of opioids among
young adults, drivers, and manual labourers in both genders is evident in the findings.
The reason for use necessity scrutinises the role of social interaction, friends and family
influence on illicit opiate use. Therefore, there is a need for regular epidemiological
surveillance and investigations into multilevel, value-based, comprehensive, and strategic
long-term intervention plans to curb the opioid problem in the region.

To access the full document, please click on the link below:

                   https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0317036

After achieving six months of sobriety, Horning has become a vocal advocate for comprehensive substance use prevention and education programs aimed at helping students in Warren County lead substance-free lives.

His initiative, developed in collaboration with Dr. Patricia Hawley-Mead and district officials, seeks to implement substance use prevention and education services across the school district. The goal of the initiative is to provide students, teachers, and parents with the education, community resources, and intervention strategies needed to prevent substance use and promote healthier lifestyle choices.

“If you were to tell me eight months ago I would be standing in front of you talking about substance abuse prevention and putting Narcan in AED boxes, I would have said you were crazy,” Horning shared with the audience during a recent school board meeting.

Horning’s passion for substance use prevention stems from his own difficult experience with addiction. He has openly shared his struggles with substance use, depression, and unhealthy coping mechanisms that led him down a painful path.

“My addiction was full of loss, hardships, and failures,” Horning explained. “Nothing seemed to work, nothing was helping me, and most importantly, I wasn’t helping myself. I’ve been in and out of psychiatrists’ offices, tried different medications, and felt completely lost. The only way I found recovery was by chance, but it shouldn’t be that way. We need a system in place to give students a way out before it’s too late.”

Looking back on his darkest moments, Horning admitted he never imagined he would be advocating for change in front of a crowd.

“I was not a great person at that moment in time,” he said, becoming emotional. “I made a lot of mistakes. My family, who is sitting behind me today, can tell you that. People inside and outside of school districts saw me at my worst. The disease of addiction is a lifelong battle that I will face until the day I die. But that does not mean it has to end in tragedy. That is why I am standing here today – to fight for others like me.”

Horning recognizes that many students turn to substances for a variety of reasons–whether out of boredom, depression, anxiety, or as a way to cope with personal struggles. His initiative is designed not only to educate students on the dangers of substance use but also to provide them with the tools and support systems they need to make better, healthier choices.

“This initiative will not only help students stay alive in case of an overdose, but it will help them find a way out of addiction and into a new life,” he emphasized. “Even if this helps just one person, it will all be worth it.”

INITIATIVE’S INSPIRATION

The inspiration behind Horning’s initiative came after a district-wide program held on September 18, 2024. During the event, public speaker Stephen Hill presented the First Choice & A Second Chance program to high school students. The program aimed to break the stigma surrounding substance use disorder, raise awareness about the ongoing drug epidemic, and encourage students to make healthier decisions.

Following the event, Horning was motivated to take action. He reached out to district administrators, safety officers, the school nurse department head, and a Family Services of Warren County drug and alcohol counselor to begin crafting a proposal for a comprehensive Substance Use Prevention and Education Service in the district.

The proposal calls for the establishment of educational programs that would teach students about the risks associated with substance use, provide early intervention services, and offer mental health support. Additionally, Horning’s plan includes provisions for Narcan to be available in school AED boxes, ensuring that life-saving measures are ready in case of an overdose emergency.

Hawley-Mead, who has worked closely with Horning on the initiative, stressed the importance of early intervention and prevention.

“The increasing prevalence of substance use among young people is a growing concern,” Mead said. “It poses a significant risk to their academic success, emotional well-being, and future prospects. Early prevention and education efforts have been shown to reduce substance use, improve student decision-making, and help create a more supportive and empathetic learning environment.”

Mead believes that by fostering a collaborative effort among educators, parents, and community partners, the district can proactively address the issue of substance use and equip students with the knowledge and support they need to thrive.

“This initiative will provide students, teachers, and parents with education, resources, and intervention strategies to support healthy choices and foster a positive, drug-free environment,” Mead said.

Horning concluded his speech with an emotional reflection on his own personal journey and the importance of offering help to others who may be struggling.

“What drove me to do this was really a lot of depression and unhealthy coping skills,” he shared. “I was not in the right mindset when I first used. I was not okay. If somebody had sat me down and told me, ‘We can help you,’ it could have saved me years of pain. That’s why we need this now. We need to offer students the opportunity to get help before it’s too late.”

Horning is determined to ensure that no student has to face the same struggles he did. His initiative is not only aimed at providing support for those already struggling with substance use but also preventing others from ever going down that difficult path.

“The only way I found recovery was by chance,” he admitted. “That’s the best way I can put it. Recovery is important, but when you are in an active addiction, it feels impossible to get through to someone. That’s why, eight months ago, I would have called you crazy if you told me I’d be standing here today. But now, I’m here. I have made myself a better person, and I want to give back for what I have found.”

Horning and district officials are now seeking approval from the school board and the community to bring this initiative to life in Warren County schools. Their goal is to integrate substance use prevention education into the curriculum, provide resources for students and families, and ensure that Narcan is available in AED boxes to help prevent potential overdose deaths.

“We don’t have to live in tragedy like other schools have,” Horning said. “We need to teach students how to use Narcan, how to stay alive, and most importantly, how to find a way out of addiction. Recovery is possible, and I want to show others that they don’t have to suffer alone.”

HORNING’S PROPOSAL

Horning’s written proposal outlines five key goals for the pilot initiative: Enhance school safety by increasing access to Narcan for emergency overdose response. Educate the school community about substance use prevention, intervention, and response strategies. Establish a student club focused on substance use awareness, prevention, and peer education to increase awareness and reduce stigma surrounding substance use disorder. Actively engage stakeholders, including students, staff, families, and community partners, to establish an anonymous and supportive program where students can learn about and advocate for substance use prevention. Create a district-sponsored club dedicated to promoting substance use prevention and education.

Hawley-Mead emphasized that while Narcan is already available in nurse’s offices during school hours, having it in AED boxes would ensure it’s accessible during after-school activities and weekend events.

“This proposal aims to make Narcan more widely available and accessible to first responders during emergencies, regardless of the time of day,” she said. “We want to ensure that this life-saving measure is available whenever and wherever it’s needed.”

Horning also reached out to Family Services of Warren County, which has expressed strong support for the initiative.

“They are very, very responsive towards this program,” Horning said. “I’ve spoken with counselors, including Nicole Neukum, executive director, and they’re all willing to give us whatever we need to make this a success.”

School board member Mary Passinger asked Horning if he felt comfortable sharing the personal story behind his addiction.

“It was really a lot of depression and unhealthy coping skills,” Horning responded. “I was not in the right mindset when I first used. If someone had told me, ‘We can help you,’ it could have saved me from years of pain.”

Board member John Wortman commended Horning for his bravery in speaking out and bringing this important issue to the district’s attention.

“There is nothing more important than standing up for what you believe in,” Wortman said. “The proposals outlined here will help make a significant, positive impact on students in Warren County. And that’s something we can all support.”

Superintendent Gary Weber also voiced his strong support for the initiative.

“We are 100% behind this initiative,” he said. “It’s clear that Jessie and Dr. Mead have worked hard to bring together stakeholders and develop a plan that will have a lasting and positive impact. We want to make sure this program is sustainable, and we’re committed to supporting it every step of the way.”

The district is currently reviewing Horning’s proposal, and community members are encouraged to get involved in supporting this critical initiative. For updates and information on how to help, individuals can reach out to district officials or Family Services of Warren County.

With this initiative, Horning hopes to not only save lives but also inspire others to break free from addiction and reclaim their futures.

“Recovery is possible,” he said. “And I want to show others that they don’t have to suffer alone.”

Source: https://www.timesobserver.com/news/local-news/2025/03/student-leads-charge-for-substance-use-prevention/

A new USC-led study provides the first nationwide picture of who knows about, carries, and uses naloxone to reverse deadly opioid overdoses.

Mireille Jacobson, professor of gerontology at the USC Leonard Davis School of Gerontology and a senior fellow at the USC Schaeffer Center for Health Policy & Economics, said the study was conducted to address the lack of comprehensive data on access to the lifesaving medication and eventually to support work on how it affects the number of deaths attributed to opioid overdoses in the U.S.

There have been many analyses of how new policies, including naloxone becoming available through pharmacy dispensation, correlate with reductions in opioid deaths, but we don’t know exactly how much of the improvement is directly due to naloxone use versus any of the various other things being done to address this crisis at the same time. We don’t really have any data on who knows what naloxone is for, carries it, and administers in the case of an overdose. We’re trying to fill in a missing link.”

Mireille Jacobson, professor of gerontology, USC Leonard Davis School of Gerontology

Addressing an epidemic

In the study, Jacobson and coauthor David Powell, a senior economist at RAND, note the critical need to tackle the ongoing opioid crisis, which has had profound effects in the U.S, and understand the impacts of measures intended to address the devastating rate of overdose deaths.

Of the more than 100,000 drug overdose deaths that occurred nationwide in 2023, more than 75% of them involved opioids, according to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Previous USC Leonard Davis School research has also shown how opioid overdose deaths have contributed to the widening gap in life expectancy between the United States and other high-income countries.

Since 2023, naloxone has been available over the counter, in hopes that wider availability would encourage more people to have the drug at the ready to save the life of someone overdosing. However, the lack of reliable, nationwide data on who was buying, carrying, and using naloxone has hindered research on how to best prevent overdose deaths, Jacobson said.

“With the problem being so widespread, one question is how to most effectively manage this crisis,” she said. “To know where to put our resources, we need to know about the actual ways this medication gets to the people who will use it. Our goal was to fill in the data and allow people to understand the mechanisms.”

Online surveys shed light

In June 2024, Jacobson and Powell conducted an online survey of two groups of participants. The first group was a nationally representative sample of 1515 people over the age of 18 not living in an institutional setting, while the second group contained 512 individuals who reported currently or ever having opioid dependence. Additionally, 50 respondents, or 3.3%, from the national sample also reported opioid dependence, bringing the total number of people reporting their own dependence on opioids to 562.

 

  • 700 (46.2%) reported having heard of naloxone and correctly identified it as a drug to reduce opioid overdoses.
  • 160 people, or 10.6%, said they carried naloxone with them.
  • 128 people (8.4%) said they had administered naloxone to someone else, while 93 respondents (6.1%) said they had been administered naloxone themselves.

Among the 562 individuals reporting current or prior opioid dependence:

  • 500 people (89%) had heard of naloxone and knew its purpose.
  • 340 respondents (60.5%) reported carrying naloxone.
  • 267 (47.5%) reported administering the drug to someone else, and 221 (39.3%) said naloxone had been administered to them.

The survey also showed that a person’s perception of the risk of overdose, either for themselves or for someone they know, correlated with the choice to carry naloxone. Of the survey respondents in the national sample who reported themselves as “very likely to overdose,” 31% carried naloxone, and in the sample of people reporting opioid dependence, nearly 74% of those who said they had a high likelihood of overdosing carried the drug. The likelihood of carrying naloxone followed a similar pattern among those who stated that they knew someone else who was very likely to overdose.

Another notable finding concerned how people obtained the naloxone they carried. Among those who have ever carried naloxone, only 42% of those in the national sample, and just 22.6% of those who reported opioid dependence, said they purchased the medicine themselves. These results highlight the problem with estimating naloxone availability based on pharmacy sales, as it excludes the hospitals, clinics, and other community organizations who give the drug away for free, Jacobson explained.

Next steps

While the data provides some of the first nationwide insights on who has and uses naloxone, this is just a starting point for future research, Jacobson said.

She explained that she’s eager for the results to be examined and validated in other larger, more robust surveys, including in the USC Understanding America Survey. Ideally, future study will uncover the best ways to teach people about naloxone and the most efficient avenues to get the drug to the people who will use it to save lives.

“The hope is that we can look at this more longitudinally and in more detail,” Jacobson said.

Source: https://www.news-medical.net/news/20250303/USC-study-sheds-light-on-nationwide-naloxone-awareness-and-use.aspx

 

Jennifer Carroll, a public health and addiction researcher at North Carolina State University, wrote a national guide on how counties can invest opioid settlement funds in youth-focused prevention. (Nathaniel Gaertner/TNS)
Jennifer Carroll, a public health and addiction researcher at North Carolina State University, wrote a national guide on how counties can invest opioid settlement funds in youth-focused prevention. (Nathaniel Gaertner/TNS)

A Kentucky county nestled in the heart of Appalachia, where the opioid crisis has wreaked devastation for decades, spent $15,000 of its opioid settlement money on an ice rink.

That amount wasn’t enough to solve the county’s troubles, but it could have bought 333 kits of Narcan, a medication that can reverse opioid overdoses. Instead, people are left wondering how a skating rink addresses addiction or fulfills the settlement money’s purpose of remediating the harms of opioids.

Like other local jurisdictions nationwide, Carter County is set to receive a windfall of more than $1 million over the next decade-plus from companies that sold prescription painkillers and were accused of fueling the overdose crisis.

County officials and proponents of the rink say offering youths drug-free fun like skating is an appropriate use of the money. They provided free entry for students who completed the Drug Abuse Resistance Education (D.A.R.E.) curriculum, recovery program participants, and foster families.

But for Brittany Herrington, who grew up in the region and became addicted to painkillers that were flooding the community in the early 2000s, the spending decision is “heartbreaking.”

“How is ice-skating going to teach [kids] how to navigate recovery, how to address these issues within their home, how to understand the disease of addiction?” said Herrington, who is now in long-term recovery and works for a community mental health center, as well as a regional coalition to address substance use.

She and other local advocates agreed that kids deserve enriching activities, but they said the community has more pressing needs that the settlement money was intended to cover.

Carter County’s drug overdose death rate consistently surpasses state and national averages. From 2018 to 2021, when overdose deaths were spiking across the country, the rate was 2.5 times as high in Carter County, according to the research organization NORC.

Other communities have used similar amounts of settlement funding to train community health workers to help people with addiction, and to buy a car to drive people in recovery to job interviews and doctors’ appointments.

Local advocates say $15,000 could have expanded innovative projects already operating in northeastern Kentucky, like First Day Forward, which helps people leaving jail, many of whom have a substance use disorder, and the second-chance employment program at the University of Kentucky’s St. Claire health system, which hires people in recovery to work in the system and pays for them to attend college or a certification program.

“We’ve got these amazing programs that we know are effective,” Herrington said. “And we’re putting an ice-skating rink in. That’s insane to me.”

A yearlong investigation by KFF Health News, along with researchers at the Johns Hopkins University Bloomberg School of Public Health and the national nonprofit Shatterproof, found many jurisdictions spent settlement funds on items and services with tenuous, if any, connections to addiction. Oregon City, Oregon, spent about $30,000 on screening first responders for heart disease. Flint, Michigan, bought a nearly $10,000 sign for a community service center building , and Robeson County, North Carolina, paid about $10,000 for a toy robot ambulance.

Although most of the settlement agreements come with national guidelines explaining the money should be spent on treatment, recovery, and prevention efforts, there is little oversight and the guidelines are open to interpretation.

A Kentucky law lists more than two dozen suggested uses of the funds, including providing addiction treatment in jail and educating the public about opioid disposal. But it is plagued by a similar lack of oversight and broad interpretability.

Chris Huddle and Harley Rayburn, both of whom are elected Carter County magistrates who help administer the county government, told KFF Health News they were confident the ice rink was an allowable, appropriate use of settlement funds because of reassurances from Reneé Parsons, executive director of the Business Cultivation Foundation. The foundation aims to alleviate poverty and related issues, such as addiction, through economic development in northeastern Kentucky.

The Carter County Times reported that Parsons has helped at least nine local organizations apply for settlement dollars. County meeting minutes show she brought the skating rink proposal to county leaders on behalf of the city of Grayson’s tourism commission, asking the county to cover about a quarter of the project’s cost.

In an email, Parsons told KFF Health News that the rink — which was built in downtown Grayson last year and hosted fundraisers for youth clubs and sports teams during the holiday season — serves to “promote family connection and healing” while “laying the groundwork for a year-round hockey program.”

“Without investments in prevention, recovery, and economic development, we risk perpetuating the cycle of addiction in future generations,” she added.

Icelandic Model of Prevention

Reneé Parsons went on to say that the rink, as well as an $80,000 investment of opioid settlement funds to expand music and theater programs at a community center, fit with the principles of the Icelandic prevention model, “which has been unofficially accepted in our region.”

That model is a collaborative community-based approach to preventing substance use that has been highly effective at reducing teenage alcohol use in Iceland over the past 20 years. Instead of expecting children to “just say no,” it focuses on creating an environment where young people can thrive without drugs.

Part of this effort can involve creating fun activities like music classes, theatrical shows, and even ice-skating. But the intervention also requires building a coalition of parents, school staffers, faith leaders, public health workers, researchers, and others, and conducting rigorous data collection, including annual student surveys.

About 120 miles west of Carter County, another Kentucky county has for the past several years been implementing the Icelandic model. Franklin County’s Just Say Yes program includes more than a dozen collaborating organizations and an in-depth annual youth survey. The project began with support from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and has also received opioid settlement dollars from the state.

Parsons did not respond to specific questions about whether Carter County has taken the full complement of steps at the core of the Icelandic model.

If it hasn’t, it can’t expect to get the same results, said Jennifer Carroll, a researcher who studies substance use and wrote a national guide on investing settlement funds in youth-focused prevention.

“Pulling apart different elements, at best, is usually going to waste your money and, at worst, can be counterproductive or even harmful,” she said.

At least one Carter County magistrate has come to regret spending settlement funds on the skating rink.

Millard Cordle told KFF Health News that, after seeing the rink operate over the holidays, he felt it was “a mistake.” Although younger children seemed to enjoy it, older kids didn’t engage as much, nor did it benefit rural parts of the county, he said. In the future, he’d rather see settlement money help get drugs off the street and offer people treatment or job training.

“We all learn as we go along,” he said. “I know there’s not an easy solution. But I think this money can help make a dent.”

As of 2024, Carter County had received more than $630,000 in opioid settlement funds and was set to receive more than $1.5 million over the coming decade, according to online records from the court-appointed settlement administrator.

It’s not clear how much of that money has been spent, beyond the $15,000 for the ice rink and $80,000 for the community arts center.

It’s also uncertain who, if anyone, has the power to determine whether the rink was an allowable use of the money or whether the county would face repercussions.

Kentucky’s Opioid Abatement Advisory Commission, which controls half the state’s opioid settlement funds and serves as a leading voice on this money, declined to comment.

Cities and counties are required to submit quarterly certifications to the commission, promising that their spending is in line with state guidelines. However, the reports provide no detail about how the money is used, leaving the commission with little actionable insight.

At a January meeting, commission members voted to create a reporting system for local governments that would provide more detailed information, potentially opening the door to greater oversight.

That would be a welcome change, said John Bowman, a person in recovery in northeastern Kentucky, who called the money Carter County spent on the ice ink “a waste.”

Bowman works on criminal justice reform with the national nonprofit Dream.org and encounters people with substance use disorders daily, as they struggle to find treatment, a safe place to live, and transportation. Some have to drive over an hour to the doctor, he said — if they have a car.

He hopes local leaders will use settlement funds to address problems like those in the future.

“Let’s use this money for what it’s for,” he said.

 

Source: https://www.timesfreepress.com/news/2025/mar/03/an-ice-rink-to-fight-opioid-crisis-drug-free-fun/

By Tina Underwood – February 23, 2025

Data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention show there were about 107,000 drug overdose deaths in the United States in 2023. Of those, about 75 percent, or 81,000, involved opioids.

With the aim of reducing those statistics, Lauren Jones ’22, who is in a post-baccalaureate at Harvard University, Brenna Outten ’22, a third-year doctoral student at Caltech and Leah Juechter ’24, who is working temporarily as a medical assistant, used computational chemistry as undergraduates at Furman to study the impacts of synthetic opioids.

Their work, with collaborators at Hendrix College and California State University, Los Angeles, was published in December in The Journal of Physical Chemistry B.

To say the project was formative for Jones and Outten is an understatement. They laid the foundation for the study during the height of COVID when traditional wet labs were all but shuttered.

“It’s amazing we were able to continue the work virtually during the pandemic,” said Jones, who researches sensory processing in children with autism and brain activity in children with rare neurodevelopmental and neurogenetic disorders at Boston Children’s Hospital.

Outten said the project “opened my eyes to how a scientist can contribute to fields like neuroscience, chemistry, biology and physics in ways I had never considered before.”

The paper focuses on work targeting the mu opioid receptor, or MOR. It resides mainly in the central nervous system and the GI tract. It’s like a molecular lock waiting for the right key (a drug like morphine or fentanyl) to unlock or activate a favorable response, such as reduced pain signals. But the same drugs can activate negative responses like drug tolerance, constipation, respiratory depression, addiction and overdose.

“There’s a lot we don’t understand about how opioids interact with the receptors embedded on nerves that mitigate the pain-signaling process,” Juechter said. “So the more we can uncover about how these drugs are interacting with the receptors in our bodies and the responses we feel, the better we’re able to help create pain therapeutics with reduced adverse effects and more beneficial safety profiles.”

What makes the researchers’ study unique is the application of both quantum mechanics conducted by Juechter, Outten and Jones, led by chemistry Professor George Shields, and molecular dynamics carried out by teams at Cal State and Hendrix College.

“It was interesting to see two drugs (morphine and fentanyl) that elicit almost identical effects are binding to the receptor in completely different ways,” Juechter said. “And to demonstrate that with highly accurate quantum mechanics was one of the first times we’ve seen that done.”

The manner in which opioids bind to MOR is diverse and complex. “So the need for a precise computing model becomes essential,” Juechter explained. “Even slight variations in calculations can drastically affect the data and subsequent conclusions.”

The ability to do research computationally can make drug development faster and cheaper, Juechter added. “Being able to paint the picture of what’s going on using empirically-supported mathematical theories, we can streamline the initial process of drug development.”

Impactful undergraduate research is a hallmark of The Furman Advantage, a four-year approach to education that creates a pathway for students to determine who they want to be and how they want to contribute to the world once they leave the university.

Juechter spent about eight months post-graduation fine-tuning the work with her co-authors before the paper was published.

“It was exceedingly evident Dr. Shields wanted to elevate me and give me the opportunity to pursue research,” Outten said.

Juechter hopes the project will set the tone for organic chemists involved in drug research and development.

“I want a role in the health care industry because I like the idea of affecting someone’s life in real time, in a positive way,” she said.

 

Source: https://www.furman.edu/news/neuroscience-grads-studied-how-to-make-opioids-safer

 

Copied from DRB bulletin 03.02.2025:

Source: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/679a44136907bee181d31480/240125+Annex+A+-+Response+to+the+ACMD+Fifth+addendum+to+Advisory+Council+on+the+Misuse+of+Drugs+_ACMD_+report+on+the+use+and+harms+of+2-benzyl+benzimidazole+_nit.pdf

 

INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY NDPA:

THIS ARTICLE IS INCLUDED FOR ITS INTERESTING DESCRIPTION OF THE CONSUMPTION ROOM PHILOSOPHY AND PRACTICE. NDPA HAS SEVERAL SERIOUS CONCERNS ABOUT SO-CALLED ‘CONSUMPTION ROOMS’ AND WOULD TAKE ISSUE WITH SOME OF THE CLAIMS MADE IN THIS ARTICLE, NOT LEAST THE HEADLINE CLAIM THAT THIS IS A ‘SAFE’ SITE … (SEE OTHER ARTICLES ON THE NDPA SITE), NEVERTHELESS, IT IS WORTH READING, IN ORDER TO BETTER UNDERSTAND THE ATTITUDE BEHIND THE PROVENANCE OF SUCH FACILITIES.

by  Rebecca. L. Root – December 24, 2024 – SOURCE PRISM

At 8 a.m. on a Monday morning, most of the soft recliners in the waiting area of the three-story East Harlem overdose prevention center (OPC) are already occupied by those who have come to consume their first dose of the day. Whether it’s for fentanyl, heroin, or another drug, people of all ages trickle into the consumption room at OnPoint NYC, where mirrored cubicles line opposite sides of the room and a staff station sits in the middle with trays of needles, elastics, and wipes organized in rows.

A man, who looks to be in his late 30s, unwraps today’s first fix of what most likely is the opioid fentanyl, which staff say is the most common drug used here. He simultaneously chats with the staff who welcome each visitor with familiarity. The calm ambiance is occasionally punctuated with noise as the metal doors swing, allowing another person to enter.

OnPoint NYC, which opened in 2021 as the country’s first overdose prevention site, aims to be a judgment- and persecution-free space for drug users to safely consume. The idea of preventing people from dying of an overdose is a controversial one. Last year, former U.S. attorney for the southern district of New York Damian Williams told The New York Times that OnPoint’s methods were illegal and hinted at a shutdown, while New York Gov. Kathy Hochul is also opposed, having repeatedly said the centers violate federal and state laws, putting their future operations in the balance.

But amid the national opioid epidemic, drastic measures are needed. More than 100,000 people die each year from drug overdoses in the U.S., according to the National Center for Health Statistics. In November, President-elect Donald Trump announced plans to impose further tariffs on Chinese imports in an attempt to curb what he believes are fentanyl deliveries into the U.S. It follows calls in 2022 from President Joe Biden to increase funding in the budget to address the overdose epidemic, while in 2023 New York Times editors declared that the U.S. had lost the war on drugs.

“Every 90 minutes…four New Yorkers die [of an overdose],” said Sam Rivera, the executive director of OnPoint NYC.

Advocates for OPCs say having a sanitary and safe place to consume drugs diminishes the element of haste or need for discretion that might exist in a public place. This reduces the risk of an overdose, but should one occur, medically trained staff dressed in jeans and leather are ready to respond.

Tilting a chair back, a staffer explains the importance of getting the blood circulating and offering rescue breaths before administering naloxone, which can reverse the effects of opioids. Since 2021, OnPoint NYC has reversed 1,600 overdoses, cleaned up community parks, and opened a sister center in Washington Heights.

Despite the progress, the center, and the few others like it in the U.S., remain controversial. When a similar center was opened in San Francisco in 2022, a group of local mothers protested while others posited that creating safe spaces to consume drugs only increases drug use.

However, research found that following the opening of an OPC in San Francisco, there was no visible increase in drug use, and a Brown University study found no affiliation between the centers and increased crime.

Instead, Michel Kazatchkine, a commissioner of the Global Commission on Drug Policy (GCDP), which advocates for drug policies to be more humane and prioritize public and individual health, believes it is the current approach of criminalizing drug users that is the problem.

“The criminal justice approach has sent hundreds of thousands of people to prison with no benefit for these people and no benefit for the society and huge expenses involved,” said Kazatchkine, who is also the former executive director of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, France.

Over 1.16 million people each year are incarcerated in the U.S. on drug offenses, while globally, governments spend $100 billion annually on punitive drug policies. In spite of such policies, global drug use has risen from about 180 million people in 2002 to 292 million in 2022, according to a report by the GCDP.

In states like New York, the response to tackle the drug problem has predominantly been to fund the distribution of naloxone and fentanyl test strips, which can detect the presence of fentanyl in other drugs, explained Toni Smith, the New York state director at Drug Policy Alliance. The group works with grassroots groups to advance public health solutions to drug use. While such resources are critical, Smith emphasized that the state must offer a full range of life-saving tools and services. More OPCs, Smith believes, could save more lives.

The harm reduction quandary

Historically, the U.S. has pushed back on any initiatives under the harm reduction umbrella, Kazatchkine said. Harm reduction, according to the World Health Organization (WHO), focuses on offering a suite of interventions designed to minimize the negative impacts related to drug use. That could include providing people with clean needles and syringes, with naloxone, with HIV testing, or with access to opioid substitution therapy programs. OPCs—often referred to as safe consumption sites in Europe, where they are widely used—are not on the WHO’s list of recommended harm reduction interventions but are a harm reduction approach.

 

“The concept of harm reduction is acknowledging that people use drugs and that these people have risks, but it is prioritizing health approaches over criminalization,” Kazatchkine said. “Acknowledging that people use drugs, you acknowledge something that is prohibited under the law and actually under criminal law, so a government or an international entity finds itself in a very uncomfortable situation.”

“Many people would come in and be shocked…They open the door and think everybody’s just using drugs. They don’t expect this kind of structure and loving environment,” he said. “We’ve invited the governor for three years. [She] hasn’t been here once. But you’re going to sit around and tell us the program doesn’t work.”

Beyond a safe space for consumption

More than just a consumption space, the center offers a health clinic and, up a narrow staircase to a second floor, therapy rooms host complimentary holistic treatments such as reiki, massage, and sound baths. Rivera himself occasionally hosts one. All services, including health care, are free.

On this day, a woman sleeps deeply in a reclining chair as soft music tinkles in the background and candles burn in the corner; two others lie on massage tables awaiting their treatments. Shower facilities are available in another corner of the center, and an on-site psychologist offers mental health services in a bid to help tackle the underlying trauma behind the addiction. It’s “multidimensional” support to treat a problem that surpasses simply addiction but intersects with issues around housing, access to care, criminalization, food and nutrition, sleep, as well as structural racism, Smith said. And the services aren’t just for drug users but all local community members.

“Creating this community and this space around a loving environment is so impactful, and it changes the experience for folks who come in,” Rivera said.

In New York City, Rivera believes there have also been economic benefits. OnPoint’s data suggests a reduction in visits to the emergency room for overdoses that has relieved the burden on the health system and, Rivera said, potentially saved two New York City neighborhoods $45 million in less than three years.

More OPCs could benefit the U.S. and reduce the impact the drug crisis is having, said Kazatchkine, but amid what Rivera believes is a game of politics, whether that will happen remains to be seen. In the meantime, elsewhere in the U.S., people will shoot up in alleyways and parks, at increased risk of unnecessarily overdosing. But the reality, Rivera said, is that with OPCs, there’s the potential for no one to have to die this way again.

Source: https://www.nationofchange.org/2024/12/24/inside-the-countrys-first-official-safe-drug-consumption-site/

An update on the progress of national initiatives to address the opioid crisis.

by Mark S. Gold M.D. – Addiction Outlook
  • Key points:
  • In 2016, drug experts mapped out solutions to the opioid epidemic.
  • Several major initiatives subsequently were proposed and implemented.
  • Many changes have had profound influences, reducing the impact of opioid use and saving lives.

In their 2016 New England Journal of Medicine article on opioids, Nora Volkow, M.D., director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) and A. Thomas McLellan, Ph.D., who served as deputy director of the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy during the Obama administration, reported on what was needed to combat the opioid epidemic.

They focused initially on opioid prescribing for pain. Pain experts resisted restrictions on opioids since they were the treatment of choice and addiction was only 3% to 8% for chronic pain and lower for acute pain. Pain patients develop a physical dependence on opioids, but few become addicts.

Volkow and McLellan were prescient in their statements/predictions nearly a decade ago. They acknowledged the need for opioids for managing chronic pain for some but pointed to overprescriptions in the 1990s and 2000s as a major driver of the opioid crisis. They discussed naloxone (Narcan) saving lives by reversing opioid overdoses. They advocated expanding access to medication-assisted treatment (methadone, buprenorphine) to treat opioid addiction, calling it an evidence-based strategy for reducing illicit drug use and deaths. They noted state prescription drug monitoring programs (PDMPs) could be enhanced to track prescribing patterns and minimize diversion.

Volkow and McLellan called for research to develop effective non-opioid pain treatments and reduce reliance on opioids. They also addressed stigma associated with pain management and addiction treatment, urging the medical community and policymakers to view these issues through an evidence-based lens rather than a cloud of blame/moral failure. Most of all, they called for integrating scientific advances into policy and practice and improving training for providers of pain management and addiction treatment.

Here’s my “report card” on how we’re doing, based on the major recommendations from these experts in 2016.

Balancing Pain Management and Developing New Pain Treatment with Addiction Prevention. Grade: C+

Real progress was made in preventing opioid addiction and overdose deaths. However, many chronic pain patients report inadequate relief now due to stricter prescribing practices, sometimes resulting in untreated/undertreated pain. This is a problem without easy answers. Dr. Volkow has emphasized an urgent need for non-opioid-based medications bypassing the brain’s reward pathways, reducing abuse potential. NIH’s Helping to End Addiction Long-term (HEAL) Initiative researched non-opioid pain medications and therapies. There are promising candidates, such as cebranopadol, suzetrigine (FDA approved 1/30/25), LEVI-04, and others in the pipeline. However, progress remains slow, and chronic pain patients face limited options.

Curbing Overprescription/Misuse. Grade: A-

Opioid prescribing rates nearly halved, from 81.3 prescriptions per 100 people in 2012 to 43.3 in 2023. Medical, pharmacy, and health professional education reversed years of over-prescription. All states have PDMPs to track opioid prescriptions, reducing over-prescription and diversion. Some overcorrections in prescribing (or rather, not prescribing) opioids led to some patients seeking illicit drugs (heroin or fentanyl), contributing to the overdose crisis.

Expanding Opioid Pain Prescription Guidelines. Grade: A-

The CDC says opioid prescriptions in the United States peaked in 2012, with a rate of 81.3 prescriptions per 100 persons. By 2023, this rate nearly halved to 43.3 prescriptions per 100. This major reduction reflects efforts to address the opioid epidemic through updated prescribing guidelines and increased awareness of opioid risks. The CDC Guidelines for Prescribing Opioids for Chronic Pain (2016) recommended limiting opioid prescriptions for chronic pain outside active cancer treatment, palliative care, and end-of-life care, emphasizing using the lowest effective dose of opioids and restricting opioid prescriptions for acute pain to three to seven days. However, some health care providers remain hesitant to prescribe any opioids, ever.

The SUPPORT Act (2018) required electronic prescribing for controlled substances under Medicare and imposed new requirements for education and monitoring. Medicare Part D Opioid Policies (2019) implemented stricter safety edits at the pharmacy level for high-dose opioid prescriptions and introduced limits on opioid-naive pain patients, such as a maximum of seven days for acute pain.

Naloxone and Medication-Assisted Treatment (MAT). Grade: B+

Naloxone (Narcan) is widely available now, and over-the-counter sales were approved, as has the longer-acting antagonist nalmefene. However, fentanyl, the predominant opioid abused today, is very strong and challenging naloxone reversal protocols. Nalmefene may help.

Access to MAT (buprenorphine, methadone) improved. Patients with OUDs can start on buprenorphine without having to see a physician in person. On the downside, existing treatments are old, and the best outcomes are with the oldest OUD treatment, methadone. Methadone should be available for prescription by office and clinic-based physicians. Without detox and residential care options, patients with polysubstance, alcohol, meth, or cocaine use disorders and psychiatric dual disorders have been difficult to treat .

Stigma. Grade: B

NIDA has led national efforts to destigmatize substance use disorders (SUDs), especially OUDs. Expanding federal and state reimbursement for buprenorphine and methadone, and expanding the number of OUD prescribers, have succeeded somewhat. Classification of addiction as a disease, working with ASAM, and supporting destigmatizing language have helped. However, stigma persists, discouraging patients from seeking care.

Chronic pain patients still report feeling judged. AA, NA, and other mutual help groups are ubiquitous and destigmatizing. Yet, social network fellowships have been underutilized. One 2016 national survey revealed three-quarters of primary care physicians were unwilling to have a person with opioid use disorder marry into their family, and two-thirds viewed people with OUD as dangerous. It is not clear this has changed.

Science-Driven Policy. Grade: A-

Federal and state policies increasingly rely on evidence-based recommendations, such as funding research in non-opioid treatments. This is a huge accomplishment.

Developing totally new approaches has lagged, but innovation and invention can be like that sometimes. Broadly and equitably supporting MATs has helped people with OUD access evidence-based treatments. In the absence of a cure, we have made limited progress in developing and implementing effective non-opioid therapies. However, the doctors’ original focus on leveraging science to guide policy, improve treatments, and address root causes of the opioid epidemic was spot on, saving lives.

Policy Initiatives Impacted Opioid Prescribing and Pain Management Shifts. Grade: B-

Balancing effective pain management with risks of opioid use remains challenging. Patients with pain are treated with a combination of alternative strategies and therapies, with mixed outcomes. In states where it is legal, cannabis is increasingly used as an alternative treatment for chronic pain—even though evidence of its efficacy is mixed and cannabis use disorders may emerge. Complementary and alternative treatments like acupuncture, chiropractic care, massage therapy, and yoga are gaining popularity. Alternative therapies can’t provide the same level of relief as opioids. Those with complex or severe pain feel marginalized by policies restricting opioids. Non-pharmacological therapies like physical therapy, acupuncture, or CBT may be expensive, time-intensive, or uncovered by insurance. Many patients report inadequate relief, difficulty accessing specialized therapies, and frustration with the healthcare system.

New Hope in the Lab

Yale researchers identified alternative compounds with therapeutic potential chemicals extracted from the cannabis plant. A recent study showed that certain cannabinoids reduced the activity of a protein central to pain signaling in the peripheral nervous system. The protein, Nav1.8, enables repetitive firing of those neurons, a key process in transmitting pain signals. Blocking Nav1.8, and muting its activity, has shown promise in reducing pain in clinical studies. Cannabigerol in particular has the potential to provide effective pain relief without opioid risks.

Summary

In the opioid death crisis, the first phase was dominated by prescription pain medication abuse. Volkow and McLellan outlined changes necessary to reverse the epidemic. While tremendous progress has been made in this decade, more needs to be done as users first switched from pain medications to heroin, then fentanyl, adding xylazine, and now speedballing or polydrug use. The investment in prevention efforts, such as the DEA’s “One Pill Can Kill”, should be expanded.

Source: https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/addiction-outlook/202501/opioid-crisis-grading-the-progress-of-national-initiatives

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