Treatment and Addiction

by Jan Hoffman – Published Aug. 25, 2025

Jan Hoffman is a health reporter for The New York Times covering drug addiction and health law.

San Francisco, Philadelphia and others are retreating from “harm reduction” strategies that have helped reduce deaths but which critics, including Trump, say have contributed to pervasive public drug use.

Safe drug-consumption materials distributed in the Tenderloin district of San Francisco, including naloxone, pipes and plastic straws.Credit…Mike Kai Chen for The New York Times

As fentanyl propelled overdose deaths to ever more alarming numbers several years ago, public health officials throughout the United States stepped up a blunt, pragmatic response. Desperate to save lives, they tried making drug use safer.

To prevent life-threatening infections, more states authorized needle exchanges, where drug users could get sterile syringes as well as alcohol wipes, rubber ties and cookers. Dipsticks that test drugs for fentanyl were distributed to college campuses and music festivals. Millions of overdose reversal nasal sprays went to homeless encampments, schools, libraries and businesses. And in 2021, for the first time, the federal government dedicated funds to many of the tactics, collectively known as harm reduction.

The strategy helped. By mid-2023, overdose deaths began dropping. Last year, there were an estimated 80,391 drug overdose deaths in the United States, down from 110,037 in 2023, according to provisional data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Now, across the country, states and communities are turning away from harm reduction strategies.

Last month, President Trump, vowing to end “crime and disorder on America’s streets,” issued a far-flung executive order that included a blast at harm reduction programs which, he said, “only facilitate illegal drug use and its attendant harm.”

But his words, implicitly linking harm reduction to unsafe streets, echoed a sentiment that had already been building in many places, including some of the country’s most liberal cities.

San Francisco’s new mayor, Daniel Lurie, a Democrat who campaigned on a pledge to tackle addiction and street chaos, announced this spring that the city would step away from harm reduction as its drug policy and instead embrace “recovery first,” aspiring to get more people into treatment and long-term recovery. He banned city-funded distribution of safe-use smoking supplies such as pipes and foil in public places like parks. A year earlier, San Francisco voters had signaled their restiveness with pervasive drug use by approving a measure stipulating that some recipients of public assistance who repeatedly refused drug treatment could lose cash benefits.

Philadelphia stopped funding syringe services programs, which the C.D.C. has called “proven and effective” in protecting the public and first-responders as well as drug users. The city put restrictions on mobile medical teams that distribute overdose reversal kits and provide wound care for people who inject drugs, and stepped up police sweeps in Kensington, a neighborhood long known for its open-air drug markets and a focal point of the city’s harm reduction efforts.

Santa Ana, Calif., shut down its syringe exchanges; Pueblo, Colo., tried to do the same but a judge blocked enforcement of the ordinance.

Mayor Daniel Lurie of San Francisco, center, often walks through the Tenderloin district, where people experiencing addiction, mental illness and homelessness gather.Credit…Mike Kai Chen for The New York Times

Republican-dominated states have also been retreating from the approaches. In 2021, West Virginia legislators said that needle exchange programs had to limit distribution to one sterile syringe for each used one turned in and could only serve clients with state IDs. Last year, Nebraska lawmakers voted against permitting local governments to establish exchanges.

“Harm reduction” is a decades-old concept, grounded in the reality that many people cannot or will not stop using drugs. Since the 1980s, when AIDS activists began distributing sterile syringes to drug users to slow the spread of diseases, the expression has moved to the mainstream of addiction medicine and public health.

Over time, it has become shorthand for a wide range of approaches. Some are broadly popular and will certainly continue. In April, the White House’s office of drug control policy released priorities reaffirming support for drug test strips and naloxone, the overdose reversal medication that has become an essential item in first-aid kits in homes, restaurants and school nurse offices.

But critics contend that making drug use safer, with distribution of supplies and pamphlets directing how to use them, normalizes drug use and undercuts people’s motivation to quit and seek abstinence.

“The more you’re sort of funding and feeding the addiction, you’re going to get more addiction,” Art Kleinschmidt, now the head of the federal agency that oversees grants for substance abuse, said on a podcast last year. Such programs, he said, “definitely are breeding dependency.”

Others argue for nuance.

“Harm reduction is neither the singular solution to the overdose crisis nor a primary cause of public drug use and disorder,” said Dr. Aaron Fox, president of the New York Society of Addiction Medicine. “It’s one component of a spectrum of services necessary to prevent overdose deaths and improve the health of people who use drugs. But if communities want long-term solutions to homelessness, they need to work on expanding access to housing.”

Harm reduction supporters reject the notion that protecting people from the worst consequences of drugs encourages use.

“I don’t think the availability of sterile supplies really makes a difference about whether someone is going to start or continue using drugs,” said Chelsea L. Shover, an epidemiologist at the University of California, Los Angeles, who oversees Drug Checking Los Angeles, which tests the contents of drugs for individuals and public health agencies. “But I do think it will make a difference in terms of whether that person is going to be alive in a week or a month or a year, during which time they might get into recovery, whatever that may mean for them.”

Some addiction experts fear that a retreat from harm reduction will reverse the falloff in deaths from injection-related diseases.

“Hepatitis C and H.I.V. numbers will go up, and more people are going to die,” said Dr. Kelly Ramsey, a harm reduction consultant who practices addiction medicine at a South Bronx clinic.

While overdose deaths have fallen, it is unclear whether drug use itself has also slowed. In neighborhoods across the country, from Portland, Maine, to Portland, Ore., many residents complain that the harm to them from drug use, including crime and syringe street litter, has not been reduced.

Mr. Trump particularly called out a type of harm reduction known as “safe consumption sites” — sometimes labeled “overdose prevention centers.” They are supervised locations where people can inject drugs without fatally overdosing, found in Europe, Canada and Mexico. Often drug users can test their supplies right away and staff members can quickly administer overdose reversal medication if needed.

There are only three in the United States, and they make for easy political targets. In addition to many Republicans, prominent Democratic governors, including Gavin Newsom of California, Kathy Hochul of New York and Josh Shapiro of Pennsylvania, oppose them. The Pennsylvania senate voted to ban them. One, in Rhode Island, is protected by state and local law. But the other two, in New York City, which provide treatment referrals and support services, operate in a legal gray zone and could face federal scrutiny.

Opponents of harm reduction offer few specifics about how to get more people to stop using drugs and into treatment. Mr. Trump’s order directs the health secretary and the attorney general to explore laws to civilly commit addicted people who cannot care for themselves into residential treatment “or other appropriate facilities.” But it is silent about how such programs would be paid for.

The administration has already made major cuts to the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, the federal agency that awards grants for prevention, treatment and recovery. It has slashed the agency’s staff and the grants it gives for a wide variety of prevention, intervention and treatment services.

Cuts to Medicaid included in the sweeping domestic policy bill enacted this summer are also likely to affect many people’s access to treatment and states’ ability to cover it. Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the health secretary, who is in recovery from a substance use disorder, has focused on nutrition, chronic disease and vaccines during his first six months in office and has said little about plans to address the drug crisis.

The battle over whether harm reduction should remain a primary goal or be secondary to getting users into treatment and restoring order to public streets has been joined most intensively in San Francisco.

There, ample social services and ferociously expensive housing had contributed to a large population living on the streets, many struggling with mental illness and addiction. Then, by 2020, fentanyl and Covid had slammed into the city.

At public meetings this spring, angry residents brandished signs, some reading “Harm Reduction Saves Lives” and others “Drug Enablism Kills.”

Although the city has adhered to regulations for state-funded Housing First programs, which offer permanent housing for homeless people without requiring them to be drug-free, Mr. Lurie recently presided over the opening of the city’s first transitional sober living residence, with 54 units for adults committed to abstinence.

The drive to adjust the city’s drug policy to recovery first has been led by Matt Dorsey, a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, who is in recovery from a substance use disorder.

In an interview, Mr. Dorsey said he supports aspects of harm reduction, including the distribution of safe supplies. But he sees the strategy as more of a floor than a ceiling. “We need to make clear that the objective of our drug policy is a healthy, self-directed life free of illicit drug use,” he said.

The difficult challenge, he said, was how to attend to the rights of pedestrians who daily confront drug use, while also trying to “help people addicted to life-threatening drugs.”

To pay for additional treatment and services, he said, city officials are working on ballot measures to redirect tax revenue.

“Part of what gives me confidence that we will ultimately find the funding,” Mr. Dorsey added, “is that the alternative is unthinkable.”

 

Source: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/08/25/health/harm-reduction-san-francisco-trump.html

 A new non-opioid pain reliever developed in Japan shows early success in clinical trials, offering hope for safer pain management.
If  effective, it could help curb the opioid crisis by providing a powerful alternative. Credit: Stock

The discovery of a new painkiller offers relief with fewer side effects.

Morphine and other opioids are commonly used in medicine because of their strong ability to relieve pain. Yet, they also pose significant risks, including respiratory depression and drug dependence. To limit these dangers, Japan enforces strict rules that allow only specially authorized physicians to prescribe such medications.

In contrast, the United States saw widespread prescribing of the opioid OxyContin, which fueled a rise in the misuse of synthetic opioids like fentanyl. By 2023, deaths from opioid overdoses had exceeded 80,000, marking the escalation of a nationwide public health emergency now known as the “opioid crisis.”

A new analgesic approach

Opioids may soon face competition. Researchers at Kyoto University have identified a new analgesic, named ADRIANA, that provides pain relief through a completely different biological pathway. The drug is now moving through clinical development as part of an international research collaboration.

“If successfully commercialized, ADRIANA would offer a new pain management option that does not rely on opioids, contributing significantly to the reduction of opioid use in clinical settings,” says corresponding author Masatoshi Hagiwara, a specially-appointed professor at Kyoto University.

Targeting adrenoceptors for safer pain relief

The researchers drew their initial inspiration from compounds that imitate noradrenaline, a chemical released during life-threatening situations that activates α2A-adrenoceptors to reduce pain. While effective, these compounds carry a high risk of destabilizing cardiovascular function. By examining the relationship between noradrenaline levels and α2B-adrenoceptors, the team proposed that selectively blocking α2B-adrenoceptors could increase noradrenaline activity, stimulate α2A-adrenoceptors, and provide pain relief without triggering cardiovascular instability.

  Mechanism of pain relief by ADRIANA. Credit: KyotoU / Hagiwara lab

To test this idea, the scientists used a specialized method called the TGFα shedding assay, which allowed them to measure the function of different α2-adrenoceptor subtypes. Through compound screening, they succeeded in identifying the world’s first selective α2B-adrenoceptor antagonist.

Promising clinical results and future trials

After success in administering the compound to mice and conducting non-clinical studies to assess its safety, physician-led clinical trials were conducted at Kyoto University Hospital. Both the Phase I trial in healthy volunteers and the Phase II trial in patients with postoperative pain following lung cancer surgery yielded highly promising results.

Building on these outcomes, preparations are now underway for a large-scale Phase II clinical trial in the United States, in collaboration with BTB Therapeutics, Inc, a Kyoto University-originated venture company.

As Japan’s first non-opioid analgesic, ADRIANA has the potential not only to relieve severe pain for patients worldwide but could also play a meaningful role in addressing the opioid crisis — a pressing social issue in the United States — and thus contribute to international public health efforts.

“We aim to evaluate the analgesic effects of ADRIANA across various types of pain and ultimately make this treatment accessible to a broader population of patients suffering from chronic pain,” says Hagiwara.

Reference: “Discovery and development of an oral analgesic targeting the α2B adrenoceptor” by Masayasu Toyomoto, Takashi Kurihara, Takayuki Nakagawa, Asuka Inoue, Ryo Kimura, Isao Kii, Teruo Sawada, Takashi Ogihara, Kazuki Nagayasu, Takayuki Kishi, Hiroshi Onogi, Dohyun Im, Hidetsugu Asada, So Iwata, Jumpei Taguchi, Yuto Sumida, Suguru Yoshida, Junken Aoki, Takamitsu Hosoya and Masatoshi Hagiwara, 7 August 2025, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
DOI: 10.1073/pnas.2500006122

Funding: Japan Society for the Promotion of Science, Japan Science and Technology Agency, Japan Agency for Medical Research and Development

Source:  https://scitechdaily.com/the-end-of-opioids-new-drug-could-change-the-way-we-treat-severe-pain/

by DAVID EVANS – 19 August 2025

There are established five schedules of controlled substances, to be known as schedules I, II, III, IV, and V.

(1) Schedule I–(A) The drug or other substance has a high potential for abuse.(B) The drug or other substance has no currently accepted medical use in treatment in the United States.(C) There is a lack of accepted safety for use of the drug or other substance under medical supervision.

(2) Schedule II–(A) The drug or other substance has a high potential for abuse.(B) The drug or other substance has a currently accepted medical use in treatment in the United States or a currently accepted medical use with severe restrictions.(C) Abuse of the drug or other substances may lead to severe psychological or physical dependence.
(3) Schedule III–(A) The drug or other substance has a potential for abuse less than the drugs or other substances in schedules I and II.(B) The drug or other substance has a currently accepted medical use in treatment in the United States.(C) Abuse of the drug or other substance may lead to moderate or low physical dependence or high psychological dependence.

(4) Schedule IV–(A) The drug or other substance has a low potential for abuse relative to the drugs or other substances in schedule III.(B) The drug or other substance has a currently accepted medical use in treatment in the United States.(C) Abuse of the drug or other substance may lead to limited physical dependence or psychological dependence relative to the drugs or other substances in schedule III.
(5) Schedule V–(A) The drug or other substance has a low potential for abuse relative to the drugs or other substances in schedule IV.(B) The drug or other substance has a currently accepted medical use in treatment in the United States.(C) Abuse of the drug or other substance may lead to limited physical dependence or psychological dependence relative to the drugs or other substances in schedule IV.

Moving marijuana to Schedule III would not legalize the drug, however, the change would greatly serve to benefit state legalized commercial marijuana companies who would no longer be subject to IRS Section 280E and thus could deduct business expenses and drastically increase their profit margins. This means more advertising and normalization. Not only would this mean that marijuana corporations would be able to deduct expenses for advertisements appealing to youth and the sale of kid-friendly marijuana gummies, but it would also dramatically increase the industry’s commercialization ability.


Source:  www.drugwatch.org  (drug-watch-international@googlegroups.com)

by UNODC – 20 August 2025

For over three decades, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has supported non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in low- and middle-income countries implement substance use prevention projects that benefit youth around the world. This support has been made possible through the ongoing contributions of the Drug Abuse Prevention Centre (DAPC) in Japan since 1994. The DAPC Grants Programme enables civil society organizations to initiate and scale up prevention activities for youth and with youth aligned with the UNODC/WHO International Standards on Drug Use Prevention. The grants also empower young people to take active roles in supporting the health and wellbeing of their peers.

Following the 2024 Call for Proposals, which attracted more than 500 applications (more than double the previous year’s submissions), UNODC selected four new DAPC grant recipients through a multi-phased competitive process. Grantees from Cambodia, Iraq, Sri Lanka, and Zimbabwe will soon begin implementing their projects to support youth through locally grounded prevention efforts.

The Youth Aspire Development Trust, based in Zimbabwe, will be implementing their SPARK (Substance Prevention and Awareness for Resilient Knowledgeable Communities) project.  The grantee will engage with schools and communities in the Chitungwiza region of Zimbabwe targeting students, teachers and parents. Teachers from local schools will receive training on classroom-based prevention strategies, early detection of risky behaviours, and ways to foster positive school climates. Students will also be selected as peer leaders and be equipped with life skills, refusal techniques, and resilience training to lead cascade sessions and positively influence other peers. Complementing these efforts, the grantee will also engage parents to strengthen their role in creating protective home environments for their family. And finally, to expand the reach of the programme, trained teachers and parents will conduct cascade trainings within schools and communities.

The Alcohol and Drug Information Centre (ADIC) in Sri Lanka will implement the project “Peer Power: Youth-Driven Substance Use Prevention and Resilience Building” in Colombo. Youth facilitators will be trained to mentor younger peer leaders, who will deliver interactive, skills-based workshops in local communities and schools with the support of ADIC’s resource persons. The project includes a baseline survey, capacity building for youth, creation of a tailored action plan, peer-to-peer education sessions, community and family engagement activities, and social media campaigns developed by youth. By combining in-person outreach with digital platforms, the project aims to enhance youth resilience and decision-making, empower and educate youth leaders, and strengthen community support for such initiatives.

In Cambodia, the grantee Mith Samlanh will implement its “Peer Prevention: A Youth-Driven Project Against Drugs” project by combining national and community-level initiatives. A national multimedia campaign, developed together with youth, will raise awareness about the risks of drug use through videos and prevention messages, reaching young people across social media platforms. In parallel, in-person awareness sessions will engage directly with communities in vulnerable areas of Phnom Penh, helping to bridge the digital divide and reach those who may not be active online. The grantee will also develop and integrate a Drug Prevention module into Mith Samlanh’s existing soft skills training for at-risk individuals, using evidence-informed methods to build resilience and enhance life skills. Additionally, a cascade Training of Trainers modality will strengthen local capacity by preparing teachers, social workers, youth champions, and local authorities to deliver prevention messaging and trainings to support youth and families across Phnom Penh.

In Iraq, the Bestan Child Society (Bustan Association) will implement the “Building Community Power to Prevent Youth Drug Use” project. The grantee will engage with community influencers such as teachers, sports coaches, youth leaders, and journalists to strengthen the local prevention capacity. Trained as prevention champions, they will integrate drug awareness and life skills into sports, arts, and peer-led activities that will be conducted in the target communities. Youth will also take part as informal peer educators through the 3S Initiative (Sport–Smile–Sleep), which will promote resilience and healthy lifestyles in young people.  Also, youth co-created awareness materials will further extend the project’s reach through social media and community events.

UNODC is pleased to support these four new diverse projects under the DAPC Grants Programme. Each initiative reflects a strong commitment to prevention aligned with the Standards, youth engagement, and community-level action — key elements in building healthier lifestyles and safer environments for young people to grow and thrive in. For more information about the DAPC grants projects and the programme, please visit the Youth Initiative website and stay up to date through the UNODC PTRS social media channels  (X, LinkedIn, Facebook).

Source:  https://www.unodc.org/unodc/prevention/youth-initiative/youth-action/2025/August/introducing-new-dapc-grant-funded-projects.html

Issued by U.S. Customs and Border Protection  – Thu, 08/21/2025

NEW YORK — U.S. Customs and Border Protection Deputy Commissioner John Modlin delivered remarks at a National Fentanyl Prevention and Awareness Day event today in Times Square.

The annual event, hosted by the nonprofit Facing Fentanyl, brings together impacted families and federal, state, and local law enforcement to draw national attention to the synthetic opioid epidemic.

“On behalf of the more than 65,000 fathers and mothers, and sons and daughters, who are also agents, officers and professional staff of CBP, we mourn with those who have lost a loved one to fentanyl poisoning,” said Deputy Commissioner Modlin. “Every hour of every day of the year, CBP is enforcing the law, across the land, in the air, and on the sea. Fentanyl is not just a public health threat – it’s a weapon. Any group that tries to poison Americans will face U.S. law enforcement and national security authorities.”

CBP supports the nation’s fight against fentanyl by prioritizing counter-fentanyl efforts across all operational environments. This includes stopping the ingredients, equipment, and the drug itself from entering or moving through the U.S. CBP has significantly increased its efforts to find and seize fentanyl at border crossings and checkpoints, using a variety of methods, such as officers’ instincts, drug-sniffing dogs, advanced scanning technology, artificial intelligence, and intelligence gathering to target and stop smugglers.

CBP’s approach to combatting fentanyl has grown to also include taking down the criminal groups that ship fentanyl, its ingredients, and pill-making equipment into the U.S. By working closely with law enforcement agencies both within the U.S. and in other countries, CBP helps investigate the larger criminal organizations, not just the individuals caught smuggling drugs at the border.

Fentanyl is a very dangerous drug that CBP first encountered in its final form around 2013-2014. Even a very small amount can be deadly. It’s cheap and easy to make, and there’s a high demand for it. Just one kilogram (about 2.2 pounds) of fentanyl already mixed into pills makes just over 9,000 pills. In contrast, one kilogram of fentanyl powder can make roughly 80,000 pills.

National Fentanyl Prevention and Awareness Day serves as a vital platform to highlight the devastating impact of synthetic opioids and the ongoing efforts to combat this epidemic. CBP’s participation underscores its unwavering commitment to protecting American communities and saving lives.

For more information on National Fentanyl Prevention and Awareness Day, visit DEA Fentanyl Awareness.

by Kevin Sabet  August 22, 2025 

In 2018, 27-year-old Bryn Spejcher, an inexperienced marijuana smoker in California, killed her boyfriend Chad O’Melia by stabbing him 108 times, a crime the local district attorney described as “horrific” and “one of the worst our medical examiner has ever seen.” A jury found Spejcher guilty of involuntary manslaughter, but she received only probation at sentencing because of a compelling presentation of her defense of cannabis-induced psychosis. Prior to the violent incident, Spejcher had taken two hits of legal marijuana from a bong, and claimed that she began “seeing things that weren’t there” and lost touch with reality. She also stabbed herself repeatedly in the neck, and stabbed her own dog. Law enforcement agents called to the scene had to break her arm with a metal baton to get her to let go of the knife; multiple Taserings had no effect. 

Cases like Spejcher’s illustrate the stakes involved in the federal reclassification of marijuana. If President Trump follows through with such a move, the drug would remain illegal on the federal level, but would receive an imprimatur of being safer and face fewer restrictions, with significant commercial and social implications.  

Yet voices across public discourse persist in asking: why should anyone care if President Trump does just that? 

Celebrities like Mike Tyson and Joe Rogan and hedge-fund bosses like Andrew Lahde tell us that marijuana is no big deal. Numerous states have already legalized it for medical and recreational usage, and they claim to be regulating it well. If we are to believe the advocates, marijuana is a miracle cure for PTSD, anxiety, depression, and bipolar disorder — not to mention an unbeatable salve for the pain suffered by cancer patients.

So what sense does it make for this drug to sit in the same federal category as PCP and heroin? Isn’t marijuana’s placement in Schedule I, the most serious category, merely a relic of discredited thinking from the bad old days of the War on Drugs? It isn’t. To understand why it isn’t, and why a Trump move to reclassify weed would risk unmitigated harm to American health and safety, it’s first important to clear up some common misunderstandings around how and why drugs end up classified as they do.  

Under the Controlled Substances Act of 1971, a five-part schedule was established for classification of potentially dangerous drugs. This schedule is emphatically not an index either of a drug’s “hardness” or a kind of unofficial charging and sentencing guide for prosecutors and judges. Placement is earned specifically through consideration of a drug’s accepted medical use and its abuse risk. Drugs with no accepted medical use and a high risk of abuse get placed in Schedule I.  

That’s the commonality between marijuana and heroin; under federal law, the relevant agencies necessarily view them that way.  

Neither has an accepted medical use, though both drugs have approved medicines derived from them that remain in lower schedules (the medicine dronabinol, for example, is synthesized THC, the active ingredient in marijuana, and is in Schedule III). Both have high risks of abuse. The argument that one is a “hard” drug and the other is not  — which is debatable, especially given today’s ultra-high-potency weed — simply doesn’t come into play.  

Nor does the criminal-justice question. Keeping marijuana in Schedule I isn’t, as critics have it, a carceral strategy; conversely, moving it into Schedule III isn’t a de-carceral one. Under a move to Schedule III, the drug would remain federally illegal, still subject to the enforcement power of the Drug Enforcement Administration and the Department of Justice. No low-level offender would see his sentence commuted. This is sort of beside the point anyway, since most low-level marijuana users never receive a sentence for anything. 

But how can it be, another objection runs, that the drug has no medical use? Most US states currently allow doctors to recommend it. 

That, again, is technically correct. But the decisions those states made to allow doctors (and in some cases, “designated caregivers”) to recommend marijuana to treat pain and other issues were political decisions, not medical or scientific ones. Voters stated a preference; that has no effect on how federal agencies are required by current law to view the question. The facts of just how those recommendations get handed out drive home that political aspect. In 2022, Pennsylvania saw some 132,000 medical-marijuana certifications, a third of the state’s total for that year, issued by only 17 doctors.

Those decisions, taken in the aggregate, don’t constitute an accepted medical use. Or at least, they didn’t until October 2022. That was the month the Biden administration directed its Department of Health and Human Services to look into a possible reclassification of the drug.  

“This schedule is emphatically not an index either of a drug’s ‘hardness’ or a kind of unofficial charging and sentencing guide.”

Again, history is important here. Before the Biden process, the federal government had used an eight-factor test to determine how to schedule various drugs. Those factors focus on what the current and historical patterns of its abuse look like, as well as what that means for individual users, what risk it presents to public health, how likely it is to cause dependence (either physical or psychological), the state of the science around the drug and its pharmacology, and whether it’s a chemical precursor or “analogue” of another controlled substance.  

By these metrics, marijuana is precisely where it belongs in Schedule I. The best science shows that it isn’t an effective medical treatment. One of the most frequent conditions it’s used to treat is chronic pain. But the 2017 study cited to prove its efficacy there has seen dozens of subsequent meta-analyses and reviews fail to support its conclusions; a 2022 study of a decade’s worth of surgical records from a Cleveland hospital even found that using marijuana actually increases pain after surgery. 

The data also demonstrate that marijuana poses a significant risk of dependency: addiction rates are around 30% of all users and rising. Addiction in this case means exactly what it does for other substances: inability to quit, a need for ever more of the drug to achieve the same effect, and even withdrawal symptoms. Given the recent avalanche of data cataloguing marijuana’s harms specifically to cardiac and mental health — like a June British Medical Journal review  connecting it to a two-fold risk of cardiovascular death or the massive Danish study from 2023 suggesting that as much as 30% of schizophrenia cases among men between 21 and 30 were linked to cannabis-use disorder — its wider public-health risks are glaringly clear.  

The Biden administration supplanted the eight factors with a new system seemingly designed to push the drug into a less restrictive schedule. The Biden recommendation — likely a political compromise between the status quo and full legalization, timed just before Joe Biden’s re-election bid — also incorporated the shaky argument that because so many states have made political decisions to allow medical marijuana, that constitutes an accepted medical use.

An incisive article in JAMA Neurology, by the Harvard addiction scientist Bertha Madras, took a hard look at the process and found disturbing evidence of politicization. This included the fact that a high-ranking Biden DOJ official, Acting Assistant Attorney General Peter Hyun, argued that “cannabis has not been proven in scientific studies to be a safe and effective treatment for any disease or condition” — six months before the rescheduling directive appeared. Yet the science Hyun cites certainly had not changed in the interim.  

The federal government has long held the position Hyun laid out. Under the Obama administration, Jay Inslee and Gina Raimondo — then the governors of Washington and Rhode Island, respectively — petitioned the federal government to reclassify marijuana. The administration’s response made clear that federal drug schedules reflect what the science says, not “danger” or “severity.” Obama’s then-DEA chief, Chuck Rosenberg, announcing the denial of the petition, used language Hyun would later echo: “This decision isn’t based on danger. This decision is based on whether marijuana, as determined by the FDA, is a safe and effective medicine . . . and it’s not.”

Suggested reading

I have seen the damage cannabis does

By Peter Hurst

But let’s assume, for the sake of argument, that Trump reverses years of federal precedent to follow the logic of the rescheduling argument. What happens then? 

The truth: no one knows.  

It’s clear that the marijuana industry believes that rescheduling will be an enormous benefit to its shareholders. In one sense, that’s likely correct. Businesses selling substances in Schedule I face severe commercial restrictions under the tax code. A provision of the tax code prevents any such business from taking normal deductions at tax time on expenses like advertising. Lifting those restrictions seems sure to provide an enormous boost to revenues and reach for businesses selling marijuana products.

The impact on society is a different matter. The available evidence suggests that this will be a significant negative for society, especially given the research around how the young start using the drug: data published in June by researchers from the University of Southern California and Rutgers University show that exposure to marijuana social-media content plays a huge role in teens initiating use.  

But there are other externalities in play.  

If marijuana moves into Schedule III, it will be the only substance there without Food and Drug Administration approval. Will that play out in a similar way to the case of opium-poppy straw (i.e., the entirety of the plant, as it exists prior to the processes that turn it into heroin or opium)? Poppy straw is listed in Schedule II, but it also lacks an FDA approval — and it’s regularly seized by drug and border authorities, with a massive shipment grabbed up just in May. Though weed entrepreneurs clearly expect smooth sailing after a reclassification, they may well be in for a rough ride.

Then there’s the fact that substances listed in Schedule III face additional regulatory and enforcement power: Not only from the DEA and DOJ, but also from the FDA. There are strict rules around what sellers of Schedule III substances can and can’t say in advertisements. They’re forbidden from advertising off-label uses — and since marijuana lacks an FDA approval, all therapeutic uses are off-label. It’s easy to imagine another operator in the Schedule III space filing a lawsuit demanding precisely that kind of enforcement. 

In other words, rescheduling opens the door to regulatory chaos, even as it seems certain to add commercial firepower to an industry whose products, on the evidence, are extraordinarily harmful. How this combination will produce the benefits promised by proponents of rescheduling also remains unclear. 

The federal government shouldn’t signal to the American people that a drug that lacks medical or scientific imprimatur somehow possesses such approval. Others disagree — and vocally. They have a lot of money riding on it. But we should be crystal clear about what their preferred policy would  actually mean for American society — nothing good. 

Kevin Sabet, a former three-time White House senior drug-policy adviser, is president of Smart Approaches to Marijuana.

Source:  https://unherd.com/2025/08/the-illusion-of-safe-marijuana/?edition=us?

by

  • Thomas Kennedy GreenfieldSenior Scientist, Alcohol Research Group, Public Health Institute
  • Libo LiPublic Health Institute, Alcohol Research Grouphttps://orcid.org/0000-0001-7147-9838
  • Katherine J. Karriker-JaffeResearch Triangle Institutehttps://orcid.org/0000-0002-2019-0222
  • Cat MunroePublic Health Institute, Alcohol Research Grouphttps://orcid.org/0000-0002-6950-7200
  • Deidre PattersonPublic Health Institute, Alcohol Research Grouphttps://orcid.org/0000-0002-6775-9682
  • Erica RosenCalifornia State University, Long Beachhttps://orcid.org/0000-0003-1343-7554
  • Yachen ZhuPublic Health Institute, Alcohol Research Grouphttps://orcid.org/0000-0002-8192-6168
  • William C. Kerr Centre Director, Scientific Director, Public Health Institute, Alcohol Research Grouphttps://orcid.org/0000-0001-6612-9200

August 22, 2025

This study from PHI’s Alcohol Research Group and RTI International evaluated the associations between a seven-item summative burden scale and different types of harms attributed to someone else’s use of alcohol, cannabis or other drugs.

There is a growing body of research on the second-hand harms from alcohol and drug use that points to the negative health impacts of substance use extend beyond the individual engaged in the behavior. The literature on alcohol-related harms has explored the connections between secondhand alcohol and drug harms (ADH) and their impact on quality of life, well-being and mental health issues among those affected, often including family members, but there hasn’t been any specific research done on the family burden related to alcohol and other drug harms until now.

This study from PHI’s Alcohol Research Group and independent scientific research institute RTI International evaluates the familial burden of the secondhand ADHs, investigating associations between a seven-item summative burden scale and different types of harms attributed to someone else’s use of alcohol, cannabis or other drugs. The findings reveal the need for family support interventions and policy remedies to mitigate these burdens.

You can view the study here:

Background: Family burden has not been studied in relation to alcohol and other drug harms from others. We adapted a family burden scale from studies of caring for those with mental health conditions for use in the US Alcohol and Drug Harm to Others Survey (ADHTOS). We investigated associations between a seven-item summative burden scale and different types of harms attributed to someone else’s use of alcohol, cannabis, or another drug: (a) being assaulted/physically harmed; (b) having family/partner problems; (c) feeling threatened or afraid; and (d) being emotionally hurt/neglected due to others’ substance use.

Methods: A survey of adults aged 18 years and over conducted between October 2023 and July 2024 (= 8,311), involved address-based sampling (n = 3,931 including 193 mail-backs) and web panels (n = 4,380), oversampling Black (n = 951), Latinx (n = 790) and sexual or gender minority (SGM) respondents (n = 309). Data from seven items on types of burdens experienced from other people’s alcohol or drug use were provided by those harmed by someone else’s alcohol or drug use and were used to create a burden scale. Analyses used negative binomial regression on burden sum adjusting for covariates, such as age, gender, race and ethnicity, marital status and years of education.

ResultsThe single factor burden scale showed good internal consistency (α = .91). Components assessing being emotionally drained/exhausted and family friction/arguments were endorsed by 38–39% of participants; finding stigma of the other’s substance use upsetting was affirmed by 33%. Fewer endorsed feeling trapped in caregiving roles (22%), problems outside the family (26%), neglect of other family members’ needs (16%), and having to change plans (14%). In adjusted regression models, seven of eight harm exposures were significantly associated with burden scores.

Discussion: People reported substantial burden from others’ use of alcohol, cannabis, and other drugs. Family support interventions and policy remedies to mitigate these burdens are needed.

About RTI International

RTI International is an independent scientific research institute dedicated to improving the human condition. Our vision is to address the world’s most critical problems with technical and science-based solutions in pursuit of a better future. Clients rely on us to answer questions that demand an objective and multidisciplinary approach—one that integrates expertise across social, statistical, data, and laboratory sciences, engineering, and other technical disciplines to solve the world’s most challenging problems.

Source:  https://www.phi.org/thought-leadership/study-evaluating-family-burden-among-us-adults-experiencing-secondhand-harms-from-alcohol-cannabis-or-other-drug-use/

 


CHARLES CITY COUNTY, Va. (WRIC) — The Charles City County Elementary School will soon re-introduce a program focused on drug prevention and awareness for the 2025-26 academic year.

According to a release from the sheriff’s office, the program, DARE — Drug Abuse Resistance Education program — will come to the elementary school for the upcoming school year.

SRO Corporal Tramayne Mayo, who developed a curriculum to teach the program, reportedly attended a two-week training course as required by DARE to instruct.

“We are excited to get this program back into our school system,” said Jayson Crawley, Sheriff of Charles City County. “We feel that early education of the dangers of drugs should be taught to our youths and can have a significant positive impact on the decisions they make when faced with drugs. This is just part of our continued efforts to deter illegal drug activity in our county.”

Opioid settlement money awarded to all jurisdictions in the Commonwealth from a reported lawsuit filed against prescription drug companies will help fund the program, per the sheriff’s office.

8News previously reported that, in June, Virginia joined all other states and some U.S. territories in agreeing to sign a $7.4 billion settlement with Purdue Pharma and members of the Sackler family who own the company for their part in perpetuating the opioid crisis.

As a result, the state will receive as much as $103.8 million from this settlement over the next 15 years — funding which will go toward local prevention, treatment and recovery efforts, as previously reported by 8News.

Source:  https://www.wric.com/news/local-news/charles-city-county/dare-program-charles-city-elementary-2025-2026/

OPINION: Eric Adams is right 
Charles Fain Lehman is a fellow at the Manhattan Institute and senior editor of City Journal.

Can New York clean up its public drug-use problem?

Mayor Eric Adams aims to try: On Thursday, he called on the state Legislature to allow clinicians and judges to compel people into treatment when their drug use is hurting them and the city.

“We must help those struggling finally get treatment, whether they recognize the need for it or not,” Adams said at an event hosted by the Manhattan Institute (where I work).  

“Addiction doesn’t just harm individual users; it tears apart lives, families and entire communities, and we must change the system to keep all New Yorkers safer.”

Adams’ proposed state law, the Compassionate Interventions Act, may face an uphill battle in Albany, as “harm reduction” advocates assail it as coercive and dangerous.

But involuntary treatment should be a tool in New York’s arsenal for dealing with the public drug use that has plagued it for years.

Last year it reported nearly 4,000 homeless residents with a history of chronic substance use — probably an undercount, as such people are less likely to be identified by the city’s annual late-night census.

Regardless, it’s not hard to find people shooting up on New York’s streets — just visit the Hub in The Bronx or Washington Square Park in Manhattan.

Such behavior makes whole swaths of the city unlivable.

Public drug use hurts both users — there were more than 2,100 overdose deaths in the five boroughs last year — and the places where they use.

It deters commerce, and creates environments conducive to more serious crime.

Too often the city has responded to these situations with benign neglect, exemplified by its two “supervised consumption sites,” which give people a place to use with Narcan-wielding staff standing by.

These sites continue to operate, in spite of the fact that they don’t work and violate federal law.

Leaving people free to abuse drugs, it turns out, doesn’t save lives.

 

 

 

 

Involuntary treatment, by contrast, tries to correct the behavior that drives drug users to hurt both themselves and others.

That’s why 37 other states already permit it — and why New York under Adams’ plan would join them.

Critics will insist that involuntary drug treatment doesn’t work, and that people have to want to change.

But the balance of the evidence suggests that involuntary treatment performs as well as voluntary treatment.

That’s backed up both by older research on California’s involuntary-treatment scheme, and by strong indications that drug courts, which route drug offenders into treatment instead of prison, can reduce recidivism.

Opponents will also say that it’s immoral to compel people to get treatment they don’t want, and that it violates their “bodily autonomy.”

But there’s no right to shoot up in public spaces, or to ruin your body with fentanyl. And New Yorkers should have the right to expect their public spaces to be free from disorder, including public drug use.

The biggest challenge for Adams, though, may be the state’s limited treatment capacity.

New York state as a whole has only 134 long-term residential treatment facilities.

As of 2023, the most recent available data, they were serving 2,935 clients — fewer than the city’s tallied homeless drug-addict population.

Implementing the Compassionate Interventions Act will almost certainly require more funding for treatment beds, much as Adams’ previous efforts to institutionalize the seriously mentally ill did. That will have to be part of any ask in Albany.

But the mayor’s proposal will also allow diversion to outpatient treatment programs, including a new $27 million investment in contingency management therapy — an evidence-based intervention that has been shown to help treat drug addiction.

What happens if Albany says no to Adams’ proposal? Or if Adams is out of the mayoralty come the next legislative session?

The NYPD can still work to clear encampments. And the city can still try to divert drug users into its drug-courts system, which, while useful, faces administrative problems and lacks transparency.

But actually getting drug users the help they need, rather than just cycling them through the city’s jails, will be hard — much as the administration struggled to handle the seriously mentally ill before it had the power to compel them into treatment.

SOURCE: https://nypost.com/2025/08/14/opinion/involuntary-treatment-can-solve-the-public-drug-scourge/

Physical activity emerges as a powerful ally in exercise addiction recovery, offering hope and healing for those struggling with substance dependency. Recent groundbreaking research reveals how structured exercise programmes can reshape both body and mind, providing a natural pathway to wellness that supports long-term recovery goals.

The Science Behind Exercise Addiction Recovery

Two comprehensive studies from leading institutions demonstrate the remarkable impact of physical activity on individuals recovering from substance dependency. Research involving 90 participants in opioid substitution treatment and 43 individuals in drug rehabilitation centres reveals compelling evidence for physical activity recovery benefits.

Neurohormonal Changes Through Exercise

Exercise creates profound changes in the brain’s chemistry that directly counteract the damage caused by substance abuse. When individuals engage in regular moderate-intensity aerobic exercise, their bodies experience:

Increased β-endorphin production: These natural “feel-good” chemicals help restore the brain’s reward system, reducing cravings and improving mood without relying on substances.

Reduced cortisol levels: Exercise helps normalise stress hormone production, which is typically elevated during early recovery phases. This reduction helps manage anxiety, insomnia, and psychological distress.

Enhanced immune function: Regular exercise addiction recovery programmes boost white blood cell and neutrophil counts, strengthening the body’s natural defence systems weakened by substance abuse.

Physical Transformations Supporting Recovery

Body Composition Improvements

Research participants following structured exercise programmes showed remarkable physical changes after 24 weeks:

  • Significant reduction in body fat percentage
  • Increased skeletal muscle mass
  • Improved overall body composition
  • Enhanced physical strength and endurance

These improvements aren’t merely cosmetic—they represent fundamental changes that support sustained recovery by improving self-esteem and physical capability.

Fitness and Functional Capacity

Physical activity recovery programmes deliver measurable improvements across multiple fitness domains:

Cardiovascular health: Participants experienced substantial increases in vital capacity and overall cardiovascular function, supporting better oxygen delivery throughout the body.

Strength and endurance: Upper body and core muscle strength showed significant improvements, enabling individuals to engage more fully in daily activities and work responsibilities.

Flexibility and balance: Enhanced balance control and flexibility reduce injury risk whilst improving quality of life and confidence in physical activities.

Mental Health Benefits of Exercise Addiction Recovery

Anxiety and Depression Relief

The research demonstrates that structured exercise provides substantial mental health benefits:

  • 20% reduction in anxiety scores within 12 weeks
  • Significant decrease in depression symptoms sustained throughout the programme
  • Improved emotional regulation and stress management
  • Enhanced self-confidence and body awareness

The Mind-Body Connection

Exercise programmes that emphasise mind-body integration, such as Pilates, show particular promise. These activities combine physical movement with breath control and mental focus, helping individuals:

  • Develop greater body awareness
  • Learn effective stress management techniques
  • Build emotional resilience
  • Establish healthy coping mechanisms

Types of Exercise for Addiction Recovery

Aerobic Exercise

Moderate-intensity aerobic exercise performed at approximately 70% of maximum heart rate proves most effective for exercise addiction recovery. Activities include:

  • Treadmill walking or running
  • Cycling
  • Swimming
  • Group fitness classes

The key lies in consistency—training three times per week for 20-minute sessions produces measurable neurohormonal improvements.

Mind-Body Practices

Research specifically highlights the benefits of Pilates training for individuals in recovery:

  • Progressive intensity programmes that adapt to improving fitness levels
  • Emphasis on core strength and stability
  • Integration of breathing techniques with movement
  • Low injury risk suitable for deconditioned individuals

Creating Sustainable Exercise Addiction Recovery Programmes

Professional Supervision

Successful physical activity recovery requires proper oversight:

  • Medical clearance before beginning exercise
  • Trained supervision during sessions
  • Heart rate monitoring to ensure appropriate intensity
  • Progressive programme design that prevents overexertion

Long-Term Commitment

The research emphasises that benefits accumulate over time. Participants showed:

  • Initial improvements within 4-6 weeks
  • Significant changes by 12 weeks
  • Maximum benefits achieved after 24 weeks of consistent training

Integration with Comprehensive Care

Exercise works best as part of a holistic recovery approach that includes:

  • Professional counselling and therapy
  • Medical support as needed
  • Peer support networks
  • Structured daily routines

Practical Implementation Strategies

Starting an Exercise Programme

For individuals beginning their recovery journey, successful exercise addiction recovery programmes typically include:

Foundation PhaseWeek 1-4:

  • Low-intensity activities focusing on movement quality
  • 40-50% maximum heart rate
  • Emphasis on learning proper techniques

Development PhaseWeek 5-12

  • Moderate intensity training
  • 60-70% maximum heart rate
  • Increased session duration and frequency

Maintenance PhaseWeek 13-24

  • Sustained moderate-intensity exercise
  • Focus on long-term habit formation
  • Integration of preferred activities

Monitoring Progress

Successful programmes track multiple indicators:

  • Physical fitness improvements (strength, endurance, flexibility)
  • Mental health assessments (anxiety and depression scales)
  • Body composition changes
  • Adherence to exercise schedule

The Role of Exercise in Long-Term Recovery

Preventing Relapse

Physical activity recovery programmes address key relapse triggers:

  • Providing healthy stress relief mechanisms
  • Improving mood naturally through endorphin release
  • Building structured daily routines
  • Enhancing self-efficacy and confidence

Social Benefits

Group exercise activities offer additional advantages:

  • Peer support and accountability
  • Shared goals and achievements
  • Reduced isolation and loneliness
  • Development of healthy social connections

Building Support Networks

Family and Friends

Loved ones play crucial roles in supporting exercise addiction recovery:

  • Encouraging consistent participation
  • Participating in activities together when possible
  • Celebrating milestones and achievements
  • Understanding the importance of exercise in recovery

Professional Support Teams

Effective programmes involve multidisciplinary teams:

  • Exercise physiologists or qualified fitness professionals
  • Mental health counsellors familiar with addiction recovery
  • Medical professionals monitoring overall health
  • Peer support specialists with recovery experience

Evidence-Based Outcomes

The research provides compelling evidence for physical activity recovery effectiveness:

  • 96% programme adherence rates in supervised settings
  • Significant improvements in all measured physical parameters
  • Sustained mental health benefits throughout intervention periods
  • Strong correlations between physical improvements and psychological wellbeing

These outcomes demonstrate that exercise isn’t merely an adjunct therapy—it’s a fundamental component of comprehensive recovery strategies.

Moving Forward with Exercise Addiction Recovery

The evidence overwhelmingly supports integrating structured exercise addiction recovery programmes into comprehensive treatment approaches. By addressing both physical and mental health simultaneously, exercise provides a natural, sustainable foundation for long-term recovery success.

For individuals and families affected by substance dependency, understanding the transformative power of physical activity offers hope and practical steps towards healing. The journey may be challenging, but with proper support, professional guidance, and commitment to consistent exercise, lasting recovery becomes not just possible but probable.

The path to recovery through exercise requires dedication, but the rewards—improved physical health, enhanced mental wellbeing, and sustained freedom from substance dependency—make every step worthwhile.

by  Shalini Ramachandran  and Betsy McKay – Wall Street Journal – July 31, 2025

Hundreds of thousands of veterans with PTSD have been prescribed simultaneous doses of powerful psychiatric drugs. The practice, known as “polypharmacy,” can tranquilize patients to the point of numbness, cause weight gain and increase suicidal thoughts when it involves pharmaceuticals that target the central nervous system, according to scientific studies and veterans’ accounts. 

The VA’s own guidelines say no data support drug combinations to treat PTSD. The Food and Drug Administration warns that combining certain medications such as opioids and benzodiazepines can cause serious side effects, including death.

Nonetheless, prescribing cocktails of such drugs is one of the VA’s most common treatments for veterans with PTSD, and the number of veterans on multiple psychiatric drugs is a growing concern at the agency, according to interviews with more than 50 veterans, VA health practitioners, researchers and former officials, and a review of VA medical records and studies.

Polypharmacy has multiple definitions when it comes to central nervous system drugs. The VA defines it as taking five or more medications at the same time, while some medical researchers say it’s two or more and the American Geriatrics Society defines it as three or more. 

There is an emerging medical consensus among VA doctors and researchers that taking multiple central nervous system drugs can wreak havoc on patients. Interactions between such drugs aren’t well understood, and their effects in combination can be unpredictable and extreme.

SOME CASE HISTORIES …

Mark Miller

U.S. Navy, Security Forces (1992-2007)

In 2007, Mark Miller was diagnosed with PTSD. The military put him on fluoxetine, otherwise known as Prozac. He became suicidal. Miller eventually weaned himself off medications and used “neuroplasticity” therapy which forms new connections in the brain. This April, returning suicidal thoughts prompted Miller to visit a VA hospital in San Antonio. A nurse practitioner prescribed a powerful antipsychotic in a five-minute appointment. Six days later, Miller returned, stepped off a shuttle bus and fatally shot himself in the head. “He did it clearly to speak for all the veterans who have no voice,” his father said.

  • Aripiprazole
  • Bupropion
  • Cyclobenzaprine
  • Fluoxetine
  • Lithium
  • Quetiapine
  • Tramadol

‘They did not even listen to anything I said — just prescribed stuff. Unreal’— Text from Mark Miller to his father days before his suicide

The VA maintains that the best treatment for PTSD is talk therapy. But therapists are scarce and wait times are long, so overwhelmed doctors default to pills. Because there is no single drug designed specifically to treat PTSD, veterans often end up on drug cocktails as multiple specialists try to ease a variety of symptoms and prevent harm or suicide, according to VA clinical staff, studies and veterans. 

“When it comes to the challenge of polypharmacy in these populations, it’s constantly chasing your tail,” said Dr. Ryan Vega, a chief healthcare innovation official at the VA until 2023, who still treats veterans. “It is where medicine is more art than science. We have medications that treat those symptoms but are we addressing the root cause?”

Nearly 60% of VA patients with PTSD were taking two or more central nervous system drugs at the same time in 2019, the latest year for which data are publicly available, according to a VA study. That works out to more than 520,000 patients, up 62% from a decade earlier, driven by a near doubling of the number of VA patients with PTSD due to more combat tours and better screening. 

One silver lining highlighted by the study was that the percentage of PTSD veterans on five or more CNS medications declined to 7% from 12%, largely due to internal efforts to deprescribe opioids and benzodiazepines. (Central nervous system drugs affect the brain and spinal cord; psychiatric medications are a subset of CNS drugs). The VA declined requests from The Wall Street Journal to provide more recent polypharmacy numbers for veterans in its care. 

The VA has long been aware of the risks of overprescribing, and has internal research since at least 2016 showing the potential harms, including increased risk of suicide. The internal polypharmacy data “was pretty concerning,” said Dr. Shereef Elnahal, who headed the VA health system until early this year. He recalled a veteran advocate who told him about three veterans on more than five psychiatric drugs each who died by suicide, one after the other. They had been “walking around like zombies” before they took their own lives, the advocate told him. 

The VA’s use of psychiatric drugs has come under scrutiny from members of Congress and advocacy groups as the veteran suicide rate is roughly double that of U.S. adults who didn’t serve. Studies by VA researchers link the simultaneous use of multiple psychiatric drugs to suicide risk among veterans, including a 2016 paper that found Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans taking five or more central nervous system drugs faced higher risks of overdose and suicidal behaviors.

Lucas Hamrick

U.S. Army, Special Forces (1996-2019)

Lucas Hamrick was diagnosed with PTSD in the Army. There, and then at the VA, he was prescribed multiple central nervous system drugs. Some put him in a daze, others made him feel like he might want to kill himself. After losing 12 friends on similar drug combinations to suicide, Hamrick quit all the medications by 2023 and turned to meditation, mindfulness and breathing exercises. “It’s about structuring life around how not to let things spill over,” he said.

  • Chlordiazepoxide
  • Diazepam
  • Gabapentin
  • Hydrocodone-acetaminophen
  • Lorazepam
  • Naltrexone
  • Paroxetine
  • Phenobarbital
  • Prazosin
  • Propranolol
  • Rizatriptan
  • Sertraline
  • Trazodone

‘The quality of mental health care made me feel like I was there to check a box and complete the process instead of working toward any type of changes in perspective or disposition.’

Yet the agency has been slow to mandate changes. It has failed to implement nationwide electronic systems to alert doctors when they prescribe multiple psychiatric drugs, despite evidence from its own studies that these alerts improve care. The VA doesn’t uniformly require written informed consent for all psychiatric drugs with suicide risk, something that veterans groups and some members of Congress are urging. Some veterans who have resisted taking cocktails of drugs say they were warned by VA and military doctors that refusing them could jeopardize their eligibility for disability benefits, which can reach $4,500 a month.

“I’ve been mortified by practically every veteran I’ve seen having been prescribed multiple psychiatric medications, often without a timely referral to therapy or without any referral at all,” said Janie Gendron, a therapist who worked for the Defense Department and has seen hundreds of active-duty service members and veterans in the past 25 years.

A VA spokesman said the agency is looking into the issues raised by the Journal, and that the Trump administration is seeking to address serious problems it has identified in veterans’ healthcare that weren’t solved by the Biden administration. 

VA Secretary Doug Collins said at a congressional hearing in May that the agency is pursuing the potential use of alternative therapies, such as psychedelics, to offer more options and reduce the risk of suicide among veterans. 

The rise of the combat cocktail for PTSD has its roots in the overreliance on a single class of drugs: benzodiazepines. By the 1970s, the military and VA relied heavily on Valium and, later, Xanax as a primary treatment for traumatized service members and veterans returning from deployment. But in the 1990s, Defense Department researchers observed that high doses often yielded poor clinical outcomes, and, along with the VA, ultimately advised against their long-term use on veterans in 2004.

Still, against the guideline, the VA has doled out benzodiazepines to more than 1.7 million patients with PTSD diagnoses since 2005, its own data show. It took nearly a decade for the use of those drugs to start to decline.

At the same time, prescriptions to veterans with PTSD rose for other powerful psychiatric drugs.

VA doctors and patients say that existing tools to limit the number of psychiatric drugs a patient takes, and guidance to avoid the use of benzodiazepines and certain antipsychotics for veterans with PTSD, are frequently ignored.

A friend’s suicide

After his best friend’s suicide in 2013, Iraq war veteran Doug Gresenz was diagnosed with PTSD and borderline personality disorder and eventually put on six psychotropic drugs. After one medication’s dosage was increased, he attempted suicide and was hospitalized. When he protested the volume of medications there, he said VA doctors questioned his commitment to recovery and told him he needed the pills to lead a normal life. “I was guilt-tripped,” he said. 

Doug Gresenz

U.S. Marine Corps, Assaultman (2006-2010)

  • Baclofen
  • Bupropion
  • Citalopram
  • Clonazepam
  • Clonidine
  • Cyclobenzaprine
  • Divalproex
  • Doxepin
  • Erenumab-aooe
  • Eszopiclone
  • Gabapentin
  • Hydroxyzine
  • Melatonin
  • Methocarbamol
  • Mirtazapine
  • Olanzapine
  • Oxycodone
  • Prazosin
  • Propranolol
  • Sumatriptan
  • Quetiapine
  • Tizanidine
  • Tramadol
  • Trazodone
  • Venlafaxine
  • Zolpidem

‘I remember thinking: I’m literally poisoning myself.’

In 2016 alone, VA doctors prescribed him more than a dozen drugs, including antidepressants, antipsychotics, muscle relaxants and medications for nightmares, anxiety, pain and sleep, medical records show. Over little more than a decade, he received more than two dozen central nervous system medications. He recalled complaining to VA doctors that he was “so doped up” he would have accidents before getting to the bathroom.

“I remember thinking: I’m literally poisoning myself,” he said. In 2018, he quit benzodiazepines cold turkey and began to taper off the other drugs.

Within a couple of weeks, he collapsed, unable to use his legs. He developed a stutter and extreme light sensitivity. Violent spasms led to another fall, which caused complications that resulted in a severe foot injury and, eventually, an amputation last year.

The VA recommends any one of three antidepressants for PTSD—sertraline (Zoloft), paroxetine (Paxil) and venlafaxine (Effexor). But doctors are free to prescribe other additional drugs off-label—and many do.

“It’s super normal to see someone on five or six medications,” said Mary Neal Vieten, a retired Navy psychologist who has worked with thousands of members of the military and veterans. “That’s like an everyday thing.” Trauma has been medicalized, she said. “They’re acting as if the problem is in the person,” she said. Instead, it’s a normal response to an overwhelming experience, she said.

‘Stop-and-go’ pills

The culture of combat cocktails begins for some who are diagnosed with PTSD while still on active duty. In the military, too, drugs have long been given priority over psychotherapy, according to many veterans, former VA officials and therapists. 

One Navy chaplain said his repeated calls to the Navy for more mental health resources went unanswered despite his documentation of more than 70 critical events, including suicide attempts, at a high-stress installation with nuclear submarines. When the chaplain himself grew suicidal, Navy doctors suggested that refusing the three-medication cocktail they prescribed could lead to discharge without benefits, instead of medical retirement with care. 

Some veterans enter VA care dependent on psychiatric drugs that they were prescribed to improve combat readiness. They include Air Force veterans given “stop-and-go” pills—stimulants followed by sleeping pills. 

Michael Valentino, who was chief pharmacist at the VA until 2021, said he grew alarmed by the rising numbers of service members entering VA care on stimulants without a diagnosis justifying it. “Then the VA has the burden of trying to undo it.”

Heather King

U.S. Air Force, Aircraft Maintenance Craftsman (2001-2010)

Heather King struggled with sleep after the Air Force prescribed Ambien following long flights. After her discharge, she was diagnosed with PTSD, and the VA added eight central nervous system drugs by 2020. King begged for help weaning off. Her VA doctor’s response: “Heather, under no circumstances are you ever going to be a person who is going to operate without meds.” She’s lately been sleeping soundly without pills for the first time, thanks to cognitive behavioral therapy for insomnia—something the VA only told her about recently.

  • Amitriptyline
  • Buspirone
  • Cyclobenzaprine
  • Doxazosin
  • Doxepin
  • Duloxetine
  • Fluoxetine
  • Gabapentin
  • Hydroxyzine
  • Lamotrigine
  • Lorazepam
  • Mirtazapine
  • Prazosin
  • Propranolol
  • Ramelteon
  • Trazodone
  • Zaleplon
  • Zolpidem

‘It was like a death sentence. All these medications, they just made me numb. I wanted to feel my feelings, I wanted to actually heal.’

A Pentagon official said several medications at once are sometimes necessary for patients with multiple medical problems or who are treatment-resistant, adding that “records are reviewed to determine if the treating provider has provided clinical justification for the use of polypharmacy.” Service members and their families are offered “a robust and comprehensive array” of mental health programs, the official said.

Chemical messengers

Psychiatric drugs work by affecting levels of chemical messengers in the brain called neurotransmitters, which send signals between nerve cells and other cells in the body. For instance, many antidepressants increase levels of serotonin, a neurotransmitter associated with mood. Benzodiazepines enhance the activity of a neurotransmitter called GABA, while some antipsychotics block dopamine receptors. Layering on several of these central nervous system agents at once can magnify their effects. 

Combining an antipsychotic drug that activates dopamine receptors with one that blocks dopamine can exacerbate psychosis, said Dr. Sanket Raut, a research fellow specializing in polypharmacy at Gallipoli Medical Research in Brisbane, Australia. By the same token, benzodiazepines and opioids taken together can increase the risk of overdose. “Polypharmacy is a big problem,” said Raut. “There are many side effects: cognitive impairment, dizziness and the risk of falls.”

Erika Downey

U.S. Army, Military Police (2007-2013)

Amphetamine-Dextroamphetamine

  • Clonazepam
  • Erenumab-aooe
  • Fluoxetine
  • Lorazepam
  • Trazodone

‘They give out these giant paper bags filled with medicine after your first psychiatrist appointment.’

“They give out these giant paper bags filled with medicine after your first psychiatrist appointment,” said Erika Downey, a 35-year-old retired Army sergeant with PTSD. Women are more likely to be prescribed multiple drugs concurrently against guidelines, VA researchers have found. 

Downey’s bouts of suicidal ideation while taking antidepressants, benzodiazepines and stimulants were so bad she once called a friend to come take away her gun. After that, she decided talk therapy would be the best medicine. She weaned herself off the drugs on her own over two years. She had to wait three years for a VA psychotherapy appointment. “At the VA, you are more quick to get into a psychiatrist”—someone who can prescribe meds—“than a psychologist,” she said. Gray for WSJ

Only 15% of veterans diagnosed with depression, PTSD or anxiety are offered psychotherapy in lieu of medication, according to a 2019 report by the Government Accountability Office. “They’re really leveraging the prescribing to keep up with patient demand,” said Derek Blumke of the Grunt Style Foundation, a nonprofit veterans’ care group. Many VA providers’ impulse is to “get them in and get them out,” said Chris Figura, a patient advocate at a VA in St. Louis.

Navy veteran Dick Johnson, in the VA system for three decades and diagnosed with PTSD and bipolar disorder, was prescribed more than 25 different central nervous system drugs, including antipsychotics, antidepressants and epilepsy medications, sometimes on six concurrently, his medical records show. He blames them for the collapse of his two marriages. “They pretty much destroyed my life,” Johnson said. When he worsened on one antipsychotic and experienced intense withdrawal tapering off, VA doctors tried to patch him up with a cocktail of other medicines including benzodiazepines. In 2006, he started a prolonged dose of Seroquel, a powerful antipsychotic, to get off benzodiazepines, because doctors said it was supposed to be easier to stop. His weight soared and he developed diabetes. Quitting Seroquel “nearly killed” him, as he suffered intense vomiting, diarrhea and a near-inability to digest. He’s still tapering off Paxil and Tegretol today, using a jewelry scale and sandpaper.

Drugged for Decades

Dick Johnson, who joined the Navy in 1989, was diagnosed with bipolar disorder. After he was medically discharged in 1994, the VA put him on a heavy regimen of psychiatric drugs that made matters worse.

  • Medications prescribed, by class and date
  • Mood Stabilizers Anti- Psychotics Anti- Anxiety Anti-Depressant Medicated with lithium, which makes him severely ill 1995
  • Lithium Divorce with first wife  2000
  • Second marriage ’05 PTSD diagnosis
  • Divorce with second wife Seroquel ’10
  • Retires with disability from power plant ’15
  • Side effects of medications lead to ICU visit. Seeks help outside VA to taper off meds ’20
  • After cutting backmeds, joinssupport groupsand shares hisexperience
  • Note: Does not include all medications, including those prescribed for short durations.

Dr. Saraswathy Battar, a VA geriatrician, launched a passion project in 2016 to decrease the use of potentially inappropriate medications. After noticing veterans suffering from debilitating symptoms that she attributed to overprescription, she developed an electronic tool that has helped providers discontinue more than three million prescriptions. About half of VA providers are using the optional tool, she said, but they’re mostly caring for older veterans or those in palliative care, while it’s been hard to get mental health providers to adopt the tool. Some said they were unaware of its existence. “Suicide and homicide get attention,” but “there’s no penalty for not prioritizing polypharmacy reduction,” she said.

A path forward

After years on psychiatric drug regimens prescribed by military and VA doctors, a growing number of veterans are taking healing into their own hands, often exploring unconventional treatments. Many veterans said they are frustrated and angry that the country spends heavily training them to be lethal, but there’s little support for their fragile mental health as they reintegrate back into society.

Scott Griffin, the former special operations soldier who contemplated suicide last year, reached out to a group called Veterans Exploring Treatment Solutions, or VETS, after the episode. Their suggestion: ibogaine, a powerful psychedelic derived from an African plant and illegal in the U.S., but only after tapering off his current medications. When Griffin asked his VA prescriber for help tapering, “he point-blank refused,” Griffin said.

He embarked on a gruelling self-taper. “I was white knuckling. I broke my teeth from clenching,” he recalled, battling intense vertigo and suicidality.

After 12 hours of altered consciousness on ibogaine in Mexico, Griffin took 5-MeO-DMT, a psychoactive compound most famously found in Colorado River toads’ poison, which he says was a profound spiritual experience. Since returning home in March, he has discarded his pills, prays daily and spends time with family, reconnecting after years of being “consumed by panic and anxiety.”

A Stanford study of 30 special operations forces veterans published last year found that ibogaine sharply reduced PTSD and related symptoms. A bipartisan bill in the House aims to fund VA research into psychedelics, which doctors caution remain largely unproven in clinical trials. 

Says Griffin, “How does bark from a tree and venom off the back of a toad beat all this crap, all these pharmaceuticals they push down your throat?”

Source:  Maggie Petito – www.drugwatch.org

 

OPENING REMARK BY NDPA:

Dianova presents itself as a “Swiss NGO recognized as a Public Utility organization, committed to social progress”. Examination of their publications places them as an organisation which is less committed to primary prevention than to reactive approaches, such as harm reduction. A telling quote in this context comes in their publication entitledBetween Music and Substances: a Look at Drug Use at Festivals” they introduce this by saying Drug use is a common occurrence at most music festivals: how can we promote self-care and harm reduction among participants?”there is no mention of prevention as a policy option.

In their ‘history’ Dianova take a position found not infrequently in some other other critics of prevention i.e. any prevention program which does not achieve 100% success is deemed a failure … but no such assessment is made of reactive or accepting policies.

In this publication they dismiss the ‘Just Say No’ program as “…focusing mainly on white, middle-class children, it simply pointed the finger at others, particularly black communities, who were held responsible for the problem.” And yet immediately below this statement they include a photo of a White House ‘Just Say No’ rally, with Nancy Regan surrounded by black youngsters.

Dianova make judgemental remarks – without supporting evidence – in several places, and NDPA take would issue with several of these, but we have elected to retain this paper complete with their judgemental remarks, to illustrate their position on the ‘history’ as they see it.

by the Dianova.org team – 

From the early 20th century to the present day, an overview of the origins of drug use prevention, past mistakes and the current situation in this field

By the Dianova team – Over the past 40 years, prevention has become a key focus of public intervention in many areas, including responses to social issues such as alcohol and other drug use. Prevention strategies are now most often part of a comprehensive approach combining prevention, treatment and harm reduction, and taking into account the needs of people who use drugs and those of society as a whole.

These initiatives are developed on the basis of applied research in the humanities and social sciences, and their implementation and evaluation are based on scientifically validated strategies designed to answer one key question: do they work?

Understanding risk factors is crucial in modern drug prevention interventions, as it enables us to address the root causes of substance use and promote protective factors such as strong family bonds, engagement with school, and community support – Image by stokpic from pixabay, via Canva

Rather than raising awareness of the ‘dangers of drugs’, most initiatives today prefer to target risk factors and protective factors at the individual, family, community and environmental levels. These interventions are designed to be person-centred, while taking into account the many complex interactions between personal and environmental factors that may make certain populations more vulnerable to substance use or addiction. However, this has not always been the case. So what was prevention like before? Is prevention today so different from what it was in the past?

The origins of prevention: combating the ravages of alcohol

All forms of prevention stem from the 19th-century school of thought influenced by Pasteur’s work on the spread of disease: hygienism. This developed in a society plagued by diseases such as tuberculosis and cholera, which were widespread in most European countries, as well as in India, the United States and Canada.

With regard to substance use, it was alcohol that initially became the focus of efforts in Western countries. . In the countries concerned, the Industrial Revolution caused a profound change in drinking habits and exacerbated related problems. The advent of industrialization precipitated a period of exponential growth in the production, transportation and commercialization of alcohol. In urban areas, which experienced a significant increase in population following the rural exodus, millions of workers, reliant on their employers and lacking in social rights, found solace in alcohol, which had become readily available and inexpensive. Alcohol consumption increased significantly, as did the associated problems.

The temperance movement, a group of religious associations and leagues committed to combating the social ills of alcoholism, fought against the consumption of alcohol in the name of morality, good manners and the protection of the family unit. The influence of this movement grew until it reached its zenith in the early 20th century with the advent of alcohol prohibition laws, not only in the United States, but also in Canada, Finland and Russia – with the results we all know.

“The voluntary slave” – press illustration published in “La Fraternité” (France) for the Popular Anti-alcoholic league, author Adolphe Willette – circa 1875 – Adapted from screenshot from L’histoire par l’image

What about illegal drugs?

At the dawn of the 20th century, the concept of ‘illegal’ drugs had yet to be established. Europe and America had recently discovered a ‘remarkable substance’ – cocaine – lauded for its medicinal properties, touted as a panacea for all maladies. Initially imported in small quantities for medical research, its use grew rapidly, particularly within the medical community, and it was prescribed to treat a wide range of ailments, from toothache to morphine addiction. Sigmund Freud himself considered at the time cocaine to be a highly effective medicine for depression and stomach problems without causing addiction or side effects. With regard to cannabis and hashish, these were still available for purchase in all reputable pharmacies, while heroin, a registered trademark of the Bayer pharmaceutical company, was regarded as a sovereign remedy for… coughs.

It should be noted that the issue of substance addiction had not yet manifested itself in the context of affluent, colonizing nations. Elsewhere, the perspective was somewhat different: in a distant country – China – opium had already been wreaking havoc for several decades.

Introduced and marketed by Europeans, it had become a pervasive national scourge affecting millions of Chinese people. Opium  addiction is a prime example of the impact of colonialism on local societies: not only did it trigger two wars against Western powers concerned solely with their economic interests (profits from the opium trade), but it also had profound social and political consequences that are still felt today.

The Western countries’ ‘honeymoon’ with drugs was not to last. The problems they posed became apparent rapidly and, under the influence of American temperance leagues, they swiftly transitioned from being regarded as a universal remedy to being perceived as a threat to society and moral values. This marked the beginning of American policies predicated on drug control (or the war on drugs, depending on one’s perspective), which would shape global policies in this domain for over a century.

The demonization of ‘drugs’

The demonisation of drugs, the effects of which were felt from the beginning of the 20th century, is closely associated with a set of social, racial, political and economic dynamics that resulted in the stigmatization of both the substances themselves and the people who consumed them. As early as 1906, the United States initiated the legislative process, and the phenomenon grew until it culminated in a particularly restrictive and repressive international drug control policy – but that is another matter.

In the 1930s, the American government initiated a media offensive involving the use of racist stereotypes, sensationalist media, and political propaganda to portray cannabis as a dangerous substance that led to violence, insanity, and moral decay.

The process of demonizing drugs was gradual yet unstoppable. The discourse surrounding narcotics such as morphine, opium and heroin was initially shaped by their association with specific demographic groups, namely minorities, the economically disadvantaged, and migrants. This demonization continued over the following decades, fuelled by media sensationalism and public panic, particularly around the use of cocaine and cannabis – substances that were claimed to be the root cause of criminal behaviour and moral corruption.

The criminalization and stigmatization of substances and those who use them have had a profound impact. Not only have they perpetuated and reinforced racist prejudices against Afro-descendant, Latin American and other historically marginalized communities, but they have also completely distorted the approaches and prevention efforts implemented subsequently.

Early drug prevention initiatives

Before the 1960s, the ‘drug phenomenon’ was virtually non-existent in industrialised countries. Apart from a few opium enthusiasts, alcohol and tobacco reigned supreme in the field of substance addiction.

From the 1960s onwards, there was a rapid increase in the use of illegal drugs in the United States, particularly among the counterculture movement. The use of LSD and cannabis – and, to a lesser extent, amphetamines and heroin – spread and became a symbol of rebellion against authority, as part of a broader movement focused on social change.

Within the collective imagination, the 1960s are often regarded as the golden age of illegal drug use. This period was characterised by widespread use of cannabis, as well as the significant distribution of heroin among children in impoverished neighbourhoods. Notable figures such as Timothy Leary, a prominent Harvard professor, popularised the effects of LSD. However, an analysis of historical data reveals that the phenomenon was not as widespread as is commonly believed. Conversely, however, there was a marked increase in the perception of risk associated with drugs. For instance, in 1969, a mere 4% of American adults reported having used cannabis at least once. However, 48% of respondents indicated that drug use was a serious problem.

While many current prevention efforts have a solid theoretical basis and evidence of effectiveness, historic prevention strategies were often based on intuition and guesswork, with an emphasis on such scare tactics as the one depicted above (“Your brain on drugs” campaign, initially launched in 1987)

The notion of prevention as a concept was first developed in the early 1960s within the domain of mental health and behavioural disorders. In the context of drug policy, the first initiatives were echoing the pervasive fear of drugs that was prevalent in both America and Europe during that period. Logically, the primary initiatives were consistent with the propaganda campaigns initiated in previous decades with the objective of demonizing cannabis. The objective of these initial prevention initiatives was not to promote education, but rather to instil a sense of fear and intimidation.

Children and young people in the 1960s and 1970s were no more stupid than anyone else and just as observant. They quickly realised that the messages promoted by schools and families did not correspond to reality.

So simple, ‘Just Say No’.

In 1971, Richard Nixon declared drug abuse ‘public enemy number one’ and launched a widespread campaign against drug use, distribution and trafficking. This marked the beginning of a government policy that led to the incarceration of both traffickers and users. The policy would have far-reaching consequences for many countries, whilst in the United States it would have a disproportionately negative impact on the Black community.

The notion that one should ‘Just Say No’ to drugs is predicated on a rudimentary interpretation of the rational choice model, according to which people choose their behaviour in order to maximize rewards and minimize costs (negative consequences).

Nancy Reagan at a “Just Say No” rally at the White House in May 1986 – White House Photographic Collection, public domain

The D.A.R.E. programme: information is not enough

From 1983 onwards, this concept became central to the D.A.R.E. (Drug Abuse Resistance Education) programme. Initially implemented in Los Angeles, this school-based programme aimed to help young people understand that the harmful consequences of drug use far outweigh any perceived benefits. Young people can therefore avoid these consequences by refusing to take drugs.

The D.A.R.E programme’s model was based on three key elements: 1) drugs are bad; 2) when children understand how bad drugs are, they will avoid using them; and 3) the message is more effective when delivered by police officers, who are considered credible.

The programme was subsequently developed in the United Kingdom, and a similar model was adopted elsewhere in Europe during the same period — notably by associations of rehabilitated individuals — which replaced the credibility of police officers with that of former drug users ‘who could speak from experience’.

In response to findings on the ineffectiveness of the DARE programme, a new curriculum was developed (2009) with a stronger focus on interactive activities and decision-making skills, moving away from the traditional lecture-based approach by a police officer – AI-generated image, via Canva

Over the years, the programme has been the subject of extensive study. One study found that people who completed the programme had higher levels of drug use than those who did not. Another study found that teenagers enrolled in the D.A.R.E programme “were just as likely to use drugs as those who received no intervention”.

The impact of popular culture

The aim here is not to portray the D.A.R.E. programme or similar interventions solely in an unfavourable or ridiculous light. Even though it has lost its central position, the programme is still implemented in most US states, and according to its website, it has been developed in 29 countries since its creation. It is true that the programme has since been adapted to incorporate various aspects, such as resistance to peer pressure and the development of social skills.

However, these initiatives face a major difficulty from the outset. As we know, experimentation and risk-taking are part of normal adolescent development, which is why providing young people with detailed information about different substances is likely to arouse their interest in these drugs, especially if the information is not presented in an appropriate manner. Secondly, this type of strategy only has an impact on young people who are susceptible to alarmist messages because of their cognitive patterns, and is not effective for everyone else, as we now know.

Officers in the DARE programme would sometimes arrive in sports cars seized from drug traffickers to exemplify their message on drugs and crime (Crime does not pay) – A Pontiac Firebird in D.A.R.E. livery in Evesham Township, New Jersey – image: Jay Reed – Flickr, licence: CC BY-SA 2.0

Furthermore, when talking about drugs, one must also consider the influence of popular culture, which, without openly glorifying substance use, often portrays alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs in a favourable light, particularly at an age when young people are most receptive.

We now know that providing information about drugs is not enough to make for a good prevention policy. While education and awareness can always play an important role, they are not sufficient, nor even necessary, to prevent addiction.

Should we talk about drugs to prevent drug use?

According to Dr Rebecca Haines-Saah, who spoke at a webinar organised by Dianova last May, the most effective drug prevention strategies do not focus on drugs, but on much broader social issues, such as reducing poverty, combating discrimination and implementing targeted community programmes.

These approaches aim to create conditions that indirectly discourage drug use, particularly by strengthening social skills and improving people’s living conditions. For example, programmes focused on improving the school environment, teaching social skills or promoting healthy lifestyles can have a positive impact on reducing substance use without explicitly targeting drugs.

Similarly, family interventions that strengthen parent-child relationships and improve communication can also help prevent substance misuse by targeting underlying risk factors. These strategies highlight the importance of a holistic approach to prevention that goes far beyond direct drug education.

Prevention is a science

Preventing substance use – i.e. the use of all psychoactive substances regardless of their legal status –  involves helping people, particularly young people, to avoid using substances. If they have already used substances, the objective is to prevent them from developing substance use disorders (problematic use or dependence).

However, the overall objective is much broader, as highlighted by the UNODC in the second edition of the International Standards on Drug Use Prevention. It also involves ensuring that children and adolescents grow up healthy and safe, so they can fulfil their potential and become active and productive members of society.

Drug prevention is now grounded in research and evidence-based practices. This multi-disciplinary field has developed over the last forty years, aiming to improve public health by identifying risk and protective factors, assessing the efficacy of preventive interventions, and identifying optimal means for dissemination and diffusion –  AndreyPopov from Getty Images, via Canva

There is now a vast body of literature on substance use prevention. Its aim is to highlight effective and less effective strategies based on scientific evidence in order to guide decision-makers and practitioners in the field in their choices. Despite this, prevention activities are still sometimes poorly prepared and based primarily on beliefs or ideologies rather than scientific knowledge.

At Dianova, we believe that addiction prevention, particularly among young people, must take into account societal changes (new drugs, new patterns of use, changes in legislation, etc.) using scientifically validated strategies based on standards and methodological guidelines.

These strategies are based in particular on:

  • The acquisition of psychosocial skills (problem solving, decision-making, interpersonal skills, stress management, etc.),
  • Interventions aimed at developing parenting skills (e.g. communication skills, conflict management, setting boundaries, etc.),
  • Prevention strategies tailored to young people with vulnerability factors (e.g. those whose parents suffer from substance use disorders) and taking into account gender perspectives, abandoning androcentric strategies that obscure the situation of girls and LGBTQI+ communities.

In conclusion, we must bear in mind the mistakes of the past so as not to repeat them and, above all, understand that no prevention system is sufficient on its own. Whatever approach is chosen, effective prevention systems must be evidence-based and integrated into broader, balanced systems that focus on health promotion, the treatment of substance use disorders, risk and harm reduction, and countering drug trafficking.

Effective, science-based programmes that can make a real difference to people’s lives can only be developed by integrating all these elements.

Source: https://www.dianova.org/publications/a-brief-history-of-drug-prevention/

OPENING REMARK BY NDPA.

This article involves several prestigious authors – not least Bertha K Madras. We therefore recommend readers to its contents, albeit they are lengthy and sometimes complex.

To access the full document:

  1. Click on the ‘Source’ link below.
  2. An image  – the front page of the full document will appear.
  3. Click on the image to open the full document.

 

Source: Rescheduling Cannabis – Medicine or Politics

OPENING STATEMENT BY NDPA

We repeat this 2004 article by Stanton Peele as a useful position statement for us all.  Peele’s classic 1975  text ‘Addiction and Love’ (Peele and Brosky – Published: Taplinger, New York) is also well worth reading in this context.

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

By Stanton Peele Ph.D. published May 1, 2004

More people quit addictions than maintain them, and they do so on their own. People succeed when they recognize that the addiction interferes with something they value—and when they develop the confidence that they can change.

Change is natural. You no doubt act very differently in many areas of your life now compared with how you did when you were a teenager. Likewise, over time you will probably overcome or ameliorate certain behaviors: a short temper, crippling insecurity.

For some reason, we exempt addiction from our beliefs about change. In both popular and scientific models, addiction is seen as locking you into an inescapable pattern of behavior. Both folk wisdom, as represented by Alcoholics Anonymous, and modern neuroscience regard addiction as a virtually permanent brain disease. No matter how many years ago your uncle Joe had his last drink, he is still considered an alcoholic. The very word addict confers an identity that admits no other possibilities. It incorporates the assumption that you can’t, or won’t, change.

But this fatalistic thinking about addiction doesn’t jibe with the facts. More people overcome addictions than do not. And the vast majority do so without therapy. Quitting may take several tries, and people may not stop smoking, drinking or using drugs altogether. But eventually they succeed in shaking dependence.

Kicking these habits constitutes a dramatic change, but the change need not occur in a dramatic way. So when it comes to addiction treatment, the most effective approaches rely on the counterintuitive principle that less is often more. Successful treatment places the responsibility for change squarely on the individual and acknowledges that positive events in other realms may jump-start change.

Consider the experience of American soldiers returning from the war in Vietnam, where heroin use and addiction was widespread. In 90 percent of cases, when GIs left the pressure cooker of the battle zone, they also shed their addictions—in vivo proof that drug addiction can be just a matter of where in life you are.

Of course, it took more than a plane trip back from Asia for these men to overcome drug addiction. Most soldiers experienced dramatically altered lives when they returned. They left the anxietyfear and boredom of the war arena and settled back into their home environments. They returned to their families, formed new relationships, developed work skills.

Smoking is at the top of the charts in terms of difficulty of quitting. But the majority of ex-smokers quit without any aid––neither nicotine patches nor gum, Smokenders groups nor hypnotism. (Don’t take my word for it; at your next social gathering, ask how many people have quit smoking on their own.) In fact, as many cigarette smokers quit on their own, an even higher percentage of heroin and cocaine addicts and alcoholics quit without treatment. It is simply more difficult to keep these habits going through adulthood. It’s hard to go to Disney World with your family while you are shooting heroin. Addicts who quit on their own typically report that they did so in order to achieve normalcy.

Every year, the National Survey on Drug Use and Health interviews Americans about their drug and alcohol habits. Ages 18 to 25 constitute the peak period of drug and alcohol use. In 2002, the latest year for which data are available, 22 percent of Americans between ages 18 and 25 were abusing or were dependent on a substance, versus only 3 percent of those aged 55 to 59. These data show that most people overcome their substance abuse, even though most of them do not enter treatment.

How do we know that the majority aren’t seeking treatment? In 1992, the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism conducted one of the largest surveys of substance use ever, sending Census Bureau workers to interview more than 42,000 Americans about their lifetime drug and alcohol use. Of the 4,500-plus respondents who had ever been dependent on alcohol, only 27 percent had gone to treatment of any kind, including Alcoholics Anonymous. In this group, one-third were still abusing alcohol.

Of those who never had any treatment, only about one-quarter were currently diagnosable as alcohol abusers. This study, known as the National Longitudinal Alcohol Epidemiologic Survey, indicates first that treatment is not a cure-all, and second that it is not necessary. The vast majority of Americans who were alcohol dependent, about three-quarters, never underwent treatment. And fewer of them were abusing alcohol than were those who were treated.

This is not to say that treatment can’t be useful. But the most successful treatments are nonconfrontational approaches that allow self-propelled change. Psychologists at the University of New Mexico led by William Miller tabulated every controlled study of alcoholism treatment they could find. They concluded that the leading therapy was barely a therapy at all but a quick encounter between patient and health-care worker in an ordinary medical setting. The intervention is sometimes as brief as a doctor looking at the results of liver-function tests and telling a patient to cut down on his drinking. Many patients then decide to cut back—and do!

As brief interventions have evolved, they have become more structured. A physician may simply review the amount the patient drinks, or use a checklist to evaluate the extent of a drinking problem. The doctor then typically recommends and seeks agreement from the patient on a goal (usually reduced drinking rather than complete abstinence). More severe alcoholics would typically be referred out for specialized treatment. A range of options is discussed (such as attending AA, engaging in activities incompatible with drinking or using a self-help manual). A spouse or family member might be involved in the planning. The patient is then scheduled for a future visit, where progress can be checked. A case monitor might call every few weeks to see whether the person has any questions or problems.

The second most effective approach is motivational enhancement, also called motivational interviewing. This technique throws the decision to quit or reduce drinking—and to find the best methods for doing so—back on the individual. In this case, the therapist asks targeted questions that prompt the individual to reflect on his drinking in terms of his own values and goals. When patients resist, the therapist does not argue with the individual but explores the person’s ambivalence about change so as to allow him or her to draw his own conclusions: “You say that you like to be in control of your behavior, yet you feel when you drink you are often not in charge. Could you just clarify that for me?”

Miller’s team found that the list of most effective treatments for alcoholism included a few more surprises. Self-help manuals were highly successful. So was the community-reinforcement approach, which addresses the person’s capacity to deal with life, notably marital relationships, work issues (such as simply getting a job), leisure planning and social-group formation (a buddy might be provided, as in AA, as a resource to encourage sobriety). The focus is on developing life skills, such as resisting pressures to drink, coping with stress (at work and in relationships) and building communication skills.

These findings square with what we know about change in other areas of life: People change when they want it badly enough and when they feel strong enough to face the challenge, not when they’re humiliated or coerced. An approach that empowers and offers positive reinforcement is preferable to one that strips the individual of agency. These techniques are most likely to elicit real changes, however short of perfect and hard-won they may be.

Source:  https://www.psychologytoday.com/gb/articles/200405/the-surprising-truth-about-addiction

Cannabis dependence affects millions globally, with over 23 million people worldwide struggling with problematic use patterns. As treatment demand continues rising, understanding which psychological interventions for cannabis dependence work best has become increasingly important. This comprehensive guide examines the latest evidence on therapeutic approaches that help individuals overcome cannabis-related difficulties.

Understanding Cannabis Dependence and Treatment Needs

Cannabis use becomes problematic when it significantly interferes with daily life, relationships, and responsibilities. The World Health Organisation recognises that whilst brief interventions may help casual users, those with established dependence require specialised psychological treatments for cannabis problems.

Recent statistics reveal the growing need for effective interventions:

  1. Treatment admissions in Europe increased by 30% between 2010 and 2019
  2. Young adults aged 20-24 show the highest rates of problematic use
  3. Cannabis is now the most frequently cited substance among those entering treatment programmes

Evidence-Based Psychological Interventions for Cannabis Users

A major systematic review from the University of Bristol analysed 22 clinical trials involving over 3,300 participants, providing crucial insights into which therapeutic approaches demonstrate real effectiveness.

Cognitive-Behavioural Therapy with Motivational Enhancement

The most extensively researched approach combines cognitive restructuring with motivation-building techniques. This integrated therapy helps individuals:

  1. Identify triggers and high-risk situations
  2. Develop practical coping strategies
  3. Build internal motivation for change
  4. Master skills to prevent relapse

Research demonstrates this approach can increase abstinence rates nearly threefold compared to no intervention, establishing it as a cornerstone of evidence-based care.

Third-Wave Therapies: DBT and ACT Approaches

Newer psychological interventions for cannabis problems incorporate mindfulness and acceptance-based strategies. These therapies teach:

  1. Mindfulness skills for managing cravings
  2. Emotional regulation techniques
  3. Distress tolerance without substance use
  4. Values clarification and committed action

Studies show these approaches can quadruple abstinence rates when compared to basic psychoeducation alone.

Community Reinforcement Strategies

This approach restructures the individual’s environment to support recovery through:

  1. Leveraging community resources
  2. Building substance-free social networks
  3. Creating natural reinforcements for positive change
  4. Addressing multiple life domains simultaneously

Effectiveness of Psychological Treatments for Cannabis Dependence

The research reveals important findings about treatment outcomes:

Abstinence Achievement

Structured psychological interventions significantly improve abstinence rates. Individuals receiving cognitive-behavioural therapy are 18 times more likely to achieve abstinence compared to those awaiting treatment.

Reducing Use Frequency

For individuals not ready for complete abstinence, certain therapies effectively reduce consumption patterns. Acceptance-based approaches can decrease usage frequency by approximately 60%.

Treatment Duration and Structure

Effective programmes typically include:

  1. 6-52 sessions (average of 14)
  2. Weekly meetings over 2-6 months
  3. Individual or group formats
  4. Structured, manualised approaches

Key Components of Successful Psychological Interventions for Cannabis

Research identifies several critical elements that enhance treatment effectiveness:

Skills Training

Teaching practical techniques for managing triggers, cravings, and high-risk situations proves essential for lasting change.

Motivational Enhancement

Building intrinsic motivation through personalised feedback and collaborative goal-setting improves engagement and outcomes.

Relapse Prevention

Comprehensive planning for potential setbacks helps maintain gains achieved during active treatment.

Environmental Modification

Addressing social and environmental factors that maintain problematic use patterns enhances long-term success.

Challenges in Delivering Effective Treatment

Despite proven effectiveness, several challenges affect treatment delivery:

Engagement and Retention

Maintaining participant engagement throughout treatment remains challenging, with completion rates varying significantly across different approaches.

Individual Differences

Treatment response varies based on:

  1. Severity of dependence
  2. Co-occurring mental health conditions
  3. Social support availability
  4. Personal motivation levels

Access to Services: Many individuals face barriers accessing evidence-based psychological treatments for cannabis problems, including geographical limitations and resource constraints.

Future Directions for Cannabis Treatment Research

As cannabis potency increases and use patterns evolve, treatment approaches must adapt accordingly. Priority areas include:

  1. Developing age-specific interventions for adolescents
  2. Creating culturally adapted treatments
  3. Integrating technology-enhanced delivery methods
  4. Addressing co-occurring conditions simultaneously

Implications for Treatment Seekers

For individuals considering treatment, research suggests:

  1. Evidence-based psychological interventions offer genuine hope for recovery
  2. Different approaches suit different individuals
  3. Professional assessment helps match treatment to personal needs
  4. Persistence often proves necessary, as initial attempts may not succeed

The growing evidence base confirms that specialised psychological interventions for cannabis dependence can produce meaningful, lasting change when properly implemented and tailored to individual needs.

Conclusion: Current research provides strong support for several psychological approaches in treating cannabis dependence. Whilst cognitive-behavioural therapy with motivational enhancement shows the most consistent evidence, acceptance-based therapies and community reinforcement approaches also demonstrate effectiveness. As our understanding grows, these evidence-based treatments offer real pathways to recovery for those struggling with cannabis-related problems.

Source: https://nobrainer.org.au/index.php/resources/i-need-to-stop-this-help/1471-psychological-interventions-for-cannabis-dependence-latest-research-on-effective-therapies?

New allegations have emerged about China’s role in the global fentanyl supply chain, highlighting the complex nature of international drug trafficking and the urgent need for comprehensive prevention strategies.

What We Know About Project Zero

According to Yuan Hongbing, a former Chinese academic now living in Australia, sources within Beijing’s political circles have described a coordinated effort called “Project Zero.” This alleged initiative represents one aspect of the broader China fentanyl crisis that has contributed to America’s ongoing opioid epidemic.

Yuan’s claims suggest that some Chinese officials view the current drug crisis through the lens of historical grievances, particularly the 19th-century Opium Wars. Whether accurate or not, these allegations underscore the complexity of the Chinese fentanyl trade and its impact on communities worldwide.

The Evolution of Supply Routes

The China fentanyl crisis has evolved significantly since 2019, when Beijing officially banned fentanyl production under international pressure. Rather than ending the problem, this led to a shift in tactics within the Chinese fentanyl trade.

Companies began focusing on precursor chemicals instead of finished products. These substances travel from manufacturing facilities to Mexico, where they’re processed into fentanyl before reaching American markets. This indirect approach complicates efforts to address the China fentanyl crisis at its source.

Impact on Communities

The human cost of the ongoing crisis is staggering. More than 107,000 Americans died from drug overdoses in 2023, with synthetic opioids like fentanyl being the primary cause. These deaths represent families torn apart and communities struggling with the consequences of widespread addiction.

The China fentanyl crisis affects people from all backgrounds. Parents lose children, children lose parents, and entire neighbourhoods face increased crime and social instability. Understanding these impacts is crucial for developing effective Chinese fentanyl trade prevention strategies.

Government Responses and Investigations

Congressional investigations have revealed concerning patterns in how some aspects of the Chinese fentanyl trade operate. The House Select Committee found evidence that certain companies receive government benefits for exporting precursor chemicals, raising questions about official oversight.

These findings suggest that addressing the China fentanyl crisis requires diplomatic engagement alongside enforcement measures. The complexity of international trade makes it challenging to distinguish between legitimate chemical exports and those intended for illicit use.

Economic Measures and Trade Relations

The current trade tensions between the US and China reflect broader concerns about the Chinese fentanyl trade. Recent tariffs include specific measures targeting fentanyl-related commerce, with most Chinese goods facing increased duties.

These economic responses acknowledge that the China fentanyl crisis extends beyond traditional criminal justice approaches. However, trade measures alone cannot solve the underlying issues that drive demand for these substances in affected communities.

International Cooperation Challenges

Addressing the Chinese fentanyl trade requires unprecedented international cooperation. Different legal systems, varying enforcement capabilities, and complex diplomatic relationships all complicate efforts to tackle the China fentanyl crisis effectively.

Success depends on finding common ground between nations with different perspectives on regulation, enforcement, and prevention. This includes sharing intelligence, coordinating investigations, and developing consistent approaches to precursor chemical controls.

The Role of Prevention

Prevention remains the most effective long-term response to the China fentanyl crisis. Community-based programmes that educate young people about the dangers of substance use can reduce demand for these deadly drugs.

Effective prevention strategies address the root causes that make individuals vulnerable to addiction. This includes mental health support, educational opportunities, and strong community connections that provide alternatives to substance use.

When communities invest in prevention, they create protective factors that help people resist the appeal of drugs, regardless of their source. The Chinese fentanyl trade thrives where demand exists, making prevention efforts crucial for breaking this cycle.

Treatment and Recovery

For those already affected by the China fentanyl crisis, accessible treatment services provide hope for recovery. Evidence-based approaches that combine medical treatment with psychological support offer the best outcomes for people struggling with addiction.

Recovery programmes that involve families and communities tend to be more successful than those focusing solely on individual treatment. This holistic approach recognises that addiction affects entire social networks, not just individual users.

The Path to Prevention and Recovery

The allegations about Chinese involvement in fentanyl trafficking highlight the need for sustained international cooperation on drug prevention. Whether through diplomatic channels, trade measures, or community-based initiatives, addressing this crisis requires coordinated action.

Prevention must remain at the centre of any effective response to the China fentanyl crisis. By reducing demand through education and community support, we can address the root causes that make these supply chains profitable in the first place.

The Chinese fentanyl trade represents a complex challenge that requires nuanced solutions. Success will depend on combining international cooperation with strong local prevention efforts that protect vulnerable individuals and strengthen community resilience.

Only through sustained commitment to prevention, treatment, and community support can we hope to reduce the devastating impact of the China fentanyl crisis on families and communities worldwide.

Source: https://nobrainer.org.au/index.php/resources/wheelbarrows/1469-china-fentanyl-crisis-a-global-challenge-requiring-prevention?

Email From: Drug Free America Foundation – 11 July 2025

Some hopeful news has come to light in the latest Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) Annual Report: overdose deaths dropped more than 20% nationwide in 2024, which is the largest yearly decrease in four decades of tracking. Although this decrease in overdose deaths is good news, it does not mean the crisis is over. Changes in drug mixtures, independent regional shifts in overdose patterns, and the alarming rise in new chemical contaminants—many of which users don’t even know they’re taking—makes this ever-evolving issue complex and increasingly more dangerous than ever before.

The DEA found that 1 in 8 samples of methamphetamine now contains fentanyl, and 1 in 4 samples of cocaine samples are similarly contaminated. And while deaths from fentanyl may be decreasing, fentanyl is increasingly being mixed into other drugs, often with deadly result.

In a regional assessment of fentanyl-related deaths, stimulants such as cocaine and methamphetamine were found to be contaminated with fentanyl and linked to 1 out of every 2 drug-related deaths in the west and 1 out of every 3 drug-related deaths in the east. Contaminated drug mixtures are especially dangerous given that naloxone, one of the key measures in reducing opioid overdose deaths, is ineffective against non-opioid drugs such as stimulants.

Among the surprising findings was that between 2018 and 2022, fentanyl-only overdose among 15-24 year olds increased approximately 168%. This age group, which is one that generally does not seek fentanyl, are suspected to be unknowingly consuming drugs laced with it. The low production cost of fentanyl continues to fuel the shift between already dangerous plant-based drugs to lab-made substances. The emergence of additives that cause prolonged sedation such as xylazine and medetomidine increase the dangers associated with the consumption of these drugs as some these mixtures may also render naloxone ineffective.

Despite the drop in overall overdose deaths the U.S. still has the highest drug overdose rate in the world, with 324 deaths per million people. Most states are showing promising progress with decreases in drug-related deaths. However, Nevada is an exception, experiencing an increase largely driven by methamphetamines, which have now surpassed fentanyl as the leading cause of drug-related deaths in the state.

Although overall trends seem to show a positive promising future, the drug supply is evolving faster than available tools can manage. And overdose risks are no longer about misuse, but also about unknowing exposure to potent synthetic chemicals hidden in recognizable drugs.

Source: Drug Free America Foundation | 333 3rd Ave N Suite 200 | St. Petersburg, FL 33701 US

by Journal of Substance Use & Addiction Treatment, 2025, 

Authors: Josh Aleksanyan, Zobaida Maria, Diego Renteria, Adetayo Fawole, Ashly E. Jordan, Vanessa Drury, … Charles J. Neighbors

Abstract:

Introduction: Transition-age (TA) adults, aged 18-25, have the highest prevalence of substance use disorder (SUD) among all age groups yet they are less likely to seek treatment and more likely to discontinue it than older adults, making them a high-priority treatment population. While structural barriers and varying expectations of recovery may affect treatment initiation, insights from providers working with TA adults can reveal what further impels and impedes treatment engagement.

Methods: We conducted two focus groups with 14 front-line treatment providers, representing urban and rural outpatient, residential, and inpatient SUD care settings across New York State. Providers were selected through stratified sampling using restricted-access treatment registry data. A semi-structured interview guide facilitated discussions, and transcripts were analyzed to identify key themes.

Results: Providers report that TA adults prefer briefer, innovative treatment approaches over traditional modalities like A.A./12-step recovery, driven by a desire to rebuild their lives through education and career. Post-pandemic social disruptions were cited as exacerbating engagement challenges and increasing the need for integrating mental health support. Providers highlighted the potential of technology to enhance treatment engagement, though expressed concerns regarding social isolation and the fraying of childhood safety nets and support systems (e.g., housing) undermining successful treatment outcomes and transitions to adulthood more broadly.

Conclusions: Providers report and perceive various challenges-unmet mental health needs, social alienation, and housing insecurity-that impede TA adults from successful SUD treatment. Understanding providers’ perceptions of the needs of young adults can inform patient and clinical decision-making, lead to the development of innovative treatment approaches tailored to TA adults and contribute to improved health outcomes over the life course.

To read the full text of this article, please visit the link below:

Source: https://drugfree.org/drug-and-alcohol-news/research-news-roundup-july-17-2025/

Some hopeful news has come to light in the latest Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) Annual Report: overdose deaths dropped more than 20% nationwide in 2024, which is the largest yearly decrease in four decades of tracking. Although this decrease in overdose deaths is good news, it does not mean the crisis is over. Changes in drug mixtures, independent regional shifts in overdose patterns, and the alarming rise in new chemical contaminants—many of which users don’t even know they’re taking—makes this ever-evolving issue complex and increasingly more dangerous than ever before.

 

The DEA found that 1 in 8 samples of methamphetamine now contains fentanyl, and 1 in 4 samples of cocaine samples are similarly contaminated. And while deaths from fentanyl may be decreasing, fentanyl is increasingly being mixed into other drugs, often with deadly result.

In a regional assessment of fentanyl-related deaths, stimulants such as cocaine and methamphetamine were found to be contaminated with fentanyl and linked to 1 out of every 2 drug-related deaths in the west and 1 out of every 3 drug-related deaths in the east. Contaminated drug mixtures are especially dangerous given that naloxone, one of the key measures in reducing opioid overdose deaths, is ineffective against non-opioid drugs such as stimulants.

 

Among the surprising findings was that between 2018 and 2022, fentanyl-only overdose among 15-24 year olds increased approximately 168%. This age group, which is one that generally does not seek fentanyl, are suspected to be unknowingly consuming drugs laced with it. The low production cost of fentanyl continues to fuel the shift between already dangerous plant-based drugs to lab-made substances. The emergence of additives that cause prolonged sedation such as xylazine and medetomidine increase the dangers associated with the consumption of these drugs as some these mixtures may also render naloxone ineffective.

 

Despite the drop in overall overdose deaths the U.S. still has the highest drug overdose rate in the world, with 324 deaths per million people. Most states are showing promising progress with decreases in drug-related deaths. However, Nevada is an exception, experiencing an increase largely driven by methamphetamines, which have now surpassed fentanyl as the leading cause of drug-related deaths in the state.

 

Although overall trends seem to show a positive promising future, the drug supply is evolving faster than available tools can manage. And overdose risks are no longer about misuse, but also about unknowing exposure to potent synthetic chemicals hidden in recognizable drugs.

 

 

Source:  Drug Free America Foundation | 333 3rd Ave N Suite 200 | St. Petersburg, FL 33701 US

 

Key points

  • Substance use prevention is not just focused on the absence of a disease or illness but on promoting wellness.
  • Funding cuts from DOJ for substance use and treatment services may have long-term consequences.
  • These cuts represent the latest cycle of punitive sentiments towards substances use.

On April 22, the Department of Justice (DOJ) announced the termination of 365 awards that “no longer effectuate Department priorities.” Among these cuts were $88 million in Office of Justice Programs (OJP) funded programs administering substance use and mental health services. During Preisdent Trump’s first term, we witnessed a shift away from behavioral health models toward scare tactics and increased law enforcement activities — strategies known to be ineffective at preventing substance use. This term appears to be following that same trajectory.

America has a long history of reactively and emotionally addressing substance use in ways inconsistent with research and best practices. Large swings in political views and funding are not new and have detrimental effects on prevention efforts and communities. This latest rollback represents a reversion back to failed, punitive models, which threatens to unravel decades of progress in promoting community health and wellness.

Substance Use Prevention

Today’s substance use prevention activities are not the mass media scare campaigns seen during the 1960s to the 1990s or as simple as “Just Say No.” Substance use prevention takes a public health approach to promoting wellness and preventing substance use problems.

Unlike early iterations of “prevention,” the ultimate goal of prevention activities today is to promote wellness. Promoting wellness is not the same as advocating for the absence of a disease or illness but the presence of purpose in life, involvement in satisfying work and play, having joyful relationships, a healthy body and living environment, as well as general happiness. The Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), drawing on Swarbrick’s wellness approach, describes wellness as having eight different dimensions – emotional, spiritual, intellectual, physical, environmental, financial, occupational, and social.

Effective prevention programs work across these dimensions to reduce factors that put people at risk of developing behavioral health disorders (i.e., risk factors) as well as promote or strengthen factors that protect people from these disorders (i.e., protective factors).

The Cycle of Prevention Activities

The way we have responded to substance use has always been reactionary and punitive. Responses to substance use in the U.S. has stretched back over a century and followed a repeating cycle of panic, punishment, and progress. A new drug “hits the streets,” a news article highlights the death of a young, innocent victim, or a new political ringleader will enter the scene spouting “tough on crime” rhetoric that causes a moral panic among the masses and calls for increased punishment. Those sentiments take hold for several years and lead to prison overcrowding and an increase in arrest rates. Eventually, scientific advancements push responses to substance use back into the behavioral health realm. Then, a political campaign or story regresses the U.S. back to failed models of addressing substance use with punishment and the cycle repeats.

The 1950s/1960s are generally seen as the beginning of the modern era of prevention — an era dominated by fear-based approaches. School talks aimed at “scaring kids straight” and media campaigns and movies painted exaggerated horror stories about drug use. But scare-based tactics never work, particularly when youth can see that the lessons don’t reflect their lived experience. By the 1970s, the “War on Drugs” had been launched, and President Nixon had called drugs America’s “public enemy number one” and ushered in a wave of punishment over support. One of the most popular mantras of prevention originated in the 1980s with Nancy Reagan’s famous phrase: ‘Just Say No.’ It was catchy, simple, and widespread, but ultimately ineffective.

In the 1990s, science began to shape prevention and we saw large drops in youth substance use rates ever since. Researchers began to examine risk and protective factors associated with substance use. These studies led to a more structured approach to prevention. New, evidence-based school curricula focused on building life skills, resilience, and relationships were implemented. Community coalitions like the Communities That Care model gained traction. This progress continued in the early 2000s, when prevention finally got a seat at the table in public health. Prevention efforts became evidence-based and multi-layered. Programs began to see substance use as due to a complex interaction between systems and started addressing the risk at the family-, peer-, school-, and individual-level, such as the Seattle Social Development Project.

But this progress is often undermined by political agendas.

The punitive spirit of the War on Drugs remains deeply embedded in U.S. policy. The first Trump administration marked a clear pivot away from behavioral health and back toward criminal justice responses. Law enforcement became the answer while programs focused on research and wellness were deprioritized. Youth substance use trends began to stabilize despite the steady decline they had been on since the 1980s, marking an early sign that prevention was losing its momentum. The Biden-Harris administration brought in a new wave of the War on Drugs by naming a specific adulterated substance, fentanyl combined with xylazine, as an “emerging threat to the United States,” a term traditionally held for matters of homeland security.

Why This Matters Now

This new Trump administration brings new challenges and likely worse consequences as we witness an unprecedented time of widespread cuts to federal funding. Many communities rely heavily on these programs to help their fellow residents promote wellness in their area. Without these programs, improvements in trends in substance use will likely plateau, then potentially worsen. The challenge is that the consequences of cutting prevention are long-term, not immediate. As a result, many will turn to this time period in the next year to point out that there was no visible crisis or dramatic increase in substance use but that is based on a deep misunderstanding in evaluation research. The kids that would have relied on these programs will reach adulthood in the next few years which will be when we see the effects of not having these programs. People who relied on federally funded programs for treatment and support will experience worsening symptoms and rates of fatal overdoses will rise. Our schools will likely witness lower rates of attendance and a higher number of students dropping out or failing. Issues of overcrowding in jails and prisons will continue to worsen as increases in law enforcement activity will lead to greater arrests.

The defunding of mental health and substance use programming is a mistake. When prevention works, it’s invisible — no one sees the overdoses that didn’t happen, hears the fights that were avoided, or reads headlines about the crisis that never occurred. The invisibility of its effects does not mean it is not important.

Mobilizing the Community

We are at risk of repeating history by cutting prevention and returning to failed punitive models. Communities must lead where the federal government is failing. The momentum for prevention has always lain in the power of the community. The earliest substance use prevention movements started with everyday people who cared. Mothers Against Drunk Drivers (MADD) and other grassroots organizations started taking an active role in prevention in the 1980s, and ever since we have seen more communities taking the reins when it comes to promoting wellness in their area. Prevention is not an activity reserved solely for those in power; it is the duty and responsibility of every individual. Prevention is more than a policy or program; it is a promise to keep showing up for each other. If you are not sure where to start, start by telling your story and making space for others to lead. Prevention is strongest when it is shared.

Source:  https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/the-nature-of-substance-use/202505/defunding-prevention-a-setback-for-science-and-public

 

by Robyn Oster – Associate Director, Health Law and Policy – July 2025

Reminder: The U.S. Preventive Services Task Force (USPSTF), an expert panel, evaluates preventive services and recommends which should be provided at no cost.

  • Why it’s important: Services currently required to be covered at no cost include certain mental health screenings, drug/alcohol screenings, PrEP for HIV, etc.
  • A group of conservative Christian employers in Texas led a lawsuit challenging the requirement. They argued that having the independent panel determine national health coverage violated the appointments clause of the Constitution and that covering PrEP violated religious freedom (though the Supreme Court only weighed in on the appointments clause argument).

The details:

  • The employers argued that USPSTF members were not appointed as either of two types of executive branch officers that the Constitution allows to make certain national policy decisions. They argued that the task force recommendations requiring them to cover certain preventive services in their employer-sponsored health plans were unconstitutional because task force members are not confirmed by the Senate.
  • The government defended the task force, arguing that it is constitutional because HHS officials appoint USPSTF members, and the HHS secretary can remove members at will and veto recommendations.
  • The Supreme Court agreed with the government and affirmed that the HHS secretary has these powers over USPSTF and its recommendations.

The bigger context:

  • The decision is a win for health advocates, who wanted to maintain the no-cost coverage requirement for preventive services. Providing preventive services at no cost is key to increasing access to and receipt of important screenings and other preventive services. Decreasing access to such services would lead to worse health outcomes.
  • But: The ruling could challenge USPSTF’s independence and credibility. It cements a strong role for the HHS secretary in overseeing the USPSTF, including removing members and modifying its rulings. This paves the way for HHS Secretary Kennedy to reject recommendations he disagrees with, allowing insurers to charge for those services or avoid covering them in some cases. It also opens the door for Kennedy to remove all the task force members and appoint new people, and a new task force could reject previous recommendations.

Source:  https://drugfree.org/drug-and-alcohol-news/supreme-court-upholds-aca-preventive-care/

In Christian Daily – Forum 2025 – News & Stories  – July 9, 2025

According to a report in ChristianDaily.com, a June 2025 study published in a peer-reviewed journal of the British Medical Association, found that daily cannabis users are 34% more likely to develop heart failure than non-users.

The study by researchers from France drew on data from over 150,000 U.S. adults tracked over several years, and also linked marijuana use with an increased risk of heart attack and stroke. The objective was to evaluate the possible association between major adverse cardiovascular events (MACE) and the use of cannabis or cannabinoids.

Dr. Matthew Springer, a heart disease biologist at the University of California, San Francisco (UCSF), told the New York Times that marijuana inhalation delivers “thousands of chemicals deep into the lungs,” potentially increasing cardiovascular risk. His lab recently found that both edible and inhaled forms of marijuana were associated with comparable levels of blood vessel dysfunction.

An accompanying editorial by researchers from California USA said about the study:

Legalisation of medical and recreational cannabis commerce is spreading around the world, associated with increased use1 and falling perception of the risk. Frequent cannabis use has increased in several countries, and many users believe that it is a safe and natural way to relieve pain or stress. In contrast, a growing body of evidence links cannabis use to significant harms throughout life, including cardiovascular health of adults. The robust meta-analysis of cannabis use and cardiovascular disease by Storck et al4 in this issue of Heart raises serious questions about the assumption that cannabis imposes little cardiovascular risk.

This study is backed up by a March 2025 publication by the American College of Cardiology which revealed that cannabis users under the age of 50 are six times more likely to suffer a heart attack and three times more likely to die from cardiovascular causes compared to non-users.

According to a review article in JACC: Journal of the American College of Cardiology – “Marijuana is becoming increasingly potent, and smoking marijuana carries many of the same cardiovascular health hazards as smoking tobacco.”

As reported by Christian Daily International, in 2019, the Christian Medical & Dental Associations (CMDA) — a U.S.-based nonprofit representing thousands of Christian healthcare professionals — issued a position statement cautioning against recreational and medicinal marijuana use. “[T]here is a need for limiting access to marijuana,” the CMDA said. It warned of addiction, cognitive impairment, psychosis, and long-term health effects, especially among youth. “The adolescent brain is still developing and more vulnerable to the adverse effects of marijuana,” the statement emphasised.

Source: https://www.christiandaily.com/news/new-study-links-marijuana-to-heart-failure-echoing-christian-medical-professionals-long-standing-warnings-against-recrea

Two large-scale surveys of California high school students found that teens who saw cannabis and e-cigarette content were more likely to start using those substances or to have used them in the past month

Teens who see social media posts showing cannabis or e-cigarettes, including from friends and influencers, are more likely to later start using those substances or to report using them in the past month, according to surveys done by researchers at the Keck School of Medicine of USC. Viewing such posts was linked to cannabis use, as well as dual use of cannabis and e-cigarettes (vapes). Dual use refers to youth who have used both cannabis and e-cigarettes at some point. The results were just published in JAMA Network Open.

The findings come amid a decline in youth e-cigarette use, reported in 2024 by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. However, teen vaping, cannabis use and the dual use of e-cigarettes and cannabis remain a problem. 

“While the rate of e-cigarette use is declining, our study shows that exposure to e-cigarette content on social media still contributes to the risk of using e-cigarettes with other substances, like cannabis,” said Julia Vassey, PhD, a health behavior researcher in the Department of Population and Public Health Sciences at the Keck School of Medicine.

The study, funded by the National Institutes of Health, also helps clarify how certain types of social media posts relate to teen substance use. Researchers surveyed more than 7,600 teens across two studies: a longitudinal study to understand whether viewing cannabis or e-cigarette posts on TikTok, Instagram and YouTube relates to a teen’s later choice to start using either substance or both, and a second survey looking at whether an association exists between the source of the content— friends, influencers, celebrities or brands—and substance use.  

“Answering these questions can help federal regulators and social media platforms create guidelines geared toward preventing youth substance use,” Vassey said.

Links across substances

Data for the study came from California high school students, with an average age of 17, who completed questionnaires on classroom computers between 2021 and 2023. Researchers conducted two surveys, one focused on teens who used cannabis, e-cigarettes or both for the first time, the other focused on use during the past month.

In the first survey, which included 4,232 students, 22.9% reported frequently seeing e-cigarette posts on TikTok, Instagram or YouTube, meaning they saw at least one post per week. A smaller portion—12%—frequently saw cannabis posts.

One year later, researchers followed up with the students. Teens who had frequently seen cannabis posts—but had never tried cannabis or e-cigarettes—were more likely to have started using e-cigarettes, cannabis or both. Teens who had frequently seen e-cigarette posts on TikTok were more likely to have started using cannabis or started dual use of both cannabis and e-cigarettes. No such pattern was found for Instagram or YouTube. The data collected allowed researchers to look at platform-specific results for e-cigarettes posts, but not for cannabis posts.

“This is consistent with previous research showing that, of the three platforms, TikTok is probably the strongest risk factor for substance use,” Vassey said. That may be because TikTok’s algorithm pushes popular content broadly, including posts that feature e-cigarettes, even to users who don’t follow the accounts.

In the second survey, researchers asked 3,380 students whether they saw cannabis or e-cigarette posts from brands, friends, celebrities, or influencers with 10,000 to 100,000 followers. Teens who saw e-cigarette or cannabis posts from influencers were more likely than their peers to have used cannabis in the past month. Those who saw e-cigarette posts from friends were more likely to have been dual users of cannabis and e-cigarettes in the past month. Those who saw cannabis posts from friends were more likely to have used cannabis in the past month or to have been dual users of cannabis and e-cigarettes.

The link between e-cigarette posts and cannabis use is what researchers call a “cross-substance association” and may be explained by the similar appearance of nicotine and cannabis vaping devices, Vassey said. 

The risks of influencer content

Influencer posts deserve special attention because they often slip through loopholes in federal rules and platform guidelines. For example, the FDA can only regulate content when brand partnerships are disclosed, but influencers—consciously or not—may skip disclosures in some posts.

Studies show that these seemingly unsponsored posts are seen as more authentic, Vassey said, making them particularly influential.

Most social media platforms already ban paid promotion of cannabis and tobacco products, including e-cigarettes. Some researchers say those bans should be extended to cover additional influencer content. Others want platforms to partner with regulators to find a comprehensive solution.

“So far, it’s a grey area, and nobody has provided a clear answer on how we should act and when,” Vassey said.

In future studies, Vassey plans to further explore cannabis influencer marketing, including whether changes to social media guidelines impact what teens see and how they respond.

About this research

In addition to Vassey, the study’s other authors are Junhan Cho, Trisha Iyer and Jennifer B. Unger from the Department of Population and Public Health Sciences, Keck School of Medicine of USC, University of Southern California; Erin A. Vogel from the TSET Health Promotion Research Center, University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center, Oklahoma City; and Julia Chen-Sankey from the Institute for Nicotine and Tobacco Studies and the School of Public Health, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, New Jersey.

This work was supported by National Institutes of Health [R01CA260459]and the National Institute on Drug Abuse [K01DA055073].

Source:  https://keck.usc.edu/news/e-cigarette-and-cannabis-social-media-posts-pose-risks-for-teens-study-finds/

itvx news – Tuesday 24 June 2025

Cannabis activists and entrepreneurs, hold cannabis plant as they march to Government House in Bangkok, Thailand in 2024.Credit: AP

Thailand is moving to pass new legislation banning cannabis for recreational use in a major reversal, three years after the country became the first in Asia to decriminalise the drug, local media reports.

On Tuesday, Public Health Minister Somsak Thepsuthin said he had signed an announcement limiting cannabis to medical use only, Bangkok news site Khaosod confirmed.

Under the changes, people wishing to purchase cannabis must have a doctor’s prescription and a medical certificate indicating their illness.

Operators selling the drug will need to have a doctor present at the shop to renew or apply for a license to sell.

Somsak also said that in the future, cannabis will return to being considered a narcotic.

It is not clear when the regulation will take effect or when it will be re-listed.

Banged up abroad: How many Brits are being arrested over alleged drug smuggling?

Thailand to crack down on cannabis after smuggling cases involving UK tourists

Is cannabis legal in Thailand?

Medical marijuana has been legal in Thailand since 2018, but decriminalisation in 2022 took things a step further, making it no longer a crime to grow and trade marijuana and hemp products, or to use any parts of the plant to treat illnesses.

It was a rarity in the region where many countries give long jail terms and even death sentences for people convicted of marijuana possession, consumption or trafficking.

Smoking marijuana in public remained illegal even under the relaxed laws.

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What happened when cannabis was decriminalised?

The relaxed laws saw a lucrative cannabis industry catering to locals and foreigners alike boom across the Southeast Asian nation, with thousands of cannabis dispensaries sprouting up across Thailand, as well as other cannabis-themed businesses like weed cafes and hemp spas, and beauty treatment.

Cities like Chiang Mai and the capital Bangkok have even held weed festivals, and decriminalisation has been a major draw for tourists.

Pro-legislation advocates have argued that the cannabis boom across Thailand has helped many Thais, from farmers to small business owners and workers behind the counter.

Critics say the decriminalisation was rushed through, causing confusion about the regulations.

Last year, a new conservative government vowed to tighten the rules around the drug after a string of alleged smuggling cases involving tourists.

Hundreds of British citizens are currently detained across the world, accused of narcotics smuggling offences.

Prisoners Abroad – a charity assisting Britons who are arrested and detained overseas – told ITV News it is currently supporting 431 people around the globe who are facing drugs charges.

This includes 22 people in Thailand.

 

Source:  https://www.itv.com/news/2025-06-24/thailand-to-ban-recreational-cannabis-three-years-after-decriminalisation

Inside a bright new building in the heart of Skid Row, homeless people hung out in a canopy-covered courtyard — some waiting to take a shower, do laundry, or get medication for addiction treatment. Others relaxed on shaded grass and charged their phones as an intake line for housing grew more crowded.

The Skid Row Care Campus officially opened this spring with ample offerings for people living on the streets of this historically downtrodden neighborhood. Pop-up fruit stands and tent encampments lined the sidewalks, as well as dealers peddling meth and fentanyl in open-air drug markets. Some people, sick or strung out, were passed out on sidewalks as pedestrians strolled by on a recent afternoon.

For those working toward sobriety, clinicians are on site to offer mental health and addiction treatment. Skid Row’s first methadone clinic is set to open here this year. For those not ready to quit drugs or alcohol, the campus provides clean syringes to more safely shoot up, glass pipes for smoking drugs, naloxone to prevent overdoses, and drug test strips to detect fentanyl contamination, among other supplies.

As many Americans have grown increasingly intolerant of street homelessness, cities and states have returned to tough-on-crime approaches that penalize people for living outside and for substance use disorders. But the Skid Row facility shows Los Angeles County leaders’ embrace of the principle of harm reduction, a range of more lenient strategies that can include helping people more safely use drugs, as they contend with a homeless population estimated around 75,000 — among the largest of any county in the nation. Evidence shows the approach can help individuals enter treatment, gain sobriety, and end their homelessness, while addiction experts and county health officials note it has the added benefit of improving public health.

“We get a really bad rap for this, but this is the safest way to use drugs,” said Darren Willett, director of the Center for Harm Reduction on the new Skid Row Care Campus. “It’s an overdose prevention strategy, and it prevents the spread of infectious disease.”

Despite a decline in overdose deaths, drug and alcohol use continues to be the leading cause of death among homeless people in the county. Living on the streets or in sordid encampments, homeless people saddle the health care system with high costs from uncompensated care, emergency room trips, inpatient hospitalizations, and, for many of them, their deaths. Harm reduction, its advocates say, allows homeless people the opportunity to obtain jobs, taxpayer-subsidized housing, health care, and other social services without being forced to give up drugs. Yet it’s hotly debated.

Politicians around the country, including Gov. Gavin Newsom in California, are reluctant to adopt harm reduction techniques, such as needle exchanges or supervised places to use drugs, in part because they can be seen by the public as condoning illicit behavior. Although Democrats are more supportive than Republicans, a national poll this year found lukewarm support across the political spectrum for such interventions.

Los Angeles is defying President Donald Trump’s agenda as he advocates for forced mental health and addiction treatment for homeless people — and locking up those who refuse. The city has also been the scene of large protests against Trump’s immigration crackdown, which the president has fought by deploying National Guard troops and Marines.

Trump’s most detailed remarks on homelessness and substance use disorder came during his campaign, when he attacked people who use drugs as criminals and said that homeless people “have no right to turn every park and sidewalk into a place for them to squat and do drugs.” Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. reinforced Trump’s focus on treatment.

“Secretary Kennedy stands with President Trump in prioritizing recovery-focused solutions to address addiction and homelessness,” said agency spokesperson Vianca Rodriguez Feliciano. “HHS remains focused on helping individuals recover, communities heal, and help make our cities clean, safe, and healthy once again.”

A comprehensive report led by Margot Kushel, a professor of medicine at the University of California-San Francisco, this year found that nearly half of California’s homeless population had a complex behavioral health need, defined as regular drug use, heavy drinking, hallucinations, or a recent psychiatric hospitalization.

The chaos of living outside, she said — marked by violence, sexual assault, sleeplessness, and lack of housing and health care — can make it nearly impossible to get sober.

Skid row care campus

The new care campus is funded by about $26 million a year in local, state, and federal homelessness and health care money, and initial construction was completed by a Skid Row landlord, Matt Lee, who made site improvements on his own, according to Anna Gorman, chief operating officer for community programs at the Los Angeles County Department of Health Services. Operators say the campus should be able to withstand potential federal spending cuts because it is funded through a variety of sources.

Glass front doors lead to an atrium inside the yellow-and-orange complex. It was designed with input from homeless people, who advised the county not just on the layout but also on the services offered on-site. There are 22 recovery beds and 48 additional beds for mostly older homeless people, arts and wellness programs, a food pantry, and pet care. Even bunnies and snakes are allowed.

John Wright, 65, who goes by the nickname Slim, mingled with homeless visitors one afternoon in May, asking them what they needed to be safe and comfortable.

“Everyone thinks we’re criminals, like we’re out robbing everyone, but we aren’t,” said Wright, who is employed as a harm reduction specialist on the campus and is trying, at his own pace, to stop using fentanyl. “I’m homeless and I’m a drug addict, but I’m on methadone now so I’m working on it,” he said.

Nearby on Skid Row, Anthony Willis rested in his wheelchair while taking a toke from a crack pipe. He’d just learned about the new care campus, he said, explaining that he was homeless for roughly 20 years before getting into a taxpayer-subsidized apartment on Skid Row. He spends most of his days and nights on the streets, using drugs and alcohol.

The drugs, he said, help him stay awake so he can provide companionship and sometimes physical protection for homeless friends who don’t have housing. “It’s tough sometimes living down here; it’s pretty much why I keep relapsing,” said Willis, who at age 62 has asthma and arthritic knees. “But it’s also my community.”

Willis said the care campus could be a place to help him kick drugs, but he wasn’t sure he was ready.

Research shows harm reduction helps prevent death and can build long-term recovery for people who use substances, said Brian Hurley, an addiction psychiatrist and the medical director for the Bureau of Substance Abuse Prevention and Control at the Los Angeles County Department of Public Health. The techniques allow health care providers and social service workers to meet people when they’re ready to stop using drugs or enter treatment.

Swaying public opinion

Under harm reduction principles, officials acknowledge that people will use drugs. Funded by taxpayers, the government provides services to use safely, rather than forcing people to quit or requiring abstinence in exchange for government-subsidized housing and treatment programs.

Los Angeles County is spending hundreds of millions to combat homelessness, while also launching a multiyear “By LA for LA” campaign to build public support, fight stigma, and encourage people to use services and seek treatment. Officials have hired a nonprofit, Vital Strategies, to conduct the campaign including social media advertising and billboards to promote the expansion of both treatment and harm reduction services for people who use drugs.

The organization led a national harm reduction campaign and is working on overdose prevention and public health campaigns in seven states using roughly $70 million donated by Michael Bloomberg, the former mayor of New York.

“We don’t believe people should die just because they use drugs, so we’re going to provide support any way that we can,” said Shoshanna Scholar, director of harm reduction at the Los Angeles County Department of Health Services. “Eventually, some people may come in for treatment but what we really want is to prevent overdose and save lives.”

Los Angeles also finds itself at odds with California’s Democratic governor. Newsom has spearheaded stricter laws targeting homelessness and addiction and has backed treatment requirements for people with mental illness or who use drugs. Last year, California voters approved Proposition 36, which allows felony charges for some drug crimes, requires courts to warn people they could be charged with murder for selling or providing illegal drugs that kill someone, and makes it easier to order treatment for people who use drugs.

Even San Francisco approved a measure last year that requires welfare recipients to participate in treatment to continue receiving cash aid. Mayor Daniel Lurie recently ordered city officials to stop handing out free drug supplies, including pipes and foil, and instead to require participation in drug treatment to receive services. Lurie signed a recovery-first ordinance, which prioritizes “long-term remission” from substance use, and the city is also expanding policing while funding new sober-living sites and treatment centers for people recovering from addiction.

‘Harm encouragement’

State Sen. Roger Niello, a Republican who represents conservative suburbs outside Sacramento, says the state needs to improve the lives of homeless people through stricter drug policies. He argues that providing drug supplies or offering housing without a mandate to enter treatment enables homeless people to remain on the streets.

Proposition 36, he said, needs to be implemented forcefully, and homeless people should be required to enter treatment in exchange for housing.

“I think of it as tough love,” Niello said. “What Los Angeles is doing, I would call it harm encouragement. They’re encouraging harm by continuing to feed a habit that is, quite frankly, killing people.”

Keith Humphreys, who worked in the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations and pioneered harm reduction practices across the nation, said that communities should find a balance between leniency and law enforcement.

“Parents need to be able to walk their kids to the park without being traumatized. You should be able to own a business without being robbed,” he said. “Harm reduction and treatment both have a place, and we also need prevention and a focus on public safety.”

Just outside the Skid Row Care Campus, Cindy Ashley organized her belongings in a cart after recently leaving a local hospital ER for a deep skin infection on her hand and arm caused by shooting heroin. She also regularly smokes crack, she said.

She was frantically searching for a home so she could heal from two surgeries for the infection. She learned about the new care campus and rushed over to get her name on the waiting list for housing.

“I’m not going to make it out here,” she said, in tears.

Source:  https://www.news-medical.net/news/20250708/In-a-nation-growing-hostile-toward-drugs-and-homelessness-Los-Angeles-tries-leniency.aspx

Kaiser Health NewsThis article was reprinted from khn.org, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF – the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism.

by  James White – Jul 7, 2025

Transporting (widening) the effect of the ASSIST school-based smoking prevention intervention to the Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use Among Young People in England Survey (2004-2021): A secondary analysis of a randomized controlled trial

Abstract

Aims: To conduct exploratory analyses into the transported effect of the ASSIST (A Stop Smoking in Schools Trial) school-based smoking prevention intervention on weekly smoking in young people between 2004 and 2021.

Design: Secondary analysis of a cluster randomized control trial (cRCT).

Setting: England and Wales.

Participants: ASSIST trial participants comprised 8756 students aged 12-13 years in 59 schools assigned using stratified block randomization to the control (29 schools, 4193 students) or intervention (30 schools, 4563 students) condition. The target population was represented by 12-13-year-old participants in the Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use Among Young People in England Survey (SDDU) in 2004 (n = 3958), 2006 (n = 3377), 2014 (n = 3145), 2016 (n = 4874) and 2021 (n = 3587), which are randomly sampled school-based surveys with student response rates varying between 85% and 93%.

Intervention and comparator: The ASSIST intervention involved 2 days of off-site training of influential students to encourage their peers not to smoke over a 10-week period. The control group continued with their usual education.

Measurements: The outcome was the proportion of students who self-reported weekly smoking 2 years post-intervention.

Findings: The prevalence of weekly smoking at the 2-year follow-up in the ASSIST trial in 2004 was 4.1%, 49.5% of students were girls, and 7.8% ethnic minorities. In the SDDU in 2004, the prevalence of weekly smoking was 3.6%, 47.6% students were girls and 14.4% ethnic minorities and in 2021 0.2% were weekly smokers, 48.6% girls and 27.8% ethnic minorities. The odds ratio of weekly smoking in the ASSIST trial in 2004 was 0.85 [95% confidence interval (95% CI) = 0.71-1.02]. The estimated odds ratio in the SDDU target population in 2004 was 0.90 (95% CI = 0.72-1.13), in 2014 was 0.89 (95% CI = 0.70-1.14), and by 2021 was 0.88 (95% CI = 0.60-1.28). The confidence interval ratio was used to estimate precision in the transported estimates in the target population and was 1.57 in 2004, 1.63 in 2014 and 2.13 in 2021, reflecting increasing uncertainty in the effect of ASSIST over time. Subgroup analyses showed effects were comparable when restricted to only English schools in the ASSIST trial.

Conclusions: These exploratory analyses indicate the effect of the ASSIST school-based smoking prevention intervention reported in the original trial may not have been replicated in the target population over the 17-year period of its licensing and roll out.

Keywords: generalizability; prevention; randomized controlled trial; real world evidence; smoking; transportability.

Opinion by Kevin Sabet – SAM (Smart Approaches to Marijuana) – July 10, 2025, 

President Donald Trump is facing a pivotal decision: whether to ease national restrictions on marijuana, a policy shift he hinted at during his 2024 campaign. But a major federal bust this week in Massachusetts — where the FBI arrested seven Chinese nationals connected with a multimillion-dollar pot-growing conspiracy — shows why loosening the rules would be a soft-power disaster.

First, some context.

The federal government, under the Controlled Substances Act, uses a five-part schedule to classify various drugs and other potentially addictive items. Drugs with no accepted medical use and high potential for abuse get listed on Schedule I.

That’s where marijuana is now placed — right where it belongs.

FDA-approved marijuana-based medications are rightly classified on lower schedules.

Raw weed, however, has no accepted medical use (whatever may be claimed in states that have legalized it), and addiction rates are around 30% and rising, with younger people hit hard.

That didn’t concern President Joe Biden’s Health and Human Services Department, which recommended moving cannabis to Schedule III, the list of drugs with an accepted medical use and a lower risk of abuse.

Now celebrities, star athletes and some MAGA influencers are pushing Trump to follow the Biden-era recommendation.

But this president — who correctly grasps the multifaceted strategic threat China poses to the United States — should reject their urgings.

Look at this week’s Justice Department charges.

Federal law enforcement on Tuesday rolled up a network of marijuana grow houses in Massachusetts and Maine, allegedly run by Chinese nationals and staffed with illegal immigrants pressed into what amounts to indentured servitude.

The operations generated millions of dollars in profits, which the growers sank into assets like jewelry, cars and real estate that expanded their criminal enterprise.

Chinese criminals played a major role in the US fentanyl crisis by manufacturing the drug’s precursor chemicals and selling them to Mexican cartels. Trump slammed China with a 20% tariff over that very fact.

Marijuana is looking like another big-time business unit for Beijing.

But it gets worse: China’s communist government appears to have significant links with these criminal weed enterprises.

Two Chinese nationals charged with running an illegal grow operation in Maine in 2023 had deep links to the Sijiu Association, a Brooklyn-based non-profit reportedly connected to China’s New York consulate and to the United Front Work Department — the branch of the CCP’s Central Committee that handles influence operations abroad.

Another report in 2024 tracked the connections of Zhu Di, one of China’s top US diplomats, to an Oklahoma cultural association that Sooner State authorities investigated for its links to the illicit weed business.

It’s beyond clear that Beijing smells the skunky funk of a tactical play against the United States rising from the red-hot marijuana trade.  

That’s what makes rescheduling weed such a risk.

Moving marijuana to Schedule III would supercharge the pot market, letting canna-businesses take regular deductions — including on advertising — at tax time, and easing their access to banking and credit.

In other words, it would be a major step towards commercially normalizing Big Weed, and a massive boost for Chinese organized criminals with apparent CCP connections.

Worse — as New York has seen first-hand — far from eliminating the drug dealers, a juiced-up legal weed market leads to a bigger illegal market.

Post-legalization in the Empire State, New York City alone contains an estimated 3,600 illegal pot stores, dwarfing the mere dozens of legal ones. California and Michigan have seen a similar trend.

That’s yet another way rescheduling would hand an unforced victory to China, which is already elbow-deep in illegal weed operations stateside.

The worst part is that there’s no domestic benefit to this trade-off.

If weed goes on Schedule III, it will do nothing except help addiction profiteers get rich — and damage public health irreparably, even as a flood of new data confirms that marijuana is as bad as it gets for users’ mental and physical well-being.

Heart disease, schizophrenia, dementia, even tooth rot: Weed truly is the drug that does it all.

Yes, the American public seems to be waking up. Every state considering recreational marijuana at the ballot box in 2024 rejected it.

But Trump should remember that Beijing will exploit any and every policy misstep we make to the utmost.

That’s as true of spy balloons as it is of public-health policies with nothing but negative domestic implications.

Rescheduling marijuana would put Americans last, at home and abroad — and usher in the very opposite of the Golden Age the president has so memorably promised.

Kevin Sabet is president of Smart Approaches to Marijuana and a former White House drug policy adviser.

Source:  https://nypost.com/2025/07/10/opinion/easing-weed-rules-will-harm-golden-age-and-boost-china/

Exactly one year ago today, we became the European Union Drugs Agency (EUDA) and embarked on our new mission to strengthen EU preparedness on drugs. Building on the work of the EMCDDA, and with a more proactive mandate, we set off to support the EU and its Member States in addressing emerging drug issues in an ever-changing world. Our work contributes to making Europe’s streets safer and to saving lives. Our motto — ‘Acting today, anticipating tomorrow’.

In our role, we help policymakers anticipate and respond effectively to drug-related threats. We issue health and security alerts and risk communications, share knowledge and recommend evidence-based policies and actions to address problems efficiently.

This first year has been one of many milestones. Among our achievements in these 12 months as the EUDA, we have:

  • Established the European Drug Alert System
  • Set up a European network of forensic and toxicological laboratories
  • Strengthened the Early Warning System on new substances
  • Organised the first European conference on drug-related violence, issued a call to action and launched the Safe futures project
  • Issued a call to action on new synthetic opioids
  • Supported Member States with our first pilot threat assessment on highly potent synthetic opioids in the Baltic region
  • Expanded our foresight work allowing us to envision possible scenarios to help our stakeholders make forward-thinking decisions
  • Adopted a new brand identity and communication strategy
  • Adopted a new international cooperation framework
  • Worked closely with our partners to develop new products and services (such as a cannabis policy toolkit)
  • Helped shape evidence-based drug policies across Europe

Transforming from the EMCDDA into the EUDA marked the most significant organisational shift in the agency to date. To rise to this challenge, we accelerated our business transformation to build the capabilities needed to deliver innovative, future-oriented services while providing core monitoring services to support EU drug policy.

With a renewed baseline vision of being ‘your European Union Drugs Agency’, we enter our second year with a clear commitment to lead, innovate and partner in tackling drug-related challenges — for a healthier, safer and more resilient Europe.

Source:  https://www.euda.europa.eu/news/2025/first-anniversary-euda-delivers-key-gains-strengthening-europes-preparedness-drugs_en

by Nada Hassanein, Stateline reporter – ‘News from the States ‘- New Jersey – Jul 03, 2025
Carlos Santiago, an ambassador and driver for the Greater Hartford Harm Reduction Coalition (now known as the Connecticut Harm Reduction
Alliance), works at a mobile overdose prevention event in 2022 in New Haven, Conn. (Photo courtesy of Connecticut Harm Reduction Alliance,
formerly known as Greater Hartford Harm Reduction Coalition)

A study published Wednesday in the medical journal JAMA Network Open found that emergency room clinicians were much less likely to refer Black opioid overdose patients for outpatient treatment compared with white patients.

The researchers looked at the medical records of 1,683 opioid overdose patients from emergency rooms in nine states: California, Colorado, Georgia, Michigan, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, Oregon and Pennsylvania.

About 5.7% of Black patients received referrals for outpatient treatment, compared with 9.6% of white patients, according to the researchers, who received a federal grant from the National Institute on Drug Abuse to conduct the analysis.

While the nation saw a decrease in opioid overdose deaths in white people between 2021 and 2022, overdose death rates increased for American Indian, Alaska Native, Asian, Black and Hispanic people. Patients visiting ERs for opioid overdoses are more likely to die from an overdose after the visit, the authors wrote, underscoring the importance of gaining “an improved understanding of disparities in [emergency department] treatment and referral.”

In total, roughly 18% of the patients received a referral for outpatient treatment, 43% received a naloxone kit or prescription, and 8.4% received a prescription for buprenorphine, the first-line medication for treating opioid use disorder.

The researchers used records from 10 hospital sites participating in a national consortium collecting data on overdoses from fentanyl and its related drugs. The patient records were from September 2020 to November 2023.

Another study in JAMA Network Open, released last week, found similar disparities: Black and Hispanic patients were significantly less likely than white patients to receive buprenorphine. Black patients had a 17% chance, and Hispanic patients a 16% chance, to be prescribed the therapy, compared with a 20% chance for white patients.

The authors of that study, from the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai in New York City, looked at data from 176,000 records of opioid-related events between 2017 and 2022 across all 50 states.

Source:  https://www.newsfromthestates.com/article/new-studies-find-wide-racial-disparities-opioid-overdose-treatment-referrals

From: Herschel Baker – International Liaison Director, Drug Free Australia – 06 July 2025

Drug Free Australia forwarded this paper by Dr Ross Colquhoun, Executive Committee Member and Research Fellow for DFA.

The paper runs to 105 pages; was written on  April 12, 2025 and was posted on 2 May 2025

https://acrobat.adobe.com/id/urn:aaid:sc:AP:23cb5790-410e-4a7b-be9d-0d6d9a30bdaa?

Abstract

This paper presents a critical evaluation of opioid agonist treatment (OAT), particularly methadone maintenance treatment (MMT), compared with opioid antagonist therapy using naltrexone. Drawing on a broad body of literature including randomized controlled trials, cohort studies, and government reports, the paper questions the longstanding assumptions regarding the effectiveness and safety of methadone. It highlights serious concerns regarding methadone-related mortality-especially during induction and cessation phases-long-term dependency, limited efficacy in preventing illicit drug use, and poor impact on the transmission of blood-borne viruses such as HIV and hepatitis C. The review also exposes methodological weaknesses and selective reporting in key studies supporting MMT. In contrast, evidence is presented to support the safety and effectiveness of long-acting naltrexone implants, which offer lower relapse rates, improved social functioning, and the potential for complete abstinence without ongoing opioid dependency. The paper argues that the continued privileging of methadone by public health institutions may be driven more by ideology and institutional inertia than evidence. It calls for a re-evaluation of harm reduction policies and urges greater accessibility to abstinence-focused, naltrexone-based treatment options, along with ancillary psychological and medical support. Recommendations include transparency in data reporting, broader dissemination of naltrexone research, and a policy shift toward full recovery rather than prolonged maintenance.

 

Keywords: Opioid Use Disorder (OUD), Methadone Maintenance Treatment (MMT), Naltrexone, Opioid Agonist Treatment (OAT), Harm Reduction, Opioid Dependency, Relapse Prevention, Public Health Policy, Overdose Mortality, Evidence-Based Treatment

Colquhoun, Ross, A Comparative Study of the Use of Methadone and Naltrexone in the Treatment of Opioid Dependency (April 12, 2025). Available at SSRN (formerly known as Social Science Research Network: )https://ssrn.com/abstract=5238680 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.5238680

To access the full document:

  1. Click on the ‘Source’ link below.
  2. An image  – the front page of the full document will appear.
  3. Click on the image to open the full document.
Source: Naltrexone v Methadone – SSRN

  • by Oritro Karim (United Nations) – 

UNITED NATIONS, Jun 27 (IPS) – Since 1989, the United Nations (UN) has recognized June 26 as the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking in an effort to raise awareness around the global drug problem and foster a more compassionate world, free of drug abuse. Through this year’s campaign, “Break the Cycle. #StopOrganizedCrime”, the UN underscores the importance of addressing the root causes of global drug abuse and illegal drug trading, and investing in reliable systems that prioritize prevention, education, and health.

Concurrently, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) released its annual World Drug Report, in which it analyzed the current trends in global drug abuse amid a “new era of global instability”. In the report, UNODC emphasizes the wide ranging implications of drug use on the economy, the environment, global security, and human society.

According to the report, roughly 316 million people used drugs (excluding tobacco and alcohol) around the world in 2023. UNODC also estimates that nearly half a million people around the world die annually as a result of drug use disorders, indicating a “global health crisis”. Roughly 28 million years of life are lost annually from disabilities and premature deaths due to addiction. Furthermore, there is an overwhelming lack of healthcare and education resources for individuals with drug use disorders, as only one in twelve people are estimated to have received treatment in 2023.

Cocaine has been described as the world’s fastest growing illicit drug in terms of global usage, production, and seizures. In 2023, approximately 3,708 tons of cocaine were produced, marking a 34 percent increase from the previous year. Roughly 2,275 tons were seized in 2023, a 68 percent increase from 2019’s figures. Additionally, global usage of cocaine has inflated to 25 million users in 2023.

As nations began to implement harsher crackdowns on drug production, the use and transportation of synthetic drugs, such as fentanyl and methamphetamine, has reached record-highs, accounting for nearly half of all global drug seizures. Drug trafficking groups have found ways to chemically conceal these drugs, making distribution much easier.

UNODC Executive Director Ghada Fathi Waly states that organized drug trafficking groups around the world continue to exploit global crises, disproportionately targeting the most vulnerable communities. With worldwide synthetic drug consumption having surged in recent years, the UNODC forecasts that civilians displaced by armed conflicts face heightened risks of drug abuse and addiction.

Although the cocaine market was once contained in Latin America, trade has extended through to Asia, Africa, and Western Europe, with Western Balkans having greater shares in the market. This is a testament to the influence of organized crime groups in areas facing instability, natural disasters, and economic challenges.

According to the report, since the end of the Assad regime in Syria and the subsequent political transition, nationwide use of fenethylline — also known as captagon, a cheap, synthetic stimulant — has soared. Although the transitional government of Syria has stated that there is zero tolerance for captagon trade and consumption, UNODC warns that Syria will remain a significant hub for drug production.

Angela Me, the Chief of Research and Analysis at UNODC, states that captagon use in the Arabian peninsula was spurred by regional violence, with members of terrorist organizations using it on battlefields to stay alert. Due to its highly addictive properties, as well as its severe impacts on physical and mental health, the drug has seen widespread consumption over the past several years.

“These groups have been managing Captagon for a long time, and production is not going to stop in a matter of days or weeks,” said Me. “We see a lot of large shipments going from Syria through, for example, Jordan. There are probably still stocks of the substance being shipped out, but we’re looking at where the production may be shifting to. We’re also seeing that the trafficking is expanding regionally, and we’ve discovered labs in Libya.”

Global drug trafficking is estimated to generate billions of dollars per year. National budgets to combat drug trafficking, in terms of law enforcement and prosecution, cost governments millions to billions annually as well. Healthcare systems, which are often underfunded for addiction-related treatments, are overwhelmed by the vast scale of needs. Furthermore, damages related to theft, vandalism, violence, and lost productivity in the workplace have significant impacts on gross domestic products.

Additionally, increased rates of deforestation and pollution are linked with global drug cultivation. Additional adverse environmental impacts include ecosystem damage from drug waste, which yields notable costs in environmental restoration efforts.

It is imperative for governments, policymakers, and other stakeholders to invest in programs that disrupt illicit drug trafficking groups and promote increased security, especially along borders, which are critical hubs for transporting concealed substances. Furthermore, cooperation at an international level is instrumental for the transfer of information and promoting a joint and multifaceted approach.

“We must invest in prevention and address the root causes of the drug trade at every point of the illicit supply chain. And we must strengthen responses, by leveraging technology, strengthening cross-border cooperation, providing alternative livelihoods, and taking judicial action that targets key actors driving these networks,” said Waly. “Through a comprehensive, coordinated approach, we can dismantle criminal organizations, bolster global security, and protect our communities.”

Source:  https://www.globalissues.org/news/2025/06/27/40295

 by Andrew Yockey, Assistant Professor of Public Health, University of Mississippi July 3, 2025

Once associated with high-profile figures like John Belushi, River Phoenix and Chris Farley , this dangerous polysubstance use has become a leading cause of overdose deaths across the United States since the early- to mid-2010s.

I am an assistant professor of public health who has written extensively on methamphetamine and opioid use and the dangerous combination of the two in the United States.

As these dangerous combinations of drugs increasingly flood the market, I see an urgent need and opportunity for a new approach to prevention and treatment.

Why speedballing?

Dating back to the 1970s, the term speedballing originally referred to the combination of heroin and cocaine. Combining stimulants and opioids – the former’s “rush” with the latter’s calming effect – creates a dangerous physiological conflict.

According to the National Institute on Drug Abuse, stimulant-involved overdose fatalities increased markedly from more than 12,000 annually in 2015 to greater than 57,000 in 2022, a 375% increase. Notably, approximately 70% of stimulant-related overdose deaths in 2022 also involved fentanyl or other synthetic opioids, reflecting the rising prevalence of polysubstance involvement in overdose mortality.

Users sought to experience the euphoric “rush” from the stimulant and the calming effects of the opioid. However, with the proliferation of fentanyl – which is far more potent than heroin – this combination has become increasingly lethal. Fentanyl is often mixed with cocaine or methamphetamine, sometimes without the user’s knowledge, leading to unintentional overdoses.

The rise in speedballing is part of a broader trend of polysubstance use in the U.S. Since 2010, overdoses involving both stimulants and fentanyl have increased 50-fold, now accounting for approximately 35,000 deaths annually.

This has been called the fourth wave of the opioid epidemic. The toxic and contaminated drug supply has exacerbated this crisis.

A dangerous combination of physiological effects

Stimulants like cocaine increase heart rate and blood pressure, while opioids suppress respiratory function. This combination can lead to respiratory failure, cardiovascular collapse and death. People who use both substances are more than twice as likely to experience a fatal overdose compared with those using opioids alone.

The conflicting effects of stimulants and opioids can also exacerbate mental health issues. Users may experience heightened anxiety, depression and paranoia. The combination can also impair cognitive functions, leading to confusion and poor decision-making.

Speedballing can also lead to severe cardiovascular problems, including hypertension, heart attack and stroke. The strain on the heart and blood vessels from the stimulant, combined with the depressant effects of the opioid, increases the risk of these life-threatening conditions.

Addressing the crisis

Increasing awareness about the dangers of speedballing is crucial. I believe that educational campaigns can inform the public about the risks of combining stimulants and opioids and the potential for unintentional fentanyl exposure.

There is a great need for better access to treatment for people with stimulant use disorder – a condition defined as the continued use of amphetamine-type substances, cocaine or other stimulants leading to clinically significant impairment or distress, from mild to severe. Treatments for this and other substance use disorders are underfunded and less accessible than those for opioid use disorder. Addressing this gap can help reduce the prevalence of speedballing.

Implementing harm reduction strategies by public health officials, community organizations and health care providers, such as providing fentanyl test strips and naloxone – a medication that reverses opioid overdoses – can save lives.

These measures allow individuals to test their drugs for the presence of fentanyl and have immediate access to overdose-reversing medication. Implementing these strategies widely is crucial to reducing overdose deaths and improving community health outcomes.

Source: https://theconversation.com/speedballing-the-deadly-mix-of-stimulants-and-opioids-requires-a-new-approach-to-prevention-and-treatment-257425

Disclosure statement

Andrew Yockey does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

by Sihyun Baek,

Grade 11, (16-17 years old)

Chadwick International School

06.29.2025

 

[AI Generated, Addiction. Photo Credit to Pixabay]

South Korea is grappling with a mounting crisis as incidents of teenage drug use increase exponentially, raising serious concerns about youth safety and failed public education systems.

The latest incident, involving two middle schoolers caught using marijuana in a neighborhood playground in Seoul on April 25, has once again brought the issue to the forefront for concerned parents, teachers, and lawmakers alike. 

The students were seen smoking liquid cannabis in broad daylight, prompting local residents to notify the police. 

Authorities are currently looking into how the teens obtained the drugs.

Nationally, the number of juvenile drug offenders, aged 18 and younger, rose to 450 in 2021, marking a 43.8% increase from the previous year and nearly quadrupling since 2018, according to the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office. 

In Seoul alone, teenage drug offenders surged nearly fivefold in just one year, from 48 in 2022 to 235 in 2023.

South Korea, known for its stringent drug laws and historically low rates of domestic usage, now finds itself fighting against a growing number of youth turning to drugs through online platforms and encrypted messaging services like Telegram. 

The rise of drug transactions using anonymous cryptocurrency transactions such as  Bitcoin has dramatically lowered the barriers to accessing such substances online. 

In one case during the summer of 2022, for instance, a drug cartel run entirely online by an 18-year-old using encrypted apps to distribute methamphetamine and MDMA was exposed by police officers. 

Similarly, in November of 2021, a drug-trading chat room was discovered on Telegram.

Prosecutors revealed that all 180 members of the chat room were members of a criminal drug organization, most of whom were teenagers.  

But marijuana and party drugs aren’t the only substances of concern. 

Illegally obtained prescription psychotropic medications are emerging as the country’s primary gateway drugs. 

An increasing number of teenagers have been caught distributing fentanyl patches and pills like Dietamin, an appetite suppressant.

The pill, however, is also a dangerous psychotropic drug derived from amphetamines that produces hallucinations and has addictive properties.

These prescription drugs, often perceived as “safe” or “medically approved,” are creating a dangerous normalization of drug use among teens and increasing the risk of long-term addiction and overdose.

From 2019 to 2021, prescription psychotropics accounted for 55.4% of youth drug cases, followed by cocaine and heroin at 23.8%, and marijuana at 20.8%. 

In one major investigation in June of 2023, 100 teenagers in South Gyeongsang Province were arrested for selling and abusing Dietamin tablets obtained online.

Experts point to peer pressure and stress as the key triggers, particularly within Telegram chat rooms. 

Pop culture also plays a significant role; for example, fentanyl was commonly used by hip-hop rappers in 2019 and has since grown in popularity among teenagers.

To counter this growing issue, authorities have begun intense cyber investigations. 

In 2023 alone, more than 1,000 online crackdowns led to the shutdown of 78 drug-dealing accounts on platforms like Telegram and Instagram. 

Yet, the increasingly sophisticated methods of drug distribution pose serious challenges for law enforcement.

Dealers frequently change their online handles, communicate in code using emojis, and utilize “dead drop” methods, such as hiding drugs in public spaces for buyers to retrieve using GPS coordinates, making it difficult for someone to trace their tracks. 

Understandably, the consequences of this rise in drug use among teenagers are devastating. 

 Drug abuse has been directly linked to an increase in youth suicide attempts. 

Between 2019 to mid-2023, approximately 46.4% of teen suicide attempts resulting in hospitalization were associated with drug use, according to the National Medical Center. 

In 2021 alone, 1,678 minors were treated for drug abuse, a 41.4% jump from the previous year.

To combat this issue, many suggest implementing strengthened education systems on drugs by collaborating with related institutions.

Likewise, while some lawmakers have recently proposed bills to mandate such education programs, experts say the movement lacks urgency and public support and is failing to garner much attention, with the country having yet to integrate drug prevention into its national school curriculum.

For instance, in May of 2024, Government Representative Lee Tae-kyu proposed a bill to mandate drug education in schools, requiring them to implement age-specific drug education programs in collaboration with public health agencies. 

However, as of now, the bill remains stalled in committee.

Comparatively, in the United States, the implementation of Drug Abuse Resistance Education (DARE) programs nationwide began as early as the 1980s, laying the foundation for more modern prevention strategies. 

Simultaneously, South Korea continues to face a lack of infrastructure for rehabilitation sites, as they still remain largely underdeveloped. 

Experts estimate that around 40% of Korean drug offenders return to prison within three years of their release. 

Such a high rate is often linked to the stigma they face in society, with many struggling to find employment, being rejected by hospitals, and being generally excluded from mainstream social life.

Likewise, the number of rehabilitation facilities for minors is limited.  

KAADA, one of the few rehabilitation centers for teen users, receives about 1,000 patients per year, only 10% of whom are under 19. 

Experts note that this is not reflective of actual use rates, but rather the result of underreporting and such social stigma that keep teens and their families silent.

Data gaps also hinder progress. 

Because many teen users are released as first-time offenders, their cases often fail to reach prosecutors, resulting in underreported figures. 

This makes it harder for lawmakers to assess the full scale of the crisis or design policies that address it adequately.

Parents have taken to online forums to express their fears, demanding school assemblies, national awareness campaigns, and stricter regulations on medical prescriptions.

In an interview with Ms. Cha, a concerned parent, commented, “It worries me even more because I don’t have a way of knowing what my child does online, especially as he gets older. You have to respect their autonomy, but at the same time, they could be accessing websites and chat rooms they shouldn’t be in.” 

Another parent, Mr. Kim, stated, “We need more education programs about drug prevention at school. Our children know that drugs are bad, but they don’t fully understand the long-term consequences or how easily peer pressure can lead them down the wrong path.”

Source:  http://www.heraldinsight.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=5498

Salalah, 25 Jun (ONA) — The Ministry of Social Development, in Dhofar Governorate, organized today a community event titled “A Nation Free from Drugs” to raise awareness about the dangers of narcotics and psychotropic substances.

The initiative aimed to educate the public on the threat of drug abuse, its societal risks, and the importance of collective prevention while fostering health, social and cultural awareness.

The event featured a panel discussion titled “A Nation Free from Drugs,” where experts addressed the societal impacts of addiction and strategies for prevention and treatment.

“A Nation Free from Drugs” Awareness Campaign Held in Salalah.

Source:  https://www.omannews.gov.om/topics/en/128/show/123051/ona

Joseph M Kress exposes the dark reality of America’s drug crisis

 

TORONTO, ONTARIO, CANADA, June 23, 2025 /EINPresswire.com/ — In his compelling and illuminating new book, “Single Handed,” retired lieutenant and police detective Joseph M. Kress reveals the stark realities of America’s ongoing drug crisis and the concerning shortcomings of the nation’s drug prevention programs. Inspired by true events, the story uncovers a journey shaped by tragedy and the hardened years in law enforcement.

The book begins with a very personal and tragic event: Joe Kress’s brother Greg was murdered while on his honeymoon following a robbery in New Orleans. This shocking act of violence sparks Joe’s determination to join the police force. What follows is a vivid, rapid-fire narrative of Joe’s years as an officer, exploring a diverse array of cases that unveil the most sinister aspects of society, from child disappearances to horrific sexual assaults. Despite suffering a gunshot wound to his leg and having to retire early due to injury, Joe is shown to be a man who is motivated by duty throughout it all.

However, “Single Handed” does not conclude with Joe’s time in uniform. In fact, the narrative takes a turn into thrilling and audacious realms. After leaving official service, Joe sets off on a unique journey of his own creation: pursuing drug dealers nationwide. Utilizing his SWAT training and special operations background, he embarks on a mission to tackle the soaring drug-related crime rates affecting American neighborhoods. This unfolds a vigilante crusade, crafted from genuine frustration and moulded by years of direct involvement in law enforcement and profound personal grief.

Amazon reviewer Sanjin highlights the book as crucial and relevant, praising the author’s direct and engaging storytelling that sheds light on an ongoing crisis affecting communities today. In a similar vein, reader Clarence Joseph shares this sentiment, highlighting that the story’s expertly crafted pace not only amplifies its suspense but also provides a captivating and delightful reading journey.

Source:  https://fox59.com/business/press-releases/ein-presswire/824883015/joseph-m-kress-exposes-the-dark-reality-of-americas-drug-crisis-through-his-latest-candid-memoir/

 

If you’re a small business owner, you probably wear a lot of hats: manager, mentor, HR rep, sometimes even IT support. You already know that building a successful company today means adapting to change, especially when it comes to supporting your team. How we approach substance use and mental health on the job is where workplaces need to be evolving quickly!

You might think serious conversations about substance use, behavioral health, and mental wellness are reserved for big corporations with large HR departments and employee wellness budgets. But in today’s world, even the smallest teams need modern, compassionate policies.

Why? Because the way we work—and what employees expect—has changed. Employees today want to know that their employer cares about their whole well-being, not just their productivity. That includes creating space to talk about tough topics like stress, burnout, and yes, substance use.

Modern leadership means recognizing that substance use is something that impacts real people—people you may work with every day. It doesn’t always look like someone missing work or failing a drug test. It can be more subtle: someone relying on alcohol to decompress every night, using prescription stimulants to keep up with unrealistic demands, or struggling quietly with a dependence on marijuana.

Ignoring these issues won’t make them go away. But addressing them with care and structure? That’s leadership.

Here’s how small business owners can modernize their workplace by making room for this kind of support:

 

1. Update Your Workplace Culture, Not Just Your Tech

You wouldn’t run your business on a five-year-old software system. So why stick with outdated workplace norms around health and performance?

A modern workplace recognizes that stress, mental health, and substance use challenges are part of the human experience—and responds with resources, not judgment. Whether that’s offering access to support programs or simply encouraging open dialogue, small steps make a big difference.

 

2. Create a Clear, Supportive Policy

Yes, even small businesses should have a written policy about substance use. Not to scare people—but to protect them. A good policy:

·    Explains your company’s stance (supportive, not punitive)

·    Details how employees can seek help confidentially

·    Trains supervisors to spot concerns and respond appropriately

·    Builds in support and resources—like referrals, time off for treatment, or check-ins

It shows employees that they don’t have to hide what they’re going through.

 

3. Lead With Curiosity, Not Control

You don’t need to be a counselor. But you can ask thoughtful questions, listen without judgment, and point people in the right direction. A curious, compassionate conversation can open the door to real change—especially when someone is already feeling vulnerable.

Modern support means meeting people where they are. Whether someone is cutting back, abstaining, or just starting to question their habits, having your workplace be part of the solution helps them take the next step.

 

4. Set the Tone From the Top

As a business owner, your attitude sets the culture. Talking openly about stress, supporting mental health days, and encouraging balance gives your employees permission to take care of themselves. And when people feel safe, they perform better. It’s that simple.

Addressing substance use isn’t about policing your team. It’s about building a workplace where people can show up as they are, get the support they need, and grow. That’s what today’s employees are looking for—and it’s how small businesses build loyalty, retention, and a reputation for doing things the right way.

Source: McConnell, K. (2024, April 1). The Challenge of Change: How employers can modernize workplace substance use support. How Employers Can Modernize Workplace Substance Use Support | Spring Health. https://www.springhealth.com/blog/how-employers-can-modernize-workplace-substance-use-support 

 

Source:  Drug Free America Foundation | 333 3rd Avenue N Suite 200 | St. Petersburg, FL 33701 US

<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<DFAF>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

NATIONAL DRUG-FREE WORKPLACE ALLIANCE

As the workplace division of Drug Free America Foundation, NDWA’s mission is to be a national leader in the drug-free workplace industry by directly assisting employers and stakeholders, providing drug-free workplace program resources and assistance, and supporting a national coalition of drug-free workplace service providers.

For more information and drug-free workplace resources, visit NDWA at www.ndwa.org.

 

by Ingrid Fadelli, Phys.org – edited by Gaby Clark, reviewed by Robert Egan – The GIST – June 26, 2025

Omicron Limited’ 36 Hope Street, Douglas, IM1 1AR, Isle of Man

Cannabis, also known as marijuana or weed, is widely consumed worldwide, whether for recreational or medicinal purposes. Over the past decades, the use of cannabis has been fully legalized or decriminalized in various countries worldwide, including Canada, many U.S. states, the Netherlands, Germany, Spain and Portugal.

While some studies have found that cannabis and especially cannabidiol (i.e., the non-intoxicating compound contained in it) can have medicinal effects, others have linked the abuse of its psychoactive variations (i.e., containing tetrahydrocannabinol or THC) with a greater risk of being diagnosed with psychiatric disorders.

As many individuals worldwide use cannabis on a regular basis, understanding the mechanisms that could link its consumption with psychiatric disorders could be highly valuable, as it might help to identify factors that increase the risk of developing specific disorders.

In a paper published in Nature Mental Health, researchers at Yale University School of Medicine, the Veterans Affairs Connecticut Healthcare System and Washington University School of Medicine shed new light on the genetic associations between cannabis use, cannabis use disorder (CanUD) and various psychiatric disorders.

CanUD is a mental health disorder characterized by a continued use of cannabis, difficulties experienced when trying to cut down its consumption or cease using it altogether, and an interference of the substance with daily activities, relationships or responsibilities.

“Increasing prevalence of cannabis use and CanUD may increase risk for psychiatric disorders,” wrote Marco Galimberti, Cassie Overstreet and their colleagues in their paper. “We evaluated the relationships between these cannabis traits and a range of psychiatric traits, running global and local genetic correlations, genomic structural equation modeling, colocalization analyses and Mendelian randomization analyses for causality.”

Genomic-SEM. Genomic-SEM analyses of cannabis traits (CanUD and cannabis use) and
psychiatric disorders for a three-factor model. Credit: Galimberti et al.
(Nature Mental Health, 2025).

The researchers analyzed genetic, psychiatric and psychological data collected as part of earlier studies, using various statistical techniques. First, they tried to detect genetic patterns that linked cannabis use with specific psychiatric and personality traits, using a technique known as genomic structural equation modeling.

Subsequently, they ran colocalization analyses, a statistical analysis that allowed them to uncover instances where two traits shared the same underlying genetic variant. Finally, they used a technique called Mendelian randomization to uncover causal relationships between traits, or in other words, if a sporadic or problematic use of cannabis caused specific disorders via genetic factors and vice versa.

“Global genetic analyses identified significantly different correlations between CanUD and cannabis use,” wrote Galimberti, Overstreet and their colleagues. “A variant in strong linkage disequilibrium to one regulating CHRNA2 was significantly shared by CanUD and schizophrenia in colocalization analysis and included in a significant region in local genetic correlations between these traits. A three-factor model from genomic structural equation modeling showed that CanUD and cannabis use partially map together onto a factor with major depressive disorder and ADHD.”

Interestingly, the researchers found that although cannabis use and CanUD are in some ways related, they had different genetic relationships with psychiatric disorders. In fact, they found that variations in the regulation of the gene CHRNA2, which has also been linked to nicotine consumption and dopamine signaling, were common to both schizophrenia and CanUD, but not to casual or general cannabis use.

“In terms of causality, CanUD showed bidirectional causal relationships with most tested psychiatric disorders, differently from cannabis use,” wrote Galimberti, Overstreet and their colleagues. “Increasing use of cannabis can increase rates of psychiatric disorders over time, especially in individuals who progress from cannabis use to CanUD.”

Overall, the findings of this recent study suggest that there is a bi-directional genetic relationship between the abuse of cannabis, specifically CanUD, and various psychiatric disorders, including schizophrenia, ADHD, depression, and bipolar disorder. In other words, it appears that CanUD could increase the risk of developing mental health disorders, and being diagnosed with some psychiatric disorders could also prompt abuse of cannabis.

This recent work could potentially inform the development of public health interventions aimed at monitoring or limiting people’s consumption of cannabis early, to reduce the risk that they will later develop psychiatric disorders. In addition, the analyses could inspire other research groups to delve deeper into the genetic associations they uncovered, potentially by analyzing a wider pool of genetic, psychological and medical data.

Written for you by our author Ingrid Fadelli, edited by Gaby Clark , and fact-checked and reviewed by Robert Egan —this article is the result of careful human work. We rely on readers like you to keep independent science journalism alive. If this reporting matters to you, please consider a donation (especially monthly). You’ll get an ad-free account as a thank-you.

More information: Marco Galimberti et al, The genetic relationship between cannabis use disorder, cannabis use and psychiatric disorders, Nature Mental Health (2025). DOI: 10.1038/s44220-025-00440-4.

Journal information: Nature Mental Health

Source: https://medicalxpress.com/news/2025-06-explores-genetic-link-cannabis-psychiatric.html

by Haoliang Cui1;  Jianyi Zhang1;  Wenkai Luo1;  Erri Du2;  Zhongwei Jia1, , and Corresponding Author Zhongwei Jia, jiazw@bjmu.edu.cn 

Author affiliations

The recognition of drug use as a global challenge requiring coordinated international response began with the first international conference on narcotic drugs held in Shanghai in 1909. Throughout the 20th century, three pivotal United Nations (UN) conventions on drug control (1961, 1971, and 1988) established the legal and institutional framework for a comprehensive multilateral system addressing prevention and enforcement. The creation of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) in 1997 further underscored the widespread nature of drug-related challenges confronting societies worldwide (12).

As nations develop more sophisticated approaches to addressing global drug challenges, international surveillance data continue to underscore both the magnitude of the problem and the critical importance of prevention strategies. The global population using drugs has reached 292 million in 2022, representing a 20% increase over the past decade (3). Particularly concerning is the finding that cannabis use prevalence among adolescents aged 15–16 years exceeds that of adults worldwide (3). It was estimated that 84 million adults aged 15–64 in Europe had used cannabis at least once, including approximately 15.3 million young adults aged 15–34 based on the European Drug Report 2023. (4). Similarly, in 2022, an estimated 70.3 million individuals aged 12 or older in the United States reported illicit drug use within the past year, with peak prevalence occurring among young adults aged 18 to 25. These statistics demonstrate the urgent need for targeted prevention investments, particularly among youth populations (5).

China has actively contributed to and responded to these global drug control initiatives. The Anti-Drug Law of the People’s Republic of China (6) was enacted in 2007, establishing a comprehensive triadic strategy that encompasses prevention, punishment, and rehabilitation. Following the law’s implementation, the number of newly identified drug users increased steadily, reaching its peak in 2015 (Figure 1). However, a series of national initiatives — including the “People’s War on Drugs,” the “Sword Action” (Liangjian Project), and the deployment of “Skynet” surveillance systems — led to a significant decrease in newly identified drug users. This decline was particularly pronounced during and after the COVID-19 pandemic, when the number of newly found drug users experienced a sharp drop (Figure 1).

The theme of this year’s International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking — “The evidence is clear: invest in prevention, Break the cycle, Stop Organized Crime” (7) — underscores the public health nature of the drug problem and emphasizes the critical importance of preventive measures (Figure 2). The evolution of these annual themes reflects a fundamental shift in global attitudes toward drug policy. From 1996 to 2009, themes primarily emphasized the dangers and harmful consequences of drug use. The second stage (2010 to 2015) began treating the drug problem as a public health issue rather than solely a criminal justice matter. Since 2016, the focus has shifted toward prevention, early intervention, and youth-centered strategies, reflecting a more comprehensive and evidence-based approach to drug policy.

Nevertheless, emerging risks continue to challenge existing frameworks. Recent cases of adolescent substance abuse involving compounds not yet under formal regulatory control, such as nitrous oxide and etomidate, have been documented across China (8). Since January 2021, Guangzhou in Guangdong Province has implemented targeted enforcement measures against nitrous oxide distribution, resulting in 46 investigated cases by June 2022 (9). These novel psychoactive substances present distinct challenges due to their accessibility through online platforms, ambiguous legal classification, and limited public awareness — particularly among adolescents. In response to these evolving threats, the Ministry of Justice issued a national directive in early 2025 emphasizing “intensified drug prevention campaigns targeting adolescents” (10). Through strategic investments in early education programs, enhanced cross-sector collaboration, and implementation of evidence-based policy frameworks, China is proactively adapting its approach to address the dynamic landscape of emerging drug-related risks.

  • FIGURE 1.  Trends in newly identified drug users in China, 2007–2022.

    Note: Data from 2007 to 2013 were sourced from the Drug Abuse Population Estimation in the Key Cities of the Ministry of Public Security, while data from 2014 to 2022 were obtained from the respective annual editions of the Drug Situation in China report.

Associated Information:

Contrary to the popular narrative, President Nixon’s comprehensive approach to drug policy provided an effective solution to a growing problem.

In the 1970s, the United States faced a growing heroin epidemic. By 1970, there were an estimated 600,000 heroin addicts and 7,200 overdose deaths—a crisis that demanded a national response.

President Richard Nixon took decisive action to address this crisis. While he did  declare drug abuse “public enemy number one,” the phrase “war on drugs” was largely a media invention. The public perception that Nixon launched a punitive campaign against drugs has overshadowed the more nuanced reality of his policy and its measurable success.

Judge Robert Bonner, former DEA administrator and U.S. District Court judge, addressed this misconception during remarks at the Nixon Library on August 22,  2023. In his research into President Nixon’s drug policy, Bonner found that Nixon used the term “war on drugs” only once—in a little-known speech to Customs personnel in Texas. As Bonner put it, “The ‘war on drugs’ is a horrid metaphor. We’ve never treated it as a war, never funded it like one, and there’s no ultimate victory.” 

Journalist Charles Fain Lehman, a Robert Novak Journalism Fellow, echoed this sentiment: “Despite what critics claim, there is no fifty-year straight line from Nixon to Reagan’s drug war.”

Instead of approaching the acute drug crisis like a war, President Nixon developed a strategic, two-pronged approach aimed at reducing heroin addiction in America. His strategy targeted both demand and supply. On the demand side, he expanded treatment and prevention programs. On the supply side, he cracked down on drug trafficking through law enforcement and international diplomacy. As Lehman puts it, “his policy agenda was responsive to a real and substantial drug epidemic, one which merited a proportional government response.”

One of President Nixon’s earliest legislative achievements was the Controlled Substances Act of 1970, the first comprehensive federal drug law. Contrary to later tough-on-crime narratives, this law actually eliminated mandatory minimum sentences for drug offenses—sentences that would only return with the Drug Abuse Act of 1986 under a different administration.

To enforce drug laws more effectively, President Nixon created the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), the first federal agency with a singular mission to combat drug trafficking. Under his leadership, the DEA partnered with international allies to curb the global heroin trade. In just two years, Nixon’s team helped disrupt heroin routes through France and negotiated efforts to ban opium production in Turkey. According to Bonner, these efforts helped reduce the number of heroin addicts in the U.S. from approximately 600,000 to fewer than 100,000—a number that remained low for over a decade.

Further busting the myth of a drug war, compassion was core to President Nixon’s drug policy. “Heroin addiction is a problem that demands compassion, not simply condemnation,” he said. To put that compassion into action, he created the Special Action Office for Drug Abuse Prevention and appointed Dr. Jerome Jaffe—a pioneer in addiction treatment—to lead it. One of the key objectives President Nixon assigned to Jaffe was addressing the treatment of servicemen returning from Vietnam with heroin addiction—an issue that, according to a 1971 congressional report, affected an estimated 30,000 to 40,000 veterans. Under President Nixon’s leadership, federally funded heroin treatment and education programs expanded dramatically. As Lehman noted, “Nixon spent more on drug treatment than enforcement year after year, and pioneered the use of methadone maintenance treatment.”

Richard Nixon’s approach—combining treatment, enforcement, and diplomacy—laid the groundwork for a more balanced and effective drug policy. As Bonner concluded, “In short, Nixon understood the problem. He also did something about it. It was a whole government effort—and it worked.”

View Judge Robert Bonner’s full remarks:

Sources

Bonner, Robert. Judge. 23 August 2023. Keynote Remarks by Judge Robert Bonner, YouTube, August 23, 2023.

Lehman, Charles Fain. “What Was the War on Drugs? Part I.” The Causal Fallacy, May 6, 2025.

Lehman, Charles Fain. “What Was the War on Drugs? Part II.”The Causal Fallacy, May 7, 2025.

By Dr. Nora Volkow – Nora’s Blog – June 17, 2025
In a recent commentary in The New England Journal of Medicine, my colleagues John Kelly, Howard Koh, and I likened the addicted brain to a house on fire—a crisis requiring urgent efforts to contain the damage and preserve life.1 The drug crisis in America has demanded a sustained focus to extinguish those fires by expanding treatment access and overdose prevention and reversal strategies—and encouragingly, data show that overdose fatalities have been declining since 2023. However, a house that has had its addiction fire extinguished still smolders and can readily burst into flames again. After an initial remission of substance use disorder (SUD) symptoms, it can take as much as 8 years and 4-5 engagements in treatment or mutual support groups to achieve sustained remission, and risk for meeting SUD criteria can remain elevated for several more years after that.2

As addiction clinicians and researchers, we have an obligation not only to improve our abilities at fighting the fires of active addiction, but also to enhance our ability to facilitate the processes of rebuilding in the aftermath, to reduce their future recurrence. Increasing the number of people achieving long-term recovery from SUDs is a national policy priority and a major goal of the research supported by NIDA—from basic neuroscience to understand how the brain rewires and recovers after addiction to an intensified focus on the supports and services that can help individuals thrive as they build healthier lives.3

Fortunately, the very same adaptability and neuroplasticity of the brain that makes it susceptible to developing addiction in the first place also enables it to heal, especially when internal and external conditions are supportive of recovery. The neurobiology underlying remission from SUDs has long been a focus of NIDA-funded research. Over two decades ago, as a NIDA grantee, I and my colleagues at Brookhaven National Laboratory and SUNY-Stony Brook used PET neuroimaging to show the recovery of lost dopamine transporters in the striatum of people with methamphetamine use disorder after prolonged abstinence.4 More recent longitudinal neuroimaging studies of people in SUD treatment show structural recovery in frontal cortical regions, insula, hippocampus, and cerebellum, and functional and neurochemical recovery in prefrontal cortical and subcortical regions.5

As the individual learns new behaviors, goals, and rewards, the learning process reshapes synaptic connectivity across a range of circuits, ultimately outcompeting drug-related memories and automatic behavioral patterns, which weaken over time.6 Among ongoing NIDA-funded projects is a study homing in on the circuits associated with medication adherence in patients with opioid use disorder (OUD) and those that predict return to opioid use during medication treatment. Another project is using biweekly neuroimaging of patients taking medications to treat OUD to characterize neural trajectories of remission.

NIDA has also made a major investment in research on services and supports that can make it easier for people in recovery to continue to choose non-drug rewards and thereby facilitate this neural rewiring. Such services may prove to be at least as important as treatment or overdose reversal in maintaining the recent gains made in reducing overdose deaths. A 2022 dynamic modeling study funded by the FDA projected that people returning to opioid use after a period of remission will account for an increasing proportion of OUD cases over the coming decade, compared to people newly developing OUD.7 Consequently, the authors found that, of 11 strategies to reduce OUD and fatal overdoses, services that help people stay in remission from OUD were likely to be among the most impactful.

Over the past few years, NIDA has funded several grants with the aim of building the infrastructure necessary to advance the science of recovery support. They included grants in 2020 and 2022 that supported the development of networks of recovery researchers working to establish key measures for the field, as well as clinical trial planning grants that establish the foundation necessary to conduct future large-scale clinical trials to understand the effectiveness of various recovery support services. NIDA is also supporting research on how to deliver services to groups like adolescents and young adults and people involved in the criminal-justice system, and to identify factors that are most predictive of recovery outcomes like recovery identity and meaningfulness.

One defining feature of recovery support services is the central role of peers who have lived or living experience of SUD. It can involve individual support by recovery coaches, living or working in settings with others in recovery such as recovery housing or recovery community centers, or mutual-aid groups like traditional 12-step programs and newer models like SMART Recovery. Among the many questions being addressed by NIDA grantees, therefore, are ways to support peers and their professional advancement to foster a more sustainable recovery workforce. NIDA is also working with startups to develop apps and other digital tools that can be used to facilitate connecting to peers, including mobile apps and digital peer-support platforms accessible in treatment settings for patients who are socioeconomically disadvantaged.

In whatever way recovery services are implemented, access and engagement over a longer duration of time than typical stints of addiction treatment can be crucial to help a person maintain remission and provide support when times get tough. Yet there is limited data on the optimal duration of recovery supports services, how the intensity or focus of services should change over the course of recovery, and, in the case of people taking medications for OUD, if and when medications can be safely discontinued. NIDA-funded recovery research is exploring the crucial question of optimal duration of medication treatment for people with OUD and developing discontinuation strategies for people who want to stop medication.

As we described in our New England Journal of Medicine commentary, the positive shift from punishing people experiencing addiction towards treating them in the clinic seen over the past four decades is now shifting into a new phase where the clinic is integrated with the community.  The integration of support in the community is giving nonclinicians, including peers, friends, and family, an increasingly important role in the care of people with SUDs, facilitating the continuity of care beyond treatment. NIDA recently solicited applications for research projects on the role played by loved ones and other support persons in SUD recovery, with the goal of incorporating them into individuals’ recovery process as well as developing interventions to give support to those who are supporting a loved one in recovery.

As more addiction fires are extinguished through public health measures at the national, state, and community levels, we must direct more scientific attention to the end goal of long-term health and wellness for all people whose lives have been affected by addiction.

Source: https://nida.nih.gov/about-nida/noras-blog/2025/06/advancing-recovery-research

OPENING REMARKS BY NDPA:

This book, and its review, engage with differing viewpoint s about addiction and addicts. Flanagan prefers to avoid the word ‘disease’ – characterising the condition as a behavioural ‘disorder’ – much in the way that Stanton Peele, in his classic 1975 text ‘Love and Addiction’ – (Peele and Brodsky – Pubd, Taplinger, New York) similarly views the condition. But in the professional field of today additional concepts have been introduced, what some might call ‘influencers’ – longest established is the notion of ‘harm reduction’ – this (in our opinion) has a valid purpose in limiting harm that users can experience, but it has also been ‘abused’ by campaigners who argue that ‘laws are harmful, so legalisation reduces harm’. More recently the notion of ‘stigma’ has become more prominent in the drug policy arena … and again, whilst there is a valid role for addressing gratuitous stigmatisation of users, the liberalising campaigners can be seen to abuse the notion, arguing that ‘all stigma is bad, therefore all stigma should be removed.’ In fact, society has long rationally deployed stigma where it can be seen as criticising an individuals drug abuse when this damages and jeopardises a healthful society, or threatens the health of people around the user … this is echoed in Flanagan’s text where, for example he says addicts are ‘… are by no means blameless just because they supposedly have a disease’. This dialogue will of course run and run, and NDPA will endeavour to maintain a balanced and rational journey through this jungle!

A new book looks at addiction through the lens of choice and responsibility.

 Reason Magazine – 

Owen Flanagan’s new book, What Is It Like To Be an Addict?, should be welcomed by anyone concerned with these issues. Despite its modest size, this is a work of large ambition and broad range informed not just by the author’s long career as a prominent philosopher but by his many years as a desperately addicted abuser of alcohol and sedatives.

“This is a deeply personal book,” he writes. “I was addicted to booze and benzos for twenty years on and off from the late 1970s until the early 2000s. The last years were especially ugly, requiring several hospitalizations, and involving constant self-loathing and suicidal despair.”

Unsurprisingly given his experience, Flanagan stresses that we should pay close attention to what the addicted have to tell us. And among the most important things addicts say is that they are by no means blameless just because they supposedly have a disease. On the contrary, many feel shame (for being an addict) and guilt (for behaviors that are slowly destroying them and harming their loved ones).

To Flanagan, these feelings are right and good. That stance may inspire horror from some people, who will see it as victim-blaming. But it’s consistent with Flanagan’s view that addicts can’t be reduced to flesh-and-blood automatons jerked about by their cravings. As he notes, even people who claim to believe this will then earnestly implore an addict to get help—a plea that could only be directed at someone presumed to have the ability to make choices. “Every treatment that works to unseat addiction,” he writes, “assumes that addicts are responsible and must participate in undoing their own addiction.”

Flanagan doesn’t even think addiction is a disease, exactly—more of a multifactorial disorder of enormous social, physical, psychological, and pharmacological complexity. Indeed, one of his book’s main points is that addiction cannot be seen as any one simple thing. But he doggedly insists that addicts retain some agency during their plight.

“Practices of compassion, forgiveness, and excusing are distinct from whether or not we hold the addict responsible,” he writes. “We hold addicts responsible in many respects and rightly so. Thus, the determination that addiction is a disease or mental disorder is much less consequential as far as holding addicts responsible goes than many suggest.”

Flanagan takes care to distinguish between unwilling addicts, willing addicts, and resigned addicts, helping us through these categories to think about what we mean by addiction and how best to mitigate it. Particularly notable are the minority who are willing addicts—he mentions as an example Keith Richards, who has said he was a longtime heroin user. At least some of these individuals are in control of the consequences of their habit and satisfied with their lives. Is their addiction any more meaningful than a coffee habit?

Unwilling addicts want to quit, and many will eventually succeed. And resigned addicts are those who wanted to quit, couldn’t, and just gave up, surrendering to hopelessness. They are in a sense beyond unwilling; by not trying to quit, they effectively acquiesce. Here, the author says, a kind of accommodation may help. One nonprofit in Europe helps resigned addicts to lead orderly lives through more disciplined consumption—in one methadone-like program, six pints of beer spread throughout the day—as well as suitable paid employment.

As for himself, the author credits Alcoholics Anonymous with saving his life by enabling his sobriety, but he also thinks it has a certain cultishness; like any good rationalist, he insists on “the distinction between the belief in a Higher Power having an effect and the Higher Power having an effect.”

Flanagan is also a capable researcher and reporter. Who knew that many addicts call the rest of us “earth people”? Or, more significantly, that there is so much overlap between addiction and other psychiatric disorders? “Twenty-five percent of individuals with severe mental illness, defined as a disorder that severely compromises normal functioning—schizophrenia with delusions or immobilizing depression—have a substance use disorder,” the author says. “In the other direction, 15 percent of individuals with a substance use disorder also have a severe mental illness.”

This book’s focus is substance abuse rather than, say, Facebook addiction, if such a thing exists. Flanagan is properly skeptical of the movement to medicalize all of life’s setbacks and sadnesses. He notes that men in most cultures are more likely than women to abuse alcohol and drugs, but that women are gaining. “There is no country where female alcoholism…rates are near 10 percent. But there are many countries in which the male alcoholism rate is above 10 percent and a few that top 13 percent: Russia (16.29 percent), Hungary (15.29 percent), Lithuania (13.35 percent), and South Korea (13.10 percent).”

He reminds us that while the war on drugs appears to be a costly failure, we can’t say for sure that many addictions wouldn’t be worse in its absence. And he notes some of the problems that have accompanied legalization initiatives. In Portugal, after a decade of good results, “substance use is on the rise, and fewer and fewer people in need are getting treatment. Recent data indicate that both overall drug use and drug overdose rates are up.” In Oregon, decriminalization Measure 110 “is being unwound” after evictions and fentanyl supplies surged. But he cautions: “The data do not mean, as some are quick to insist, that decriminalization, harm reduction, and treatment are not for the best.”

What Is It Like To Be an Addict? has its shortcomings, which largely stem from the author’s academic tribe. The book is not particularly well-organized or well-written; again and again, Flanagan tells us what he’s going to tell us, and then tells us the thing a couple more times to be on the safe side. And the book can be heavy on jargon. At one point, despite his professed sobriety, he writes: “When I report on the experiences of fellow addicts based on their autophenomenological reports, I am doing heterophenomenology.”

Particularly nettlesome is the author’s claim that, although addicts are responsible for their addiction, the rest of us are responsible too because of the woeful conditions we’ve allowed to persist. He wheels out the usual suspects including “social displacement,” poverty, inequality, racism, depression, “lack of good life options,” and other all-purpose woes that “are not caused by addicts.”

Blinkered by his ready-made list of villains, the author takes little account of other potential factors. Affluence in particular seems at least as likely a culprit as poverty. Today’s poor are often richer than middle-class Americans were in the middle of the last century, and today’s American middle class is extraordinarily affluent by historical and global standards. That means more of us can afford substance abuse of all kinds, not to mention addictions to shopping and other costly behaviors.

How about changes to family life or to levels of church attendance? Isn’t it possible that the religious and familial dimensions of A.A. are essential to its remarkable success? It’s noteworthy that the author’s own salvation came not from any arm of government but from a private, apolitical institution operating on a shoestring and making no attempt to end inequality or racism. Drunks come to A.A. and somehow get sober anyway.

But in truth, the author’s gestures toward collective responsibility feel more obligatory than emphatic. What he really wants is a humane, evidence-based approach to the problem of addiction consistent with individual agency, and that’s an approach fully in accord with a faith in human liberty. At the same time, we might as well recognize that voters will quickly lose their enthusiasm for legalizing drugs if they blame it for public chaos. Freedom always and everywhere relies on self-regulation. 

These are tough times for individual agency. Many philosophers and psychologists scoff at the notion of free will, which others seem to regard as the sole province of the “privileged.” A therapeutic culture and the nanny state give us all incentives to see ourselves as victims, helpless in the face of implacable forces of oppression. It is refreshing to read a book that refuses to dehumanize addicts by depriving them of responsibility or delegitimizing the shame they feel for their actions.

Source:  https://reason.com/2025/06/15/how-freedom-lovers-can-reckon-with-addicts-and-addiction/

by Shane Varcoe – Executive Director for the Dalgarno Institute


Why do people continue with behaviours or substances, such as alcohol or drugs, even when they openly wish to stop? This question cuts to the heart of understanding addiction. The disparity between intention and action reveals contradictions central to addiction behaviour, often oversimplified by two prevalent views.

For decades, addiction has been described through the lens of brain disease models, focusing on how substance use alters brain function to make drug use compulsive. While these models uncover meaningful insights, they are just one part of the story. On the other hand, some reduce addiction to an issue of morality or simple bad decisions, claiming people use substances solely out of selfish indulgence. Both these views highlight partial truths but fail to complete the picture.

Instead, a deeper understanding must combine these perspectives, recognising both the complex brain changes involved and the environmental and social factors that shape behaviour.

Paths to Recovery: Understanding addiction through the lens of decision-making opens new pathways for support. Instead of framing individuals as broken or helpless, this perspective views people in the context of their environment.
Encouragingly, it shows recovery is possible by increasing the availability, visibility, and value of non-drug alternatives. This may include offering accessible education, creating stable job opportunities, or fostering supportive communities. By making these changes, we shift focus away from stigma and towards empowering individuals to make better-informed choices.

While the psychology of addiction is undeniably complex, treating those impacted with empathy and focusing on promoting meaningful alternatives is the way forward. The path to recovery is not simple, but it’s one that can be supported through understanding human behaviour and its environmental influences. Source: https://nobrainer.org.au/…/1448-understanding-addiction… )

(Also a must read Research Report on this; Drug Use, Stigma & Proactive Contagions to Reduce Both https://nobrainer.org.au/…/364-drug-use-stigma-and-the… also containing Dealing with Addiction. Models, Modes, Mantras & Mandates – A Review of Literature Investigating Models of Addiction Management)
Source: Shane Varcoe – Executive Director for the Dalgarno Institute
by Islamic Republic News Agency – Journalist ID: 1114 – Jun 8, 2025, 6:21 PM

Iran positions itself as a key partner for the SCO in tackling narcotics and boosting regional security.

Tehran, IRNA – Iran is prepared to become a regional hub for illicit drug prevention and treatment programs under the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), citing the country’s extensive experience and achievements in combating drug abuse, an official said.

Mohammad Narimani, head of the International Affairs Department of the Drug Control Headquarters, made the remarks on Sunday following his return from high-level SCO meetings in Xi’an, China.

“The SCO has strong structural capacities in the fight against drugs, but practical challenges still hinder its effectiveness,” Narimani said.

He stressed that the Islamic Republic has paid a heavy human and financial cost in the fight against drug trafficking and expects the SCO to use its political, security, and economic influence to assist Iran in that regard.

“This cooperation would not only benefit Iran but also contribute to the stability and security of the entire region,” he said.

Narimani added that Iran’s efforts to counter common threats such as terrorism, narcotics, and sanctions could strengthen the SCO’s standing as a powerful bloc in an increasingly multipolar world.

He also pointed to concrete areas where the SCO could support Iran, including identifying and dismantling drug trafficking and terrorist networks, pressuring the ruling Taliban to destroy heroin and methamphetamine production labs in Afghanistan, and facilitating Iran’s access to advanced border control equipment.

Source:  https://en.irna.ir/news/85855787/Iran-seeks-to-become-regional-hub-for-drug-prevention-under

What Is The “Fentanyl Fold”?

by Jessica Sherer B.A., Ashford University –

The “fenty fold” (also “fenty lean” or “fentanyl fold”) is a startling but common occurrence among regular users of fentanyl, and other illicit drugs like xylazine, where they are bent at the waist, slumped forward, in a rigid position. Their heads are bowed, their knees are bent, and they are often unable to respond or move.

While jarring to witness, the fenty fold has become a sad yet common phenomenon in cities like San Francisco and Baltimore, where fentanyl use has grown rampant alongside the growing nationwide trend. Chronic users of fentanyl can be stuck in this position for minutes to hours, with possible complications including decreased breath rate, poor circulation, and increased risk of falls and injuries.

Research has not yet pinpointed what exactly causes the fenty fold, as fentanyl use is not known to directly affect the spine. Instead, it’s becoming clear that it is a neuromuscular side effect of synthetic opioids like fentanyl. Studies from the Journal of Applied Physiology and the Harm Reduction Journal highlighted similar findings that fentanyl use can lead to severe and widespread muscle rigidity, particularly in the trunk muscles, which restricts respiration and affects posture and mobility.

Additionally, doctors and addiction professionals think the fold is also connected to the central nervous depression caused by opioids. After using fentanyl (usually in large amounts), people enter a state of slowed consciousness (nodding out), where their bodies and brains are functioning at a depressed level. This system depression leads to muscle weakness, which causes bending, and slowed thought processing, which inhibits the brain from instructing the body to stand upright, resulting in prolonged time spent in an unnatural position.

While more research is needed on the causes of fentanyl fold, it is clear that it is an uncomfortable and potentially dangerous side-effect of fentanyl use.

Pain: A Common Path To Fentanyl Addiction

In the 2024 exposé on the fentanyl fold, the San Francisco Chronicle highlighted that many of the fentanyl users they interviewed were first introduced to the pain-numbing effects of opioids through prescription opioids. These people were prescribed opioids like oxycodone and hydrocodone for legitimate pain and turned to fentanyl when they could no longer obtain their prescriptions.

This is the story of many fentanyl users who become dependent on and develop a tolerance to opioids without realizing it until they are unable to get them. As they continue to seek a solution for their pain, fentanyl often fills the gap as a cheaper, easier-to-obtain alternative, leading to a cycle of addiction that supersedes most everything else in their life.

Social Media’s Take On The “Fenty Fold”

In 2024, videos started circulating on social media sites like X and TikTok of people experiencing the fold, often on urban streets, with tags of #fentyfold and #fentylean used. This exposure garnered both disdain and empathy as the real-life effects of fentanyl abuse were put on display.

Some videos of the fenty fold, often stripped of context, were met with ridicule and disdain for the people featured in the videos. However, public health officials and substance abuse professionals warn of the dehumanizing effects of social media and urge the general public to acknowledge it for what it is: a sobering reminder of the dangerous and debilitating effects of opioid addiction.

They further emphasize the need for harm reduction strategies and addiction treatment to help the growing problem of fentanyl abuse.

Seek Help For Fentanyl Addiction

While more nationwide prevention efforts and reduction strategies are needed to combat the opioid epidemic, prevention can also start in the home. If you or a loved one is struggling with a fentanyl addiction, help is available. Inpatient treatment can provide you with a safe environment where you can detox and learn the tools necessary for a healthy recovery. Contact a treatment provider today to learn more and begin your healing journey.

By: Oman News Agency – Thursday 29/May/2025

Dhank: The Wilayat of Dhank in Al Dhahirah Governorate on Thursday hosted an awareness seminar
titled “Your Mind is Your Identity – Don’t Lose It to Drugs,” held under the auspices of
Sheikh Musallam Ahmed Al Ma’shani, Wali of Dhank.

The event was organised as part of ongoing community efforts to strengthen national belonging and reinforce Omani identity while addressing the dangers of drugs and psychotropic substances.

The seminar featured two main thematic discussions. The first segment addressed critical perspectives on the issue, examining the health consequences, legal implications, and religious rulings regarding drug abuse. The session began with an impactful theatrical performance by the Wahj Al Khayal team, illustrating the devastating effects of narcotics on individuals and society at large.

The second part of the seminar focused on identity and citizenship values. A working paper was presented about this theme that emphasised the fundamental role of national identity in building an aware and cohesive society capable of overcoming various challenges.

A highlight of the event was the official unveiling of the winning logo for Dhank’s Community Competition Team to Combat Drug Abuse. This initiative aims to enhance community awareness and support youth-driven projects in drug prevention efforts, reflecting the local commitment to addressing this critical social issue.

Source:  https://timesofoman.com/article/158685-anti-drug-awareness-seminar-held-in-al-dhahirah

by Benedikt Fischer, Wayne Hall, Didier Jutras-Aswad, Bernard Le Foll – The Lancet – Volume 47. – 101141 – July 2025
For a decade, Canada, like the United States, has experienced a public health crisis from drug overdose deaths (DODs), mostly due to toxic synthetic opioids (SOs; e.g., fentanyl/analogues), commonly combined with other (e.g., methamphetamines, benzodiazepines) substances.1 This crisis has claimed >50,000 lives over the past decade in Canada alone, rendering DODs the primary population-based cause of non-natural deaths. Despite the vast implementation and expansion of prevention and treatment interventions, annual DOD tolls have steadily increased, i.e. from 2832 in 2016 to 8606 in 2023.2
Now, recent data indicate a sudden over-year decline of approximately 13% in DODs (to a projected 7501 in 2024) in Canada; this coincides with a similar approximate 17% reduction in DODs in the US.2,3 However, this development is not regionally consistent in Canada, as DOD decreases are concentrated mostly in Western/Central provinces (i.e., BC to Ontario), while Eastern provinces (e.g., Quebec) have experienced increases in DODs—regions that, notably, had reported disproportionately lower rates of SO-related DODs previously.2,4 The DOD decrease is a welcome development, yet its drivers are currently unclear while important for identification towards informing intervention development. Possibly relevant factors for consideration might include.

Risk population changes

The decline may reflect a reduction in the size of the risk population exposed to DOD risks, based on several factors. The cumulative DOD toll—mostly comprised of young/middle-aged individuals — may have substantively decimated the SO-user population.2 Its deadly consequences may have also amplified the impact of SO-related prevention messaging. In addition, restrictive policies have halved the volume of prescription opioids (i.e., 30,540 Defined Daily Doses [DDD] in 2012–2014 to 16,475 DDD in 2020–2022) in Canada, which may have reduced the population pool developing iatrogenic problems and transitioning to non-medical (e.g., SO) opioid use.

Supply dynamics

Changing SO supply dynamics may play a role. Originally, SO-products were mostly imported to North America from other source countries (e.g., China, Mexico), but there appear be shifts towards domestic production and distribution, for example as a consequence of increased production and precursor control abroad.3 Recent reports indicate increasing fentanyl production in Canada, including so-called ‘super-labs’, recently rendering it a ‘net exporter’ of fentanyl.5,6 Domestically produced fentanyl may differ in key characteristics like composition or dosing from the SOs produced abroad in ways that influence and reduce DOD-related risks.

Pharmacology

The pharmacological profiles of SOs consumed may have changed. While the vast majority of recent DODs in Canada have involved fentanyl/fentanyl-analogues, most DOD events involve other psychoactive (e.g., psychostimulant or sedative) substances either as contaminants or from concurrent use1,2 that may affect DOD-related outcomes in different ways. In the US, SO-products increasingly include xylazine, a sedative that may increase DOD risks but also extends SOs’ psychoactive effects of SOs and so may reduce use frequency and risk exposure.

Risk behaviours

Changes in DOD-relevant risk behaviours may be a factor. For example, while SO use was previously common to occur unintentionally due to distribution as counterfeit pills or mixed with other drugs, improved recognition of SO products by their consumers (e.g., through drug-checking or generally enhanced awareness) may have facilitated more cautious use practices.7 In addition, many SO consumers have switched from injecting to inhalation use, thereby reducing the DOD-related risks by decreased bio-absorption, or undertook other behaviour changes.4 However, these risk-behaviour changes have been observed for some time, and majorities of recent DODs have been shown to be associated with non-injection modes in Canada.

Interventions

In response to the toxic drug death crisis, Canadian jurisdictions have vastly expanded the availability of multiple intervention measures — such as supervised consumption, overdose prevention services, naloxone distribution and drug checking, all evidenced to contribute to DOD-related risk reductions.1,8 In addition, access to different modalities of — mostly opioid agonist-based—addiction treatment has been ramped up, also known to be protective for overdose risk.9 These expansions have occurred continuously through the DOD crisis, reducing their likelihood as a principal driver for the observed sudden DOD decrease. A more novel intervention implemented in select Canadian jurisdiction have been ‘safer drug supply’ programs which distribute pharmaceutical-grade opioids to at-risk users for DOD prevention.10 While these initiatives are documented to reduce DOD-related risk in participants, their reach in existing risk populations remains starkly limited (e.g., <5% in BC), moderating likely population-level DOD reduction effects.
Previous measures have been insufficient in curtailing the massive DOD-toll in Canada over a decade.1 The projected short-term decline in DODs is an encouraging development, though it is notably limited to only some (i.e., mostly Western/Central) regions. The tangible drivers behind the decline are not readily evident; however, similar declines in the US hint at a role of more structural (e.g., drug supply-related) factors operating across North America rather than Canada-specific determinants. The possible contributions of the factors considered, or others, should be rigorously investigated by way of robust (e.g., epidemiologic/modelling, drug toxicology, use-behavioral) examinations and analysis to guide possible development of or scaling up related further improved measures where possible towards additional, sustained reductions in the DOD toll.

Contributors

The authors jointly developed the concept for the article, and collected and interpreted related data for the study. BF led the manuscript writing; WH, DJA and BLF edited and revised the manuscript for substantive intellectual content. All authors approved the final manuscript submitted for publication.

Declaration of interests

Dr. Fischer and Dr. Jutras-Aswad have held research grants and contracts in the areas of substance use, health, policy from public funding and government organizations (i.e., public-only sources) in the last five years. Dr. Fischer acknowledges general research support from the Waypoint Centre for Mental Health Care; he was temporarily employed by Health Canada (2021–2022). Dr. Hall does not have any conflicts to declare. Dr. Jutras-Aswad acknowledges a clinical scientist career award from Fonds de Recherche du Québec (FRQS); he has received study materials from Cardiol Therapeutics for clinical trials. Dr. LeFoll has obtained research support (e.g., research funding/in-kind supports, expert consultancy, other supports) from Indivior, Indivia, Canopy Growth Corporation, ThirdBridge and Shinogi; he furthermore acknowledges general research support from CAMH, the Waypoint Centre for Mental Health Care, a clinician-scientist award from the Dept. of Family and Community Medicine and a Chair in Addiction Psychiatry from the Department of Psychiatry, University of Toronto.

Acknowledgements

The present study was not supported by any specific funder or sponsor.

References

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Fischer, B.
The continuous opioid death crisis in Canada: changing characteristics and implications for path options forward
Lancet Reg Health Am. 2023; 19, 100437
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Government of Canada
Opioid- and stimulant-related harms

Available from: https://health-infobase.canada.ca/substance-related-harms/opioids-stimulants/

Date accessed: May 15, 2025
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Drug Policy Alliance
Fact sheet: why overdose deaths are decreasing

Available from: https://drugpolicy.org/resource/fact-sheet-health-harm-reduction-approaches-pivotal-to-decrease-in-national-drug-overdose-deaths/

Date accessed: February 5, 2025
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Fischer, B. ∙ Robinson, T. ∙ Jutras-Aswad, D.
Three noteworthy idiosyncrasies related to Canada’s opioid-death crisis, and implications for public health-oriented interventions
Drug Alcohol Rev. 2024; 43:562-566
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Financial Transactions and Analysis Report Centre of Canada
Operational Alert: laundering the proceeds of illicit synthetic opioids
His Majesty the King in Right of Canada
2025
Cat. No. FD4-39/2024E-PDF; ISBN 978-0-660-72670-0
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CBC News
Criminal networks are shifting from fentanyl imports to Canadian-made product
2024

Available from: https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/fentanyl-produced-in-canada-1.7275200

Date accessed: February 5, 2025
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Brar, R. ∙ Grant, C. ∙ DeBeck, K. ∙ et al.
Changes in drug use behaviors coinciding with the emergence of illicit fentanyl among people who use drugs in Vancouver, Canada
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse. 2020; 46:625-631
8.
Irvine, M.A. ∙ Kuo, M. ∙ Buxton, J.A. ∙ et al.
Modelling the combined impact of interventions in averting deaths during a synthetic-opioid overdose epidemic
Addiction. 2019; 114:1602-1613
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Pearce, L.A. ∙ Min, J.E. ∙ Piske, M. ∙ et al.
Opioid agonist treatment and risk of mortality during opioid overdose public health emergency: population based retrospective cohort study
BMJ. 2020; 368, m772
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Slaunwhite, A. ∙ Min, J.E. ∙ Palis, H. ∙ et al.
Effect of Risk Mitigation Guidance for opioid and stimulant dispensations on mortality and acute care visits during dual public health emergencies: retrospective cohort study
BMJ. 2024; 384, e076336

Updated estimates indicate a greater need for treatment.

A new study reveals that a large number of American children are growing up in homes where at least one parent struggles with alcohol or drug use. This troubling environment may increase the chances that these children will face similar challenges later in life.

Using the latest available data from 2023, researchers estimate that 19 million children in the United States — that’s one in four kids under the age of 18 — live with a parent or caregiver who has a substance use disorder.

Even more concerning, around 6 million of these children are living in households where the adult also has a diagnosed mental illness along with their substance use disorder.

Alcohol is the most commonly misused substance among parents. The data suggests that about 12 million parents meet the criteria for some form of alcohol use disorder. Cannabis use disorder follows, affecting over 6 million parents. Additionally, approximately 3.4 million parents are struggling with the use of multiple substances at once.

Rising Numbers and Growing Concern

The number living with a parent who had any substance use disorder in 2023 is higher than the 17 million estimated in a paper published just months ago that used data from 2020.

“The increase and fact that one in four children now live with parental substance use disorder brings more urgency to the need to help connect parents to effective treatments, expand early intervention resources for children, and reduce the risk that children will go on to develop substance use issues of their own,” said Sean Esteban McCabe, lead author of the new study and senior author of the recent one.

The new findings are published in the journal JAMA Pediatrics by a team from the University of Michigan Center for the Study of Drugs, Alcohol, Smoking, and Health, which McCabe directs. He is a professor in the U-M School of Nursing and Institute for Social Research, and a member of the U-M Institute for Healthcare Policy and Innovation.

Both studies used data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health, a federal program that has tracked U.S. drug and alcohol use since the 1970s, yielding data that researchers and policymakers have used.

That survey faces an uncertain future due to staff and budget cuts at the federal agency where it’s based, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, or SAMHSA. The survey’s entire staff received layoff notices in April.

Drug Categories and Their Impact

In addition to alcohol and cannabis, McCabe and his colleagues estimate that just over 2 million children live with a parent who has a substance use disorder related to prescription drugs, and just over half a million live with a parent whose use of illicit drugs such as cocaine, heroin and methamphetamine meets criteria for a substance use disorder.

The researchers include Vita McCabe, the director of University of Michigan Addiction Treatment Services in the Department of Psychiatry at Michigan Medicine, U-M’s academic medical center.

“We know that children raised in homes where adults have substance use issues are more likely to have adverse childhood experiences, to use alcohol and drugs earlier and more frequently, and to be diagnosed with mental health conditions of their own,” said Vita McCabe, a board-certified in addiction medicine and psychiatry. “That’s why it’s so important for parents to know that there is effective treatment available, including the medications naltrexone and/or acamprosate for alcohol use disorder, cognitive behavioral therapy for cannabis use disorder, and buprenorphine or methadone for opioid use disorder including both prescription and non-prescription opioids.”

Both the new paper and the one published in March in the Journal of Addiction Medicine based diagnoses of substance use disorders and major mental health conditions on the criteria contained in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 5, or DSM-5.

In the March study, the authors showed that the change in how substance use disorder was defined in DSM-5 compared with its previous version led to a major increase in the number of children estimated to be living with a parent with a substance use issue.

Ty Schepis, an addiction psychologist at Texas State University, was the lead author of the earlier paper and is senior author of the new paper.

“Our new findings add to the understanding of how many children are living with a parent who has a severe and comorbid substance use disorder and other mental illness such as major depression,” he said. “This is important to note because of the additional risk that this creates for children as they grow into adults.”

The research was funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse, part of the National Institutes of Health (R01DA031160, R01DA043691).

Source: https://scitechdaily.com/1-in-4-kids-lives-with-a-parent-battling-addiction-alarming-study-finds/

Issued by DEA Public Affairs – May 15, 2025

Dianova and G2H2 launched a series of debates with a session dedicated to prevention and treatment initiatives for children and adolescents – 16/05/2025

Substance use prevention targeting children and adolescents is a science that relies on evidence-based interventions to address the complex factors contributing to substance use disorders – Photo by Ernest Brillo on Unsplash

On Tuesday 12 May, the first session in a series of debates organized by G2H2 was opened. Entitled ‘People, power and policies in global health: perspectives from civil society’, the series was organized in the run-up to the 78th World Health Assembly, held from 19 to 27 May.

Co-hosted by Dianova and the Geneva Global Health Hub (G2H2) , the session ‘Growing up safe: public health approaches to drug use prevention and treatment for children and adolescents’ brought together high-level participants, including Anja Busse (WHO) and Wadih Maalouf, (UNODC).

G2H2 is a network of civil society organisations based in Geneva that promotes information exchange and joint political action on global health issues – Dianova International is a member of G2H2.

The main objective of the session, as outlined by Gisela Hansen (moderator, Dianova International), was to reconnect drug policies with public health, focusing on the prevention and treatment of substance use among children and adolescents. The aim was to promote models centred on health and human rights, especially in vulnerable or disadvantaged contexts around the world.

Contributions follow from each of the following experts:

  • Anja Busse (World Health Organization)
  • Oriel Esculies (Proyecto Hombre, Spain)
  • Shrook Mansour Ali (Psychiatric Care Development Foundation, Yemen)
  • Cristina von Sperling Afidi (KKAWF, Pakistan)
  • Rajesh Kumar (SPYM, India)
  • Cressida de Witte (WFAD, Sweden)
  • Rebecca Haines-Saah (University of Calgary, Canada)
  • Wadih Maalouf (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime)

Anja Busse (WHO)

Head of the Unit on Drugs, Alcohol and Addictive Behaviours at the WHO. Anja has been involved in this field at the global level since 2005 and has been supporting science-based strategies for the treatment and care of drug dependence.

Anja took the floor and began by reminding  the WHO’s commitment to promoting global health, particularly among the most vulnerable. The WHO Constitution (1946) emphasizes the importance of healthy child development: “Healthy  development of the child is of basic importance, the ability to live harmoniously in a changing total environment is essential to such development.”

“A public health response to substance use prevention and treatment means reaching the highest number of people with the most effective, least costly, and least invasive strategy or intervention” 

This involves creating environments in which children and adolescents can grow up healthy and safe, and where it is easier for them to avoid alcohol, tobacco and drugs. The burden of responsibility should primarily be placed on the system and on all of us rather than on the individual.

Safer is an initiative launched by the World Health Organization (WHO) in 2018, aiming to prevent and reduce alcohol-related harm in various countries – image: excerpt from presentation by Anja Busse, WHO

UNODC data also reveal that, in 2021, around 5.3% of 15–16-year-olds had used cannabis in the previous year, and that, in most countries and regions, cannabis use is more prevalent among young people than in the general population.

  • Download .pdf presentation by Anja Busse

Anja highlighted that the UNODC and the WHO have published several documents on the health and development of children and adolescents, as well as international standards on drug use prevention. These include strategies targeting the population as a whole, as well as those used in schools, the health system, the workplace, the community, and finally, families. She emphasised one of the basic principles of prevention: ‘The earlier we act, the better’, although it is never too late to implement interventions.

Science based strategies targeting the general population have the widest impact, but they must also consider implementing interventions for the most at-risk groups.

Children and adolescents face several obstacles when seeking mental health and drug services – image: excerpt from presentation by Anja Busse, WHO

According to Anja, the most effective strategies target multiple and multi-level vulnerabilities rather than limiting themselves to narrow interventions in single settings. Finally, Anja emphasised the need for well-conducted planning involving many stakeholders and for an effective social and health system providing accessible mental healthcare services at all levels, which is not the case everywhere.

While it is acceptable for a government to restrict or regulate the availability, distribution and production of drugs, it is important to avoid the unnecessary punishment of people who use drugs.

After reviewing various organizational prevention methods and their effectiveness, Anja also highlighted interventions that research has found to be ineffective or of questionable or unproven effectiveness. These include media awareness campaigns (not effective); use of social media and influencers (effectiveness unknown); information sessions on the consequences or harms of drugs (not effective); sports and other leisure activities (lack of evidence, controversies) strategies targeting children/youth particularly at risk (lack of evidence) and drug testing in schools (no evidence).

Documents

  • Guidelines on mental health promotive and preventive interventions for adolescents (available in six languages)
  • Global Accelerated Action for the Health of Adolescents
  • Alcohol, Smoking and Substance Involvement Screening Test (ASSIST)
  • UNODC/WHO International Standards on Drug Use Prevention
  • A Global Health Strategy for 2025-2028

Oriol Esculies – Proyecto Hombre (Spain)

Oriol is a psychologist with over thirty years’ experience of helping people with addiction problems. He is the International Commissioner of the Proyecto Hombre association and coordinator of the Oviedo Declaration.

The impact of drugs, including tobacco and other legal substances, is enormous. This is not only an issue of security, economics or the law, but also a health issue affecting millions of people, including children and adolescents, in all aspects of their health: physical, emotional, intellectual and social.

We must invest in health now, while our children are healthy; otherwise, the future problem of substance use will be greater, not only for them, but for society as a whole – this is the paradox of prevention.

Some of the stakeholders involved in the Oviedo Declaration, following its presentation at the Commission for the Study of the Constitution (CND) in March 2024 – Photo: Proyecto Hombre, all rights reserved

This also presents a significant challenge to decision-makers and governments, as it necessitates planning and governance with a long-term vision. Launched last year, the Oviedo Initiative is a declaration comprising ten proposals in line with international standards on prevention. It is also a global mobilisation to incorporate prevention into drug policies once and for all. It is an inclusive, collective campaign that is already supported by over 3,000 institutions and several observers, including the UNODC.

  • Read article on the Oviedo Declaration and support the Declaration, available in 48 languages

The main strength of this initiative, which builds bridges between local and global levels, lies in the voluntary work of 174 focal points within countries. At Dianova International, we are honoured to contribute to this initiative as the focal point for Switzerland.

We hope that the resolution on prevention recently adopted by the CND in Vienna last March will mark a turning point towards the accelerated implementation of effective and forward-looking drug prevention policies.


Shrooq Mansour Ali, Psychiatric Care Developmental Foundation (Yemen)

As a public health expert and the Yemen focal point for the Oviedo Initiative, Shrooq works for the Yemeni NGO, the Psychiatric Care Developmental Foundation, providing mental health and psychological support services to vulnerable young people.

She points out that, after ten years of conflict, Yemen is facing one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, exacerbated by ongoing violence, the consequences of climate change and the collapse of the economy, institutions and services. According to the 2024 Humanitarian Needs Assessment, approximately half of Yemen’s population, or more than 18 million people, require humanitarian assistance.

Research has shown that populations affected by armed conflict are at a higher risk of using drugs as a coping mechanism in response to such dramatic situations.

Furthermore, factors such as prolonged psychological trauma, disrupted education, unemployment and chronic poverty in Yemen further increase the risks. Despite this, mental health and substance use issues remain highly neglected. Therefore, ensuring adequate care for substance use issues in humanitarian contexts is a priority.

As the focal point for the Oviedo Declaration in Yemen, Shrook and her colleagues face significant challenges in advancing the initiative within government structures due to the many divisions between the government recognised by international institutions in the south and the de facto authorities in the north. This means that all activities must be coordinated with different entities, which is made more difficult by the sensitive nature of the issue.

Yemen lacks reliable data on substance use. As one of the Oviedo Declaration’s recommendations highlights, there is a need to focus on evidence-based strategies grounded in the collection and evaluation of data. This data would serve as a basis for implementing prevention programmes and national policies in this area.

Problems associated with substance use exist in Yemen and can no longer be ignored or denied.


Cristina von Sperling Afridi, Karim Khan Afridi Welfare Foundation (KKAWF), Pakistan

Following the tragic loss of her son, Karim, in 2015, Cristina established the Karim Khan Afridi Welfare Foundation (KKAWF) to support young people and raise awareness of addiction. The foundation’s work is based on five pillars: drug awareness, sport, the environment, art and culture, and civic engagement.

Currently in Pakistan And across the region Drug use prevention strategies are significantly underrepresented In public policies agendas. The Oviedo declaration launched in 2024 represents a timely and powerful call to action urging nations to prioritize prevention in the drug policies For Pakistan this framework offers a critical opportunity to redirect focus towards long-term sustainable solutions.

Cristina emphasised the urgency of the situation: Pakistan lies at the heart of the Golden Crescent, one of the world’s most notorious drug producing region. Of all the countries in the region, Pakistan is the most affected by the drug menace. It harbors the largest heroin consuming population in the region, a crisis now compounded by the rise of crystal meth.

The growing threat of drug use among young people poses considerable social, health, and economic challenges for the nation. The KKAWF Foundation plays an active role in preventing drug use. It raises awareness among policymakers, civil society and other stakeholders of the importance of prevention.

Prevention must become the central pillar of national drug policies, but this requires essential resources, coordination and commitment — and urgently so!

The KKAWF develops numerous partnerships in its advocacy work for prevention. Here, the Foundation’s president, Cristina Von Sperling Afridi (right), with a representative of the Green Crescent Federation – Photo: KKAWF, all rights reserved

One of the Foundation’s main areas of focus is fostering collaboration between the government, civil society organisations, and the private sector, as only a unified, strategic approach can effectively address this public health crisis. It is also crucial to integrate drug education into school curricula at secondary and higher education levels.

The KKAWF advocates an evidence-based, stigma-free approach that promotes emotional intelligence, resilience, and critical thinking.

Cristina believes that prevention must become a way of life, not just a programme. She believes that only by cultivating a culture of prevention will it be possible to protect future generations.


Rajesh Kumar, Society for the Promotion of Youth and Masses (SPYM), India

Rajesh is the executive director of SPYM, an NGO that has worked in the field of addiction for over 40 years, receiving several national awards for its work with marginalised communities. SPYM has consultative status with ECOSOC, and Dr Kumar has served on numerous government and international bodies.

India’s proximity to the Golden Crescent and Golden Triangle has made the country a destination for large quantities of drugs. Substance use is therefore on the rise, particularly among children. In response to this serious violation of children’s rights, SPYM began working with children suffering from addiction in 2010.

In India, approximately 4 million children use opiates, 2.6 million inhale drugs, and 2 million use cannabis. Even with a population of over 1.4 billion, these figures represent a huge problem, particularly given that only 1% of affected children seek help.

While it is estimated that 99.9% of children do not use drugs, it is essential to invest in treatment and scientifically validated prevention strategies based on collaboration with families, communities and schools to ensure they stay on this path. These groups have a duty to ensure that substance use prevention and mental health are part of their regular activities, which is why SPYM has developed the Navchetna programme under the auspices of the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment.

  • Download .pdf presentation by Rajesh Kumar

The Navchetna school programme is designed with different modules tailored to students according to their age. It is run by trained teachers under the supervision of the Ministry of Education.

A significant part of SPYM’s work is carried out for the benefit of the well-being of the most disadvantaged children and adolescents – Photo: SPYM, all rights reserved

Once their training is complete, the ‘master trainers’ must in turn train up to 100 teachers within two years, with the ultimate goal of training one million teachers, although so far, only 100,000 have been trained. The programme also uses videos, which are currently available in English and Hindi and will soon be available in 12 regional languages.

SPYM also develops numerous programmes and activities to help vulnerable people, particularly children and teenagers. These include a community-based early intervention programme run by peers in nearly 300 districts in the country most affected by drug use, residential treatment centres for various populations including children and adolescents in conflict with the law, activities focused on life skills and rehabilitation, and advocacy activities.

SPYM and KKAWF are both associate members of Dianova International.


Cressida de Witte – World Federation Against Drugs (WFAD, Sweden)

Cressida is the project coordinator and communications manager for the WFAD. She leads projects for this organisation in various countries, including the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, India, and Georgia. She is also a member of the WFAD committees on gender and youth.

The continuum of care includes a wide range of interventions, from health promotion to recovery and follow-up, including various prevention strategies and different phases or modalities of treatment.

Diagram produced by Dr Audrey Begun – Theories and Biological Basis of Substance Misuse

The Continuum of Care in addiction treatment refers to a comprehensive approach that guides and tracks patients over time through various levels and intensities of care – Image: excerpt from presentation by Cressida de Witte

Although prevention programmes for young people generally target school-age children, adolescents and young adults due to the high risk of experimenting with substances, research has shown that prevention efforts should start even earlier.

The early years of a child’s life are a critical period for brain development. This is when the foundations of decision-making, impulse control and resilience are laid. As younger children learn to manage their emotions, resolve conflicts and set goals, they develop skills that will inform healthier choices in adolescence and adulthood.

However, prevention is not solely the responsibility of the child; it also depends on their environment, which is why action must be taken at all levels, from the macro to the micro, and from family dynamics to community support.

The WFAD is a multilateral community with ECOSOC consultative status, composed of over 470 NGOs in 73 countries. The organisation’s three pillars are capacity building through webinars, training courses and forums; advocacy at national, regional and international levels to strengthen prevention, treatment and recovery; and project development, particularly international projects. One such project is a youth project in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Sober Youth and Healthy Communities: Transforming Violent Youth in Kinshasa. Learn more about the project.

Within the framework of these advocacy efforts, the organisation launched the ‘Global Youth Declaration on Prevention, Treatment and Recovery’. Presented at the 68th session of the CND in March 2025, the declaration is based on six recommendations aimed at ‘ensuring access to prevention, treatment, rehabilitation and recovery services that are youth-friendly and respectful of their rights, in order to ensure a healthy, safe and drug-free future for all young people worldwide’. The declaration is available in seven languages.


Rebecca Haines-Saah – University of Calgary (Canada)

Rebecca is a public health sociologist and associate professor at the University of Calgary. Her research interests include youth drug use, harm reduction approaches, and drug policy reform.

As a teenager, she was cast in a popular Canadian television programme in which her character experimented with substance use. This, in some way, launched her career and her commitment to supporting young people she said.

Rebecca believes that we need to radically rethink drug prevention for young people. Unfortunately, in North America as elsewhere, prevention has long been based on values rather than scientifically validated evidence of what works and what doesn’t. Past prevention campaigns, such as Nancy Reagan’s ‘Just Say No’ motto, were never evidence-based or evaluated.

“Prevention has been based on values rather than evidence for too long, which is why we need to radically rethink drug prevention for young people” – excerpt from presentation by Rebecca Haines-Saah

Even worse, an evaluation of the D.A.R.E. (Drug Abuse Resistance Education) programme – a series of lessons delivered by police officers in schools – showed that it was associated with a slight increase in substance use! It was hypothesised that the most marginalised young people reacted badly to the presence of police officers in the classroom. These campaigns primarily relied on stereotypes and stigmatisation of young people.

“In Canada, it has been highlighted that the most effective drug prevention programmes have very little to do with drugs” 

If we want to improve prevention outcomes among young people, she stresses, we need to focus less on educating them about specific substances, and instead strive to promote community well-being, as well as individual and family resilience. That’s where we need to invest.

Scientific research indicates that effective strategies include psychosocial and developmental interventions that enhance conflict resolution and problem-solving abilities, social-emotional learning, and anything else that helps teenagers manage challenging situations with their peers and cope with trauma and community conflict. These strategies have demonstrated several positive long-term outcomes.

Rebecca also highlighted the implementation of a community-based prevention model in Calgary and other parts of the country. Planet Youth, the model implemented in Calgary and elsewhere, was developed based on the Icelandic prevention model: a participatory, evidence-based approach that has dramatically reduced substance use, particularly tobacco and alcohol.

Finally, Rebecca presented a slide on the ‘prevention pyramid’, particularly focusing on the first level: the more effort made to create equitable social and economic conditions, the better the results. She believes that this is a much more ambitious and difficult goal to achieve than simply setting up a programme or activity. However, it is on this point that our vision must be aligned.

The more effort that is made to create equitable social and economic conditions in prevention, the better the results.

In addition to prevention needs, Rebecca emphasised the urgent need to address young people’s harm reduction needs to prevent drug poisoning deaths. Drug poisoning is currently the leading cause of death among 10- to 18-year-olds in western Canada, ahead of cancer and car accidents, so this is a public health emergency.


Dr Wadih Maalouf – UNODC

Wadih is a public health professional who holds a PhD in mental health and drug epidemiology from the Johns Hopkins School of Public Health. With over 25 years’ experience, he is now the global coordinator of the addiction prevention programme at UNODC, and is one of the world’s leading prevention experts.

Wadih began by emphasising the importance and timeliness of this conversation because it is based on scientific evidence. A large number of standards have now been developed for prevention and treatment, thanks to collaboration between UNODC and WHO, and the science is available. He also noted that science is receiving greater recognition, not only from organisations working in the field, but also from civil society. This is evident in the 3,000 stakeholders who have rallied around the common agenda promoted by the Oviedo Declaration.

This recognition is also evident at government level, as demonstrated by the Commission on Narcotic Drugs’ resolutions, which call for early prevention to target different stages of development rather than drug use. These resolutions also call for multisectoral prevention, despite all the challenges posed by multilateralism.

There is now a desire to develop science-based, multisectoral prevention programmes for young people.

In his view, there is a real desire to prioritise science and prevention, particularly for young people, and to work across multiple sectors. With the right ingredients — science, political commitment, and action on the ground — it is possible to turn this knowledge into action.

As a people-centred approach, prevention must also focus on the environment and context in which people live, as well as their level of vulnerability. This systemic approach must aim to leave no one behind.

To achieve this, we must focus on different age groups, contexts of vulnerability and gender. This is an important consideration in the context of vulnerabilities, particularly for children, whose developmental trajectories may be affected in different ways.

The current generation of young people has the highest potential ever seen, which is why it is essential that they are meaningfully engaged in prevention efforts.

Young people are not only the beneficiaries of prevention; they must also be its agents because every child has the right to grow up healthy, and we have the means to make that happen.

From sfunes@drugfreeamericafoundation.ccsend.com – 16 May 2025

 

Today you can find marijuana everywhere, dispensaries around every corner or easily accessible through social media. This normalization is leading researchers to investigate its effects on various health conditions and the dangers associated with overconsumption of marijuana. This research shows that there is an association between marijuana use and the weakening of our immune system. Its consumption affects key parts of our defences against cancer while contributing to faster tumor progression, particularly for gastrointestinal conditions.

 

In general, individuals with substance use disorders, including cannabis use disorder (CUD), are more likely to experience delays in diagnosis and reduced involvement in their medical care. In addition, behavioral and psychiatric conditions linked to marijuana use such as anxiety and depression may prevent the adherence to the required treatment leading to negative prognosis.

 

Two recent studies, one on chronic pancreatitis and the other on colorectal cancer, highlight how CUD is linked to poorer outcomes in individuals suffering from chronic pancreatitis and colorectal cancer.

 

In the first study, researchers analyzed over 1,000 patients and found that those with pre-existing CUD were more likely to die within 5 years of receiving a colon cancer diagnosis. Among those who had a documented history of CUD prior to being diagnosed, the difference in outcomes were stark:

 

Five-year mortality rate:

  • Patients with CUD: 55.9%
  • Patients without CUD: 5.1%

 

In the second study, researchers linked CUD to worsened clinical outcomes in individuals with chronic pancreatitis, a painful and progressive condition where the pancreas becomes inflamed and damaged over time. These patients were found to be at greater risk of pancreatic flare up, pancreatic cancer, all-cause mortality, and pancreatic necrosis.

 

This association held firm even after the researchers accounted for opioid use, suggesting that marijuana itself may contribute to disease progression and complications.

 

CUD affects 3 in 10 users in the U.S., according to the CDC. As it becomes more normalized, the risks for vulnerable populations, in this case those with colon cancer and pancreatitis, continue to grow. These risks are too significant and call for more research, awareness and education, serving as a critical reminder that marijuana use is not harmless, especially when dependence develops.

 

For resources related to marijuana, check out www.dfaf.org/education.

 

Source:

From sfunes@drugfreeamericafoundation.ccsend.com

And for further related information. visit:

 

Drug use remains a persistent public health crisis affecting communities across the nation. The complexity of substance abuse requires a coordinated response from multiple agencies and sectors. When these entities work in isolation, gaps in care emerge and resources are used inefficiently. A collaborative approach offers the most promising path forward in addressing this multifaceted issue.The Current Landscape of Drug UseRecent data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health indicates that approximately 59.3 million Americans aged 12 or older used illicit drugs in the past year. Even more concerning is that only about 10% of individuals with substance use disorders receive specialized treatment. These statistics underscore the magnitude of the challenge and the urgent need for comprehensive strategies.The opioid epidemic continues to claim lives at an alarming rate, with over 100,000 drug overdose deaths recorded annually in recent years. Meanwhile, methamphetamine use has surged in many regions, and the emergence of potent synthetic drugs has further complicated prevention and treatment efforts.Breaking Down Silos Between AgenciesHistorically, responses to drug use have been fragmented across law enforcement, healthcare, social services, education, and community organizations. Each sector approaches the issue through its own specialized lens, often with limited awareness of complementary services or resources available elsewhere.

Breaking down these silos requires intentional structural changes. Joint task forces that bring together representatives from various agencies can facilitate information sharing and collective problem-solving. These coalitions should include representatives from public health departments, hospitals, mental health services, law enforcement, schools, community organizations, and recovery support services.

Regular interagency meetings allow stakeholders to share data, identify trends, and develop coordinated strategies. Shared databases and information systems enable real-time communication about emerging threats and available resources, while protecting client privacy through appropriate safeguards.

Collaborative Prevention Strategies

Prevention represents the most cost-effective approach to reducing substance use. When agencies collaborate on prevention initiatives, they can leverage their collective expertise and resources to maximize impact.

Schools can partner with public health departments and law enforcement to implement evidence-based prevention curricula. Community-based organizations can work with healthcare providers to identify and support at-risk youth. Faith communities can collaborate with social services to offer supportive environments and positive activities for young people.

Prevention efforts should address not only the risks of substance use but also underlying factors such as trauma, mental health issues, poverty, and social isolation. This holistic approach requires input from diverse agencies with expertise in these various domains.

Creating Seamless Pathways to Treatment

When someone seeks help for substance use, they often encounter a confusing maze of services spread across different agencies. Collaborative approaches can create more seamless pathways to appropriate care.

One successful model involves establishing centralized assessment and referral systems where individuals can receive comprehensive evaluations and be connected to appropriate services based on their specific needs. These “no wrong door” approaches ensure that regardless of which agency someone initially contacts, they can be guided to the full spectrum of available resources.

A Residential Treatment Center for Youth offers a critical component within this continuum of care. These specialized facilities provide structured environments where young people can receive intensive therapeutic interventions away from environments that may contribute to substance use. When integrated into a broader system of coordinated care, residential treatment centers can work closely with schools, juvenile justice systems, and community-based services to ensure smooth transitions and ongoing support for youth and their families.

Shared Funding and Resource Allocation

Limited resources often create competition between agencies addressing substance use. Collaborative approaches can help overcome this challenge through shared funding mechanisms and strategic resource allocation.

Pooled funding models allow agencies to combine resources for greater impact. Joint grant applications can access funding streams that might be unavailable to individual organizations. Cost-sharing arrangements for shared staff positions or facilities can extend limited budgets.

Some communities have established dedicated funding streams for substance use initiatives through tax measures or fees. These resources can be allocated through collaborative decision-making processes that ensure they address community priorities and gaps in services.

Data Sharing and Outcome Measurement

Effective collaboration requires shared data systems and agreed-upon outcome measures. When agencies use different metrics to evaluate success, it becomes difficult to assess the collective impact of their efforts.

Communities that have made progress in addressing substance use typically establish common data elements that all participating agencies collect and report. These might include measures of substance use prevalence, treatment access and completion, overdose rates, related criminal justice involvement, and social indicators such as employment and housing stability.

Regular analysis of this shared data allows partners to identify trends, evaluate the effectiveness of interventions, and make evidence-based adjustments to strategies. This approach transforms the collaborative from a mere networking group into a data-driven learning community.

Overcoming Barriers to Collaboration

Despite its benefits, interagency collaboration faces significant challenges. Differing organizational cultures, competing priorities, confidentiality concerns, and turf issues can impede cooperative efforts.

Successful collaborative address these barriers through formal agreements that clarify roles, responsibilities, and information-sharing protocols. Regular relationship-building activities help develop trust between partners. Training on confidentiality laws and regulations ensures that information can be shared appropriately while protecting client privacy.

Leadership commitment from the highest levels of participating organizations is essential to overcoming institutional resistance. When agency heads model collaborative behavior and allocate resources to support cooperative efforts, staff at all levels are more likely to embrace the approach.

Community Engagement as a Unifying Force

Community members, particularly those with lived experience of substance use, bring valuable perspectives to collaborative efforts. Their involvement can help ensure that strategies are culturally appropriate, respectful, and responsive to community needs.

Recovery community organizations, family support groups, and neighborhood coalitions should be equal partners in planning and implementing interagency initiatives. Their participation helps build public trust and ensures that services address the actual barriers and needs experienced by those seeking help.

Final Word

The fight against drug use requires the coordinated efforts of multiple agencies working together toward common goals. By breaking down silos, sharing resources, creating seamless pathways to care, and engaging the community, these collaborative can address substance use more effectively than any single agency working alone.

The most successful models recognize that substance use is influenced by complex biological, psychological, and social factors that cross traditional agency boundaries. Only through true collaboration can communities provide the comprehensive response needed to prevent drug use, support recovery, and promote health and wellbeing for all residents.

While challenges to collaboration exist, communities across the country have demonstrated that with commitment, creativity, and persistence, agencies can work together effectively to reduce the impact of substance use and build healthier communities for all.

Source: https://dailytrust.com/how-agencies-can-come-together-in-the-fight-against-drug-use/

by Dr Ross Colquhoun, Consultant to Drug Free Australia – March 26, 2025
Summary:
Key Findings:
1. Mortality and Relapse Risks – Research indicates that opioid-dependent individuals face heightened mortality risks when starting or discontinuing methadone treatment and, to a lesser extent, while in MMT. Reviews have consistently found no significant difference in mortality and criminality between those in MMT and those who have not been in treatment. Studies suggest that methadone is a significant factor in the recent increase in overdose-related deaths, as shown by the disproportionate numbers of overdose deaths associated with the prescribing of methadone for chronic pain relief in the US.
2. Long-Term Dependency and Treatment Retention – Methadone is found to retain more people in treatment and to prolong opioid use rather than facilitate recovery. Many individuals remain dependent for decades, experiencing difficulties in achieving abstinence due to severe withdrawal symptoms and long-term neurological changes caused by sustained opioid use.
3. Effectiveness in Reducing Illicit Drug Use – While methadone is promoted as a harm reduction strategy, findings suggest it does not significantly reduce illicit drug use in the long term, with many users continuing to inject heroin and other substances alongside methadone treatment.
4. Impact on Public Health and HIV/HCV Transmission – Contrary to some claims, studies indicate that methadone has a negligible effect on preventing the transmission of blood-borne diseases like HIV and hepatitis C. Research suggests that education, awareness campaigns, and access to ancillary medical, psychological, and social services are more effective at reducing risky behaviours than OAT programs.
5. Comparison with Naltrexone – Naltrexone, an opioid antagonist, is shown to be a safer alternative with better long-term outcomes. Studies demonstrate that long-acting naltrexone implants significantly reduce opioid use, have lower relapse rates, and allow individuals to regain normal cognitive and social functioning without ongoing opioid dependency.
6. Social and Psychological Consequences – Methadone treatment often leads to stigma and social limitations, with patients reporting dissatisfaction due to daily dosing requirements, the inability to travel freely, and a diminished quality of life. Many individuals perceive methadone as a “liquid handcuff” that prolongs addiction rather than offering a pathway to recovery.
7. Policy Implications and Recommendations – The paper suggests a re-evaluation of harm reduction policies that heavily rely on methadone. Instead, it advocates for greater accessibility to naltrexone-based treatments and comprehensive support services that focus on achieving full recovery rather than maintaining opioid dependence.
Conclusion:
While methadone remains a widely used treatment for opioid dependency, this review raises significant concerns regarding its long-term efficacy, safety, and impact on individuals’ lives. The findings suggest that long-acting naltrexone devices present a more viable alternative for those seeking complete abstinence, and public health strategies should shift towards supporting opioid-dependent individuals in achieving full recovery from addiction, restoration of cognitive function, and resumption of more productive activities rather than indefinite substitution therapy.
1. Introduction
This paper critically examines the effectiveness, safety, and long-term outcomes of opioid agonist treatments (OAT), particularly methadone, compared to opioid antagonists like naltrexone, in managing opioid dependency. The study reviews a vast body of research, including randomized controlled trials and cohort studies, highlighting key concerns regarding mortality, relapse rates, health effects, and the social implications of long-term OAT use. This monologue is organised as follows: Section 2 provides a review of the relevant literature, focusing on the effectiveness of Opioid Agonist Treatment (OAT), including retention in treatment, use of opioids and other drugs, injection of drugs, sharing of injection equipment, morbidity, and mortality while in treatment while not in treatment. In Section 3, I detail the research that relates to the effectiveness of OAT in the prevention of the transmission of blood-borne viruses. Section 4 presents the results of the research on long-term MMT, recent changes in the demographics of OUD people, and the structural brain changes from chronic drug use, while Section 5 reports on the evidence examining the effectiveness of slow-release naltrexone implants, and Section 6  concludes with a discussion of the research findings for methadone and naltrexone and makes recommendations, based on the evidence.
2. The Effectiveness of Opioid Agonist Treatment (OAT)
 Good evidence for the effectiveness of methadone is scant, consisting of poorly designed and implemented, mainly observational studies and very few quality, long-term RCT studies that are free of serious bias, with a history of ad-hoc-cherry-picking of dependent variables that look promising. It is also marked by extravagant claims based on wishful thinking and unsubstantiated assumptions, or at best, misleading associations (e.g. needle sharing and coincidental HIV transmission among IUDs and the claim that methadone was a critical component and cause of low infection rates, when research demonstrated that it was not protective of HIV transmission) (Ameijden, 1885) and the realisation of the harm that it causes only when the harm has already been done (e.g. the mortality rates of six times more on leaving MMT, compared to when people are in MMT (Caplehorn and Drummer, 1999; Santo, et al. 1995), and failure to safely and responsibly implement the program and rarely making any admission of these failings (e.g. that ancillary services were essential for the effective and responsible use of methadone and the implementation of dosing with virtually none of these services being made available to the patients, including medical examinations (Ward, 1995)) and in all probability concealment of the real level of harm (e.g. as revealed by the hugely disproportional number of fatalities caused by unscrutinised prescribing of methadone for chronic pain relief in the early 1990s in the US) (CNC, 2012). Most heinous is the irrational rejection and offhand denial of the solid evidence for the effectiveness of naltrexone in the effective treatment of OUD.
In this monologue, the evidence to support this thesis will be methodically documented and rigorously defended.
It is important to set the stage by making explicit the tragic consequences of opioid use disorder OUD and the urgent need to find a solution to stem the tide of death and destruction that is causing in our communities. Illicit opioid use, especially heroin injection, causes significant personal and public health problems in many countries across the globe (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2008). Apart from the burden on users, their families and the broader community, opioid dependence increases the risk of premature mortality (Darke et al., 2006). This elevated risk is concentrated in several causes of death: accidental drug overdose, suicide, trauma (e.g. motor vehicle accidents, homicide, or other injuries), the spread of HCV infections and risky behaviour that facilitates the transmission of HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases (Degenhardt et al., 2004, Degenhardt et al., 2006, Darke et al., 2006).
According to Santo and colleagues (2021), researchers claimed that multiple randomised controlled trials and observational studies had found that “methadone treatment decreases illicit opioid use and other drug use, improves social functioning, decreases offending behaviour, and improves health” claims that had been made by earlier researchers (Ward et al., 1998, Mattick et al., 2003). All these outcomes it was claimed, were due to the circumstances surrounding attending dosing facilities, such as having to spend less time finding and pursuing illicit opioids without reducing their dependence on opioids, the use of other illicit drugs, or the risks involved. It is noteworthy that these researchers do not associate OAT (methadone or buprenorphine) with any reduction in mortality or that it was protective against HIV or HCV, which had been the most influential claims that led to many countries adopting OAT programs.
However, early reports of research into the effectiveness and safety of methadone as a substitute treatment for opioid dependency raised concerns that were confirmed by later research, which initiated the search for a safer agonist substitute than methadone. In 1998, Ward (1995) stated that: “Opioid pharmacotherapy is not without its own risks” and that it does not “completely remove the excess mortality risks that opioid-dependent persons are known to face” (Darke et al., 2006). Moreover, studies had shown “high mortality during the period of induction onto methadone “ (Caplehorn, 1998, Buster et al., 2002). Later research confirmed that the period at induction onto methadone and after cessation of methadone dosing carried elevated mortality risks (Caplehorn and Drummer, 1999; Buster et al., 2002; Brugal et al., 2005).
In a report of this more recent research conducted by Santo and colleagues (2021), the authors collected and analysed data on all-cause or cause-specific mortality among people with opioid dependence while receiving and not receiving (OAT) from all observational studies and from randomized clinical trials (RCTs). In all. 15 RCTs, comprising 3852 participants, and 36 primary cohort studies, of 749,634 participants, were analysed.
The authors introduced their paper by proclaiming that “methadone and buprenorphine were classified by the World Health Organization as essential medicines for opioid agonist treatment (OAT) for opioid dependence and that there is “robust evidence from a recent systematic review that during OAT, overdose and all-cause mortality are reduced among people with opioid dependence”, citing a published paper of Sordo, et al.(2017), which concluded that “people who cease OAT are at the highest risk of all-cause and overdose mortality in the first 4 weeks after treatment cessation and that risk of mortality is elevated in the first 4 weeks of OAT compared with the remainder of time of receiving OAT”. This paper did not address the broader issue of “overdose and all-cause mortality” being “reduced among people with opioid dependence”, but only reviewed the deaths of people with Opiate Use Disorder (OUD), while they were in OAT and during the period when they had recently commenced or ceased the treatment.
In their review, Santo and colleagues (2021) aimed to (1) examine and compare all-cause and cause-specific crude mortality rates (CMRs) during and out of OAT, for both randomised clinical trials (RCTs) and observational studies; (2) examine these rates according to specific periods during and after treatment; (3) examine and compare all-cause and cause-specific CMRs for OAT provided during incarceration, after release from incarceration while receiving OAT, and according to the amount of time receiving and not receiving OAT after release from incarceration; and (4) to examine the association between risk of mortality during and out of OAT by participant and treatment characteristics. They claimed that this kind of systematic review of the evidence related to the use of OAT and other causes of death had not been done before.
They concluded that among the cohort studies, the rate of all-cause mortality during OAT was more than half of the rate seen among those who had left OAT. They found that 45 deaths in total were reported across Randomised Clinical Trials (RCTs) and that 7 of 15 RCTs (47%) reported no deaths. They concluded that there was no significant difference in all-cause mortality for patients allocated to OAT compared with comparison groups and that three of 15 RCTs (20%) evaluated the administration of OAT to people with OUD who were incarcerated where no deaths were reported.
They went on to report that in the “first 4 weeks of methadone treatment, rates of all-cause mortality and drug-related adverse events were almost double the rates during the remainder of OAT. Further, all-cause mortality was 6 times higher in the 4 weeks after OAT cessation (RR, 6.01; 95% CI, 4.32-8.36), remaining double the rate for the remainder of the time they were not receiving OAT.” The researchers concluded that the results suggested that “RCTs of OAT were underpowered to examine mortality risk” and that “there was no significant association between OAT and mortality risk in the pooled community RCTs. They found that viral hepatitis mortality was higher among those who received OAT in 7 studies. they also found that people with opioid dependence were at substantially lower risk of suicide, cancer, drug-related, alcohol-related, and cardiovascular-related mortality during OAT compared with time while not receiving OAT and while they had hypothesised a relationship between OAT and mortality risk due to injection-related injuries and diseases, such as bacterial infections, “no such relationship was identified.”
However, depending on which comorbidities were considered, researchers reported divergent findings. For example, in one study, Nosyk et al. (2009), found retention was higher among people with greater comorbidity (measured as the number of chronic diseases), while two other studies both suggested that there was no association between HIV or HCV status and retention in OAT (Kimber, 2010; Gisev, 2015)
An Australian study suggested that depression and other substance use disorders were associated with increased retention in OAT, whereas psychosis was associated with reduced retention. Moreover, cohort studies that had adjusted for comorbidity did not find changes in the estimated mortality risk by time during and out of OAT (Degenhardt et al. 2009).
Despite the reported findings, they concluded that the results of the systematic review meta-analysis, showed that OAT was “an important intervention for people with opioid dependence, with the capacity to reduce multiple causes of death.” They suggested that despite this positive association, few people with OUD stay in OAT for very long, and participation remains limited in the US and globally, perhaps due to the low uptake of OAT and a perception among OUDs that there were more negative aspects to OAT than there were benefits.
As indicated above, the study cited Sordo, et al.(2017), who did not provide this “robust” evidence of the benefits of OAT or that, overdose and all-cause mortality were reduced among people with opioid dependence., but compared “all-cause deaths” for people retained on methadone and buprenorphine and those who had recently left treatment, and concluded that “Retention in methadone and buprenorphine treatment is associated with substantial reductions in the risk for all-cause and overdose mortality in people dependent on opioids.”, compared to those who leave treatment and for the first two weeks after they enter treatment. This infers that mortality is higher for those who are retained on methadone and is even higher when people first commence OAT and when they leave an OAT program than opiate-dependent people who had never entered treatment. It does not say otherwise, as it does not include people who never entered OAT programs and who continued to use other opioids, whether prescribed or otherwise, or those who had managed to detoxify and achieve abstinence from all drugs, including methadone. They then concluded that “The induction phase onto methadone treatment and the time immediately after leaving treatment with both drugs are periods of particularly increased mortality risk, which should be dealt with by both public health and clinical strategies to mitigate such risk and base their predicted reduction in deaths on improved strategies to keep people dependent on the substitute opioids for longer periods.” They conclude that “further research must be conducted to properly account for potential confounding and selection bias in comparisons of mortality risk between opioid substitution treatments, as well as throughout periods in and out of each treatment.” (Sordo, et al., 2017)
It suggests that those who are inducted into OATs are more likely to die than if they had never been dosed with methadone. It becomes apparent that high-dose methadone leaves the user at high risk of unintentional overdose and death when they use other drugs that suppress respiration due to the synergistic effect of these drugs. It is well documented that the risk of overdose is greatly increased when opioids, including methadone, are used in combination with other CNS depressants, such as alcohol and benzodiazepines (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
Further to this, a study by the CDC in 2012 in the US, found that “by 2009, methadone accounted for nearly one-third of all opioid-related deaths, even though it represented only 2% of opioid prescriptions.” It was thought that methadone’s long half-life led to overdose deaths. The report also noted that “methadone accounted for 39.8% of single-drug opioids prescribed for pain relief (OPR) deaths, highlighting its significant role in overdose fatalities when used alone.” This suggests that while the number of prescriptions was significantly lower compared to other opioids prescribed for pain relief, the risk was higher as the overdose death rate for methadone was significantly greater than that for other OPRs for multidrug and single-drug deaths. (CDC, 2012). Although the figures for mortality for OUD people undergoing MMT are not made available, it strongly suggests that the risk of mortality associated with the use of methadone for OUD people is far greater than advocates for MMT are willing to admit.
Opiate use is inherently dangerous, with death rates among groups not in treatment ranging from 1.6 to 8.4% with, on average, over 29 studies showing a death rate of 5.1% (Caplehorn et al., 1996). Moreover, patients in methadone maintenance show death rates of between 0.76% and 4.4%. Patients who had been discharged from methadone treatment show death rates between 1.65 and 8.4% averaging 4.9% from six studies (Caplehorn et al., 1996). However, diverted methadone has been implicated in higher death rates. In Scotland 79% of drug-related deaths were found to involve methadone, either alone or in combination with other drugs (Ling, Huber, & Rawson, 2001)
It may also suggest that ongoing dysregulation and discomfort while taking methadone and withdrawal symptoms both when leaving MMT and following a missed dose, and the inability of those in MMT to achieve abstinence are the reasons that people leave OAT programs as they find it impossible to succeed given the severity and prolonged and severe withdrawal symptoms This seems to be directly related to the unacceptable rise in deaths, when these people resume injecting other, more potent opioids and other CNS depressant drugs. In light of this, it is inconceivable that these ‘experts’ would not consider the preferred option of their patients becoming abstinent and meeting the needs of their patients based on the evidence of the efficacy of using extended-release naltrexone to facilitate this course of action.
In defence of their assertion as to the proven effectiveness of reducing illicit opiate use and the other claimed benefits of OAT, Sordo and colleagues (2017) referenced the Cochrane reviews of the evidence presented by Mattick and colleagues (2003 and 2009) and Larney and colleagues (2014). The authors reported eleven studies that met the criteria for inclusion in this review, all were randomised clinical trials, and two were double-blind. There were a total number of 1969 participants. The sequence generation was inadequate in one study, adequate in five studies and unclear in the remaining studies. The allocation of concealment was adequate in three studies and unclear in the remaining studies. Methadone appeared statistically significantly more effective than non-pharmacological approaches in retaining patients in treatment and in the suppression of heroin use as measured by self report and urine/hair analysis (6 RCTs, RR = 0.66 95% CI 0.56-0.78), but not statistically different in criminal activity (3 RCTs, RR=0.39; 95%CI: 0.12-1.25) or mortality (4 RCTs, RR=0.48; 95%CI: 0.10-2.39). The 2009 paper found that there was a significant improvement in reduced injecting and retention in treatment, however, there was no significant difference in criminality and mortality between those on methadone maintenance medication and those not receiving treatment, which contradicted the findings of Sordo, although Mattick’s review included the broader group of those with OUD including those who had never been in OAT. The inference is that OAT did not significantly decrease mortality or criminality among OUDs. In the Cochrane Review of 2014, Larney and colleagues found that a moderate dose of “buprenorphine did not suppress illicit opioid use measured by urinalysis and was no better than placebo” and that there was high-quality evidence that buprenorphine, “was less effective than methadone in retaining participants” and “For those retained in treatment, no difference was observed in suppression of opioid use as measured by urinalysis or self-report.”. Again, these studies did not provide evidence of the effectiveness of OAT programs, either by dosing people on methadone or buprenorphine, but merely compared the two pharmacotherapies with both linked to unacceptable risk.
In the Sordo (2017) paper, they made the claim that OST has been shown to reduce mortality, and they cite a paper published in 2009, written by Degenhardt et al., as evidence of this claim. However, this paper does not show that this is the case as the results were reported as:
“ Mortality among 42,676 people entering opioid pharmacotherapy (methadone) was elevated compared to age and sex peers, where drug overdose and trauma were the major contributors. Mortality was higher out of treatment, particularly during the first weeks, and it was elevated during induction onto methadone but not buprenorphine, a partial agonist/antagonist. Mortality during these risky periods changed across time and treatment episodes. Overall, mortality was similarly reduced” (compared to those who had withdrawn from the treatment) “whether patients were receiving methadone or buprenorphine”. It was estimated that the program produced a 29% reduction in mortality across the entire cohort”. That is, for those who were in OAT or had recently commenced or ceased OAT.
They concluded that:
“Mortality among treatment-seeking opioid-dependent persons is dynamic across time, patient, and treatment variables. The comparative reduction in mortality during buprenorphine induction may be offset by the increased risk of longer out-of-treatment time periods. Despite periods of elevated risk, this large-scale provision of pharmacotherapy is estimated to have resulted in significant reductions in mortality” That is, only while people are retained in treatment,
However, Mattick et al., in a paper published in 2003) admitted that: “The need for supervised daily dosing of methadone in a defined treatment setting, and evidence of increased overdose death on induction into MMT “ (not to mention the even higher mortality among those leaving OAT programs), “ prompted the search for alternative pharmacological treatment options. As a partial agonist, buprenorphine produces less depression of respiration and consciousness than methadone, thereby reducing the overdose risk. They state that buprenorphine is longer acting than methadone, allowing for less than daily dosing, although it has been found not to be effective in retaining people in treatment, as it is not effective in suppressing opioid craving and is not favoured by injecting drug users (IDUs) as it blocks the effect of opiates and it is not without risks when people inject it,” (Mattick, 2014) and it was reported “buprenorphine did not suppress illicit opioid use measured by urinalysis and is no better than placebo and that there was high-quality evidence that buprenorphine”, “was less effective than methadone in retaining participants”. This statement is very telling as it was earlier declared that a substitute for methadone needed to be found because of the poor outcomes of MMT and that buprenorphine seemed superior (Mattick et al., in a paper published in 2003). So, it seems that there were doubts, even alarm, about the effectiveness and safety of methadone some 15 years before given the unacceptable rate of mortality upon induction onto methadone and for a period following cessation of the treatment (Sordo 2017; Degenhardt et al., 2009).
To further investigate the efficacy of OAT, Degenhardt and colleagues (2009) conducted a large-scale demographic study of OUDs entering OAT over a period of.10 years in NSW.
The stated aims of the study were to:
• “(i) Estimate overall mortality for all persons entering opioid pharmacotherapy between 1985 and 2006, by demographic and treatment variables;
• (ii) Examine whether demographic or treatment variables were related to mortality levels during and following cessation of treatment;
• (iii) Estimate mortality risk, according to specific causes of death, during time within treatment and following cessation of treatment;
• (iv) Estimate the number of lives that may have been saved by the provision of methadone and buprenorphine in NSW over this period (ie. Within treatment and following cessation of treatment)
• (v) That is, to consider the estimated lives saved from the improved clinical delivery of these treatments” by keeping people on methadone for longer periods (indefinitely) therefore reducing deaths when they leave and re-enter treatment.
And further:
“Mortality among opioid-dependent people entering opioid pharmacotherapy is elevated compared to age and sex peers, with overdose, external causes and suicide the major contributors. This elevated mortality is higher when out of treatment (i.e., treatment reduces mortality only while people are retained in treatment), and it is particularly elevated during the first weeks out of treatment. The elevation in mortality varied in ways that probably reflect heroin availability and use. Mortality was highest during induction onto methadone”. (Degenhardt, 2009).
Nowhere in this paper does it state that OAT programs reduced mortality among opioid-dependent people who have not entered treatment, nor does it offer any evidence to support this contention.
Moreover, methadone is associated with continued injection of heroin and other drugs, as the overall median duration of injecting is longer for those who start methadone compared to those who don’t. For those who do not start methadone treatment, the median time of injecting is 5 years (with nearly 30% ceasing within a year) compared to a prolongation of opioid use and injecting for up towards 40 years (albeit at a reduced frequency) or more for those who continue with opioid substitution treatment (Kimber, Copeland, Hickman, Macleod, McKensie, De Angelis & Robertson, 2010). This means that if the time in agonist treatment is up to 8 times as long, the harm that is associated with injecting drugs, will inevitably result in an overall increase in mortality and morbidity.
It must be asked why Sando did not simply refer to some of the earlier studies that were enthusiastically referred to as robustly and overwhelmingly validating the efficacy of OAT and had convinced many that methadone was effective and achieved reductions in heroin use and other drug use, unsafe injecting, criminal activities, social dysfunction, and mortality, and prevention of BBV transmission. The reason appears to be that these studies were flawed and did not provide convincing evidence of the effectiveness of methadone among the population of OUDs attending community-based methadone dispensing facilities or in the prison system.
 Many of the papers justifying methadone were conducted over only 6-12 months with some as short as a few weeks, often with small samples (often only 7 or 8 subjects in each arm) and with using non-representative populations. A breakdown of some early studies indicates several problems that make these claims doubtful.
The Dole et al. (1969) study that was considered a landmark study confirming the benefits of methadone had a duration of 12 months and looked at two groups: MM (16) vs. Control (16), and reported on daily heroin use. With an odds ratio of 0.01 (0.0–0.2), it tended to support the contention that methadone was effective in reducing heroin injecting. While it is expected that there would be a decline in heroin use, compared to the control group, who inevitably would continue to use heroin, and given its addictive properties, the study did not report on other variables that were considered to be vitally important, such as mortality, the use of other drugs, the dropout rates, and the movement in and out of the program, changes in health status and social functioning, among others, as they may not have been tested for or they did not reach significant levels and were not reported. Moreover, the very small number of subjects that were not randomly allocated to treatment levels raises some doubts about the robustness of these results.
A similar outcome was reported by Gunne & Gronbladh (1981), with a study duration of 24 months. The study compared MM (17) to a control group (17) with an odds ratio of 62.4 (8.0–487.9). Again, it seems that the reported outcomes that more were retained in MM treatment were expected, although the width of the CI (e.g., for treatment retention and discontinuation of illicit drug use) indicated variability, likely due to the small sample size and/or the heterogeneity in the study design, and that the subjects were not randomly allocated makes the results unreliable. Again, they did not report on other variables that are of vital interest perhaps because they were not significantly different.
However, several studies with larger subject numbers, were completed: Newman & Whitehill (1976), with a study of duration 36 months MM (50) vs. Placebo (50) found a reduction in imprisonment for those on OAT (0dds ratio 0.02; CI 0.0–0.4); Vanichseni et al. (1992) in a study with a duration of 45 days compared MM (120) vs. Methadone detoxification (120) (Interim), and found that numbers that were discharged for heroin use were different between the two groups with an odds ratio 0.3 (0.1–0.9); Yancovitz et al. (1992) showed a similar pattern with a trial period duration of one month comparing MM (121) vs. Control (118), found that discontinuing regular illicit drug use favoured the MM group with an odds ratio of 38.4 with a wide CI of 4.0–373.1; Strain et al. (1993) reported on four outcomes of a study with a duration of 20 weeks that compared MM 50 mg (84) vs. Placebo (81) to test the odds of each group testing positive to morphine >50% of the time, completing 45 days in treatment, returning a positive urine test for morphine and retention in MMT at 20 Weeks with each trial favouring the MM group, with odds ratios of 4 (CI 0.2–0.6), 6.1 (3.4–10.6),  0.3 (0.2–0.5), and 4.1 (2.1–8.2), respectively. Apart from the study by Newman & Whitehill (1976), which included 50 subjects in each comparison group and had a duration of 36 months, the duration of these other studies was very short. Notwithstanding, this study is flawed as it chose “imprisonment,” a curious dependent variable to test, because it can relate to the commission of a crime prior to coming into MMT or during MMT and that may be unrelated to drug use. Like this, of the many variables that are touted as being positively affected by MMT, each study reported on a single and predictable variable.
The choice of the variable to be measured seems to be done ad hoc, rather than a priori. This occurs when there are no significant differences that were predicted are found, such as reduced mortality or transmission of BBVs, and the researcher goes searching among the results to find a variable that did reach statistical significance when the data are reanalysed and results retested. It is also apparent that the many other variables that are meant to be impacted by MMT did not reach significance as they were not reported. It raises the possibility that many other studies that did not find any significance were never sent for publication or were rejected by the door-keeper editors of the major journals, who actively censor research that does not adhere to their views about OAT.
This research on the effectiveness of OAT is neither relevant nor informative, as it doesn’t touch on the important issues, such as mortality, morbidity, continued injecting of opioids and other drugs, reduction in risky behaviour, improved health and social outcomes, including the transmission of BBV, nor does is it sound in its methodology, design or analysis of findings, as it rarely extends over sufficient time to be useful as many people cycle in and out of treatment or tend to stay on methadone for 20 to 40 years. Even though, death represents the more relevant effect of abuse and the more reliable outcome measurable in population studies, mortality is rarely reported in RCTs of treatment of opioid dependence and is seldom considered to assess the efficacy of treatments. The issue of association between intermediate and surrogate indicators and the actual outcome of interest (i.e., quality and duration of life) seems to be extremely relevant in the interpretation and generalization of the results of these studies and should be the subject of high-quality long-term RCT studies. The high rates of mortality among people leaving MMT, and large numbers cycle in and out of treatment, and disproportionate mortality among people prescribed methadone for chronic pain relief should have been predictable had these precautionary studies been done (Amato, 2005).
An exception was a prospective open cohort study, conducted over a period of 27 years. Kimber et al. (2010) examined survival and long-term cessation of injecting in a cohort of drug users and assessed the influence of opiate substitution treatment on these outcomes. 794 patients with a history of injecting drug use presented between 1980 and 2007; 655 (82%) were followed up, and (85%) had received OAT. Results showed that of the total number of those in the cohort, 277 participants achieved long-term cessation (5 years or more) of injecting, and 228 died. Half of the survivors had poor health-related quality of life. The median duration from first injection to death was 24 years for participants with HIV and 41 years for those without HIV. For each additional year of opiate substitution treatment, the hazard of death before long-term cessation fell by 13% (95% confidence interval 17% to 9%) after adjustment for HIV, sex, calendar period, age at first injection, and history of prison and overdose. Exposure to opiate substitution-agonist treatment (OAT) was inversely related to the chances of achieving long-term cessation of injecting. They concluded that although survival benefits increased with cumulative exposure to treatment, the “treatment does not reduce the overall duration of injecting” and, therefore, did not have an impact on the transmission of BBV, which was declared to be a major benefit of OATs.
The study reported by Yancovitz et al., (1991) that was mentioned earlier, comprised 149 subjects who were randomly assigned to a treatment group and to a control group of 152 not on OAT at an interim methadone maintenance clinic. The treatment group was on a maintenance dosage of 80 mg/day. One-month urinalysis follow-up data of 129 subjects originally assigned to the treatment group and 121 assigned to the control group showed a significant reduction in heroin use in the treatment group with no change in the control group. A higher percentage of the treatment group were in treatment at the 16-month follow-up. The researchers claimed that the limited services interim methadone maintenance group reduced heroin use while waiting for entry into a comprehensive treatment program, which resulted in an increased number entering treatment compared to the group that received no treatment. This was not only very short-term (one month of drug testing), but it did not have any bearing on the experience of those who attended unsupported methadone dispensing facilities over many years. Moreover, it must be asked, as they were all dependent on opioids, what was it that the control group was meant to do but to continue to use heroin while they waited to join the MMT program? While it was no surprise that those receiving methadone were spared the inconvenience of having to source heroin each day, it seemed that, in any case, many did. Further to that, there appeared to be no other benefits of being dosed on methadone that were worth reporting (Yancovitz et al., 1991).
In a 1981 study by Gunne and Grönbladh, the sample size was notably small, with only 34 participants divided equally between the methadone maintenance treatment (MMT) group and the control group. Such limited sample sizes can significantly impact the statistical power of a study, making it difficult to detect true effects. Additionally, small samples may not accurately represent the broader population, limiting the generalizability of the findings. Therefore, while the study reported positive outcomes for the MMT group, these results should be interpreted with caution due to the potential limitations imposed by the small sample size. Again there were no other significant findings that were worth reporting despite their importance in evaluating the efficacy of MMT. (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012)
In 2007, Kinlock and colleagues conducted a randomized clinical trial examining the impact of methadone maintenance initiated in prison on post-release outcomes. The study involved 204 incarcerated males with pre-incarceration heroin dependence, who were assigned to one of three groups: counselling only, counselling with transfer to methadone maintenance upon release, and counselling with methadone maintenance initiated in prison and continued post-release. Findings at 12 months post-release indicated that participants who began methadone maintenance in prison had higher treatment retention and lower rates of opioid use compared to the other groups.
Regarding the relevance of the 2007 study by Kinlock and colleagues, which involved men with pre-incarceration heroin dependence, the findings demonstrated that initiating methadone maintenance treatment (MMT) in prison led to higher treatment retention and lower rates of opioid use post-release compared to other groups. However, generalising these results to populations beyond incarcerated individuals would not be valid. The unique environment of incarceration, along with factors such as structured daily routines, limited access to illicit substances, and diversion of methadone, were likely to influence treatment outcomes differently than in non-incarcerated settings. In conclusion, the authors say, “Methadone maintenance initiated prior to or immediately after release from prison appears to have a beneficial short-term impact on community treatment entry and heroin use.
Therefore, while the study provided some insights into the impact of initiating MMT. during incarceration, further research was necessary to determine if these findings were applicable to prisoner populations and if they persist in being dosed, let alone other populations, such as individuals undergoing long-term, community-based treatment programs. It is also apparent that prisoners who leave jail while being dosed on methadone are at elevated risk of overdosing and death, especially when they find it difficult to find a dosing facility once released and withdrawal symptoms become intolerable.
A later meta-analysis of opioid-related mortality by Gahji and colleagues in 2019 tended to confirm this heightened risk of overdose, when they found that in a total of 32 cohort studies (representing 150 235 participants, 805 423.6 person-years, and 9112 deaths) that met eligibility criteria, crude mortality rates were substantially higher among methadone cohorts than buprenorphine cohorts. Relative risk reduction was substantially higher with methadone relative to buprenorphine when time in-treatment was compared to time out-of-treatment. This statement means that when comparing the effectiveness of methadone versus buprenorphine in reducing a specific risk (likely overdose or relapse), methadone appeared to provide a greater reduction in risk, but only when considering the time that patients were actively in treatment versus the time they were out of treatment.
This suggests that while people are actively in treatment, methadone provides a stronger protective effect against overdose, death, or other risks compared to buprenorphine.
It also means that looking at overall death rates, more deaths occurred in methadone patients compared to buprenorphine patients.
To make sense of this information, it is necessary to understand the mechanism that leads to methadone deaths being 6 times higher during the period after leaving an MMT program, that results in over 30% of the deaths of those using prescription opioids when only 2% of the opioid pain relief prescriptions are for methadone and 79% of the overdose deaths among a group of hardened long-term opioid addicts and leads to an unacceptable death rate among those on MMT.
Users can develop tolerance to methadone, like other opioids. Tolerance occurs when the body adapts to the drug’s effects over time, requiring higher doses to achieve the same therapeutic or subjective effects. However, tolerance develops unevenly across different effects of methadone, and some effects may persist even as others diminish. Even after withdrawal symptoms begin, significant levels of methadone remain in the body due to its long half-life (24–36 hours). This creates a dangerous scenario where a person experiencing withdrawal might take additional opioids (e.g., heroin, fentanyl, or oxycodone) to relieve symptoms, inadvertently risking overdose from the combined effects of residual methadone and the new opioid. Methadone and other opioids both suppress breathing. Even partial residual methadone can synergize with a new opioid dose, overwhelming the respiratory system. Tolerance to respiratory depression is incomplete, so combining opioids can lead to a fatal overdose even in tolerant individuals (SAMHSA).
SAMHSA (2012) warns that relapse during methadone withdrawal is a high-risk period for overdose due to fluctuating tolerance and residual methadone and CDC Data shows that individuals discontinuing methadone or other opioids face a 5–10× higher overdose risk in the first 2 weeks of withdrawal.
After 1–3 days, withdrawal begins, but methadone levels are still substantial. Adding another opioid risks immediate overdose, and after 4–14 days, methadone levels decline further, but tolerance may drop rapidly. Relapse doses that were once “safe” can now be fatal. {SAMSHA, 2012)
Moreover, it seems that those who have gone into MMT hoping for substantial benefits, as promised by the advocates, have not experienced an improvement in health or social functioning. Rather, they are subject to numerous negative effects as they develop tolerance to methadone. These include tolerance to methadone’s pain-relieving effects can develop, particularly in individuals using it long-term for chronic pain. Higher doses may be needed over time to maintain efficacy. Tolerance to the euphoric and sedative effects develops relatively quickly. It heightens overdose risk if users resort to other CNS depressants to get pain relief and who want to experience the euphoria that initially lead to becoming dependent on opioids. It also includes partial tolerance to respiratory depression however, this tolerance is incomplete, and overdose remains possible if methadone is combined with other depressants (e.g., benzodiazepines, alcohol). However, other effects of methadone are not diminished over time, such as little to no tolerance develops to methadone’s constipating effects, chronic use can suppress testosterone, estrogen, and cortisol production, leading to issues like low libido, fatigue, or osteoporosis as tolerance to these effects is minimal. These complications can become debilitating and users become desperate to detox and be free of this drug and dropping out of MMT and exposing themselves to high risks of overdose.
As reported by Mattick and colleagues, “a consistent finding in the studies of methadone-assisted heroin detoxification is the high rates of relapse to heroin use following cessation of methadone doses” (Mattick et al., 2009a, p 65) with a high risk of overdose and death. Despite this admission, the same authors state that “Methadone assisted withdrawal has shown to be safe, effective and acceptable” (Mattick, et al., 2009a, p85)
.
It seems that users are aware of these aspects of being on MMT for long periods and are not choosing to enter these programs. Further to this, it is likely that despite the continued endorsement of the effectiveness and safety of MMT in the face of overwhelming evidence that says otherwise, health practitioners are not keen to refer opioid-dependent people to MMT, particularly in view of the changing demographics of this group from predominantly heroin users to chronic pain patients who become addicted to prescription opioids. This accounts for the lack of expansion of the number of new people entering MMT.
3. The Effectiveness of OAT in Reducing Transmission of HIV.
 The move towards a harm reduction approach was given impetus by what was discovered about the association between injecting drug use and the transmission of blood-borne infections such as HIV and hepatitis B and C. (NDARC, 1995; Ward 1995)
By the early 1980s, reviewers of short-term uncontrolled-observation studies supporting the use of OAT claimed that there was sufficient evidence “to conclude that methadone maintenance treatment led to substantial reductions in heroin use, crime, and opioid-related deaths, and that it was highly likely that methadone maintenance would also contribute significantly to preventing the spread of HIV among injecting opioid users”, and were used to endorse methadone maintenance as part of shift toward Harm Reduction of NCADA and the subsequent expansion that took place in methadone services around Australia. In 1985, there were some 750 people on MMT programs in NSW, and by 1995, this had increased nine-fold to over 6,750 participants. An important aim of research over the decade before 1995 was to determine whether methadone maintenance contributed to the prevention of the spread of HIV among injecting drug users. They thought that there were two ways in which this might be established: from studies that examined whether being in methadone maintenance was protective against HIV infection, and by those which examined the extent to which methadone maintenance reduced the likelihood of needle sharing among its recipients. Such was the conviction that methadone was the key to the prevention of the harm associated with opioid use that the contribution of ancillary services to successful methadone maintenance treatment was subject to debate as it was unclear what proportion of clients would want and if they would make use of such services, and what kinds of problems might be addressed by them. In any case, there was a reduction in the types and numbers of services that were provided at methadone clinics due to the rapid expansion of services delivered by the private sector. (Ward, 1995). However, research that was available at the time, made it clear that the provision of ancillary services such as education, awareness campaigns, exposure to primary health care services, and the provision of condoms for those with OUD, were the major factors in changing behaviour that led to the comparatively low rates of HIV transmission in Australia. (Wodak and McLeod. 2008;Ward, 1995; Ameijden, 1994).
A series of studies conducted over 6 years, examined methadone programs in Amsterdam and found that they “were not protective against HIV infection, not associated with significant reductions in injection-related risk behaviour, and not protective in terms of preventing the transition from non-injecting to injecting opiate use.” However, they reported that the provision of advisory/counselling services, public awareness campaigns, education about risk factors and HIV testing played a decisive role in achieving some positive outcomes (Ameijden, 1994).
Another report found that there was a lack of convincing evidence that attending exchange programs or receiving methadone treatments had a beneficial effect on the HlV prevalence, HIV incidence, or current sharing of equipment. They also found indications that voluntary HIV Antibody testing and/or counselling reduced high-risk behaviour (van Ameijden, van den Hoek, et al.,1994). In an earlier paper published in 1992, the authors studied a cohort of human immunodeficiency virus-seronegative injecting drug users in Amsterdam and found that there was no evidence that receiving daily methadone treatments at methadone posts and obtaining new needles/syringes via the exchange program were protective.
The studies conducted and reported by Ward (1995) had as its broad purpose, “in light of the literature reviewed and recent changes to the New South Wales public methadone programs, an attempt to build upon the methodology and the findings reported by Ball and Ross in examining the relationship between aspects of treatment received and treatment outcomes and to investigate the role of factors outside of treatment (life events, social support) in predicting outcomes” (Ward, 1995). However, contrary to the evidence before him, he took the view that the reviews concerning the use of methadone as a treatment for opioid dependence had found that there was sufficient evidence to conclude that methadone maintenance treatment led to substantial reductions in heroin use, crime and opioid-related deaths, and that it is highly likely that methadone maintenance would also contribute significantly to preventing the spread of HIV among injecting opioid users. These reviews, therefore, supported the endorsement of methadone maintenance as part of NCADA and the subsequent expansion that took place in methadone services around Australia.
Alex Wodak, a leading figure in the adoption and implementation of harm reduction, claimed in 2008 that the “scientific debate about harm reduction is now over: harm reduction has been shown convincingly to be effective in reducing HIV, and to be safe and cost-effective. (Wodak & McLeod., 2008)
He was happy to concede that “Enduring abstinence is, after all, the ultimate way to minimise harm”. It is well known that abstinence can facilitate a reasonable quality of life by not being tied to MMT and to a never-ending regime of drug dependence that prolongs the harm associated with it, while being hopelessly addicted to a lethal drug and condemned to live as a second-class citizen. He goes on to proclaim that “it has been known since at least the early 1990s that HIV among IDU can be easily controlled by the early and vigorous implementation of a comprehensive harm reduction package. This package consists of education, needle syringe programs, drug treatment (meaning methadone to be dispensed daily) and the community development of drug users.” However, other researchers found that this package is often not provided (Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004), and it begs the question of whether he believes that OAT, even in conjunction with SNPs, is effective on its own. Researchers have responded with a resounding “No!” (Ward, 1995; Ameijden, 1994; Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004)
Later in this paper, Wodak maintains that “these programmes usually provide a great deal of practical education and also serve as important entry points for drug treatment and the provision of other basic services.” (Wodak & McLeod, 2008).
Indeed, it would be more beneficial if methadone treatment was supplemented by a range of ancillary counselling, welfare and health services. The reality is that these services are often not available and rarely taken up by IUDs, as it “it is expensive to operate these specialist services and methadone programs are often situated in general or primary health care settings or in pharmacies, where access to ancillary services is not provided” (Ward, 1995; Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004). Moreover, it is not obvious why this package of services needed to be coupled with OAT, as most of the changes in behaviour among homosexual men were the result of education programs about safe sexual practices, provided by government AIDS agencies and support groups, delivered in the early to mid-1980s, well before there were many people in MMT; meaning that the men who were most at risk of contracting HIV were not in MMT. The evidence indicates that (1) voluntary HIV testing and counselling led to less borrowing, lending, and reusing equipment, and (2) obtaining needles via exchange programs led to less reusing needles/syringes. However, it appeared that “nonattenders of methadone and exchange programs had reduced borrowing and lending to the same extent as attenders” (Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004; Ameijden, 1994).
It is recommended that “education of IDUs about the risks of unsafe sexual behaviour and sharing injecting equipment should be simple, explicit, peer-based and factual about behaviours associated with the risk of HIV transmission and practical ways of reducing risk.” (Ritter & Lintzeris, 2004). Moreover, if the person has a long-acting naltrexone implant and is abstinent, as association with people using illicit drugs, as occurs around OAT and NSP facilities, tends to promote risky behaviour, the impact of education is more effective and there is no need for people to be burdened by having to take methadone each day. It has been shown that education about safe sex practices has been effective in reducing the incidence of HIV infection among those who are not IUDs and those who are, and who are most at risk of contracting the disease, are men who have sex with men and young females who have unprotected sex with multiple partners. Moreover, it was found for those in OAT that it “had little effect in changing risky behaviour and that it did not affect condom use.” (Gowing et al., 2017)
Wodak goes on to say, “needle syringe programmes and opiate substitution treatment are often regarded as the hallmark of harm reduction.” However, these programs are largely irrelevant in the quest to reduce HIV transmission, as the research shows that HIV is rarely transmitted due to drug injection as HIV does not survive long outside the human body, and its ability to cause infection diminishes rapidly once exposed to environmental conditions. Studies have shown that drying HIV causes a rapid (within a few hours) 90%-99% reduction in HIV concentration. (Moore, 1993; Guy, 2008; CDC, 1987). Gay, bisexual, and other men who reported male-to-male sexual contact are the population most affected by HIV. In 2022, gay and bisexual men accounted for 67% (25,482) of the 37,981 new HIV diagnoses and 86% of those diagnosed were men.  (CDC, 2023). The risk of sexual transmission of HIV between HIV-positive IDUs and their sexual partners is much lower at 0.02–005% per heterosexual sex act, while the risk during receptive anal intercourse between men can be 0·82% (95% CI 0·24–2·76%) (Degenhardt and Hall 2012) The risk of HIV infection via injection with an HIV-infected needle is about 1 in 125 injections. The prevalence of hepatitis C antibodies varies widely in IDUs, from 60% to greater than 90% prevalence. (Degenhardt and Hall 2012). It is estimated that men and women who inject drugs accounted for 4% (1,490) and 3% (1,161) of new HIV diagnoses, respectively. (CDC, 2023)
Wodak claimed that eight reviews of the evidence for needle syringe programs conducted by or carried out on behalf of US government agencies concluded that these programs were effective in reducing HIV and are unaccompanied by serious unintended negative consequences (including inadvertently increasing illicit drug use). More recent reviews commissioned by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the US National Academy of Science came to the same conclusions (Wodak & McLeod., 2008) It seems that some experts thought OAT was a good idea based on the relationship between people who inject drugs (PWIDs) and HIV transmission, led to conclusions about its effectiveness in preventing HIV infection which were mistaken.
Many of these studies had recorded associations between injecting opioids and other drugs and various health-related harm (HIV and HCV). However, the determination of whether such associations are causal is more problematic. To make a causal inference, it is necessary to document an association between drug use behaviours and the adverse outcome, confirm that injecting the drug preceded the outcome, and exclude alternative explanations of the association, such as reverse causation and confounding (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012). Cohort studies of injecting amphetamine, cocaine, and heroin users suggested that these practices increase the risk of premature death, morbidity, and disability, mainly from drug overdose and blood-borne viruses. These studies have rarely controlled for unsafe male-to-male sexual practices, but the association between this behaviour and transmission of HIV is too large to be wholly accounted for by this confounding variable of a large proportion are IDUs; the major causes of increased mortality are plausibility and directly related to unsafe sexual behaviour among men, and to a lesser extent, women who have unsafe multiple-partner sexual contact (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
The epidemiological study by Cornish et al. (1993) was influential in that people latched onto their findings and convinced bodies such as WHO of the benefits of OATs on preventing HIV transmission as it had shown a positive relationship between needle sharing and acquiring HIV and then others assumed that as methadone led to a reduction in injecting, then, in turn it would reduce HIV transmission. There, however, appeared to be significant problems with the study design and with the identification of confounding variables, the major one being the proportion of each group who were homosexual and engaged in unsafe sexual behaviour. The study did not randomly assign subjects to treatments, and they did not control for differences between the groups. As observational studies, including epidemiological longitudinal studies, do not establish causation primarily due to confounding variables, differences in outcomes could be due to other factors that vary between groups rather than the exposure to MMT itself. They also lack randomisation, resulting in confounders, which are variables that influence both the exposure and the outcome, making it difficult to determine whether the observed relationship is truly causal. In this study linking MMT to HIV, it is likely unsafe sex among men would be a confounder if the group who are not on MMT are more likely to be men engaged in unsafe and risky sexual behaviour. Reverse causation may also be an issue in that those who practice safe sex and who are not homosexual may be more likely to prefer methadone as they are more conscious of their health and the risks of HCV, for example, due to unsafe injecting. There are also some serious biases in this study that can be identified that can distort results. For example, as we have noted, participants in this observational study were not randomly chosen, which can lead to selection bias as it is possible that HIV-positive people were less likely to choose the MMT group as engaging in activities to acquire and inject street drugs other than heroin, mainly which has hypersexuality properties, which aligns with their lifestyle (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012).
The reality is that in 2022, it was estimated that IUDs accounted for 7% (2,651) of the 37,981 new HIV diagnoses. According to the research findings it was estimated that OUD people who injected opioids accounted for one in three PWIDs (37%) (AHIW, 2023), that 50% of PWIDs were in MMT and that MMT reduced injecting by 30% (Gowing et al., 2017 then it is possible that this reduced the number of transmissions by 0.126% or 48 cases over this period.
Wodak, despite the negligible effect of OAT on HIV transmission rates, concludes by saying that “Drug treatment is also critical, especially opiate substitution treatments. Methadone and buprenorphine maintenance treatment have been shown convincingly to reduce HIV spread “ (Wodak & McLeod, 2008), despite the evidence that suggests otherwise.
Gowing and colleagues (2017) claim that oral substitution treatment for injecting opioid users reduces drug‐related behaviours that are reputed to be a high risk for HIV transmission but has less effect on sex‐related risk behaviours. They say that “a lack of data from randomised controlled studies limited the strength of the evidence presented in this review.”
In their review, they go on to state: “Thirty‐eight studies, involving some 12,400 participants, were included. The majority were descriptive studies, or randomisation processes did not relate to the data extracted, and most studies were judged to be at high risk of bias.”
“The recommended approach for assessing risk of bias in studies included in Cochrane Reviews is based on the evaluation of six specific methodological domains; namely, sequence generation, allocation concealment, blinding, incomplete outcome data, selective outcome reporting, and ‘other issues’ (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012).
Studies (Gowing et al., 2011) showed a statistically significant decrease in injecting behaviour (either as the proportion of participants injecting, the frequency of injecting drug use, or both) after entry into methadone treatment. The relative risk of injecting drug use at follow‐up compared to baseline ranged from 0.40 (at 12 months) and (at 24 weeks) to 0.80 at 6 month follow‐up (corresponding to reductions in relative risk of 60% and 20%, respectively) and other studies all showed significantly less injecting behaviour (either as the proportion of participants injecting, or the frequency of injecting drug use, or both for cohorts receiving OAT compared to those not receiving this treatment at the time of assessment. The relative risk of injecting for substitution treatment compared to no substitution ranged from 0.45 for to 0.87 for (corresponding to reductions in relative risk of 55% and 13%, respectively)”. The problem with these studies was that they were only short-term and did not look at the effect of MMT on HIV or HCV transmission rates and other long-term adverse health effects. People tend to stay on MMT for many years and, indeed, it is suggested that they do so indefinitely (Degenhardt et al., 2009; Kimber, 2010) and that they continue to inject drugs, which in the long-term diminishes any of the early benefits.
In other words, many of those receiving OAT were not injecting opioids and even among injectors, there was no evidence that HIV transmission was affected, rather it was speculated that a reduction in frequency of injecting drug behaviour could be interpreted as a reduction in new HIV infections among this group, however, it was said that it “had little effect in changing risky behaviour” including unsafe injecting and among other things that it did not affect condom use, which was the critical factor in reducing HIV transmission.”
According to a 6-year longitudinal study among IDUs in Amsterdam, from 1987 to the end of June 1993, a cumulative total of 2678 cases of AIDS were reported in the Netherlands (circa 15 million inhabitants). Homosexual men were the largest risk group (78%), followed by injecting drug users (9%); 93% of the cumulative AIDS cases were men. In 1992, 481 new cases were diagnosed and in 1991, there were 437 new cases. Most of the AIDS cases in the Netherlands were reported from Amsterdam (700,000 inhabitants) (van Ameijden, 1994). The research of Guy et al. (2007) confirmed these estimates when they found that by far the most frequent route of HIV exposure was male-to-male sex, accounting for 70% of diagnoses and that, in terms of HIV prevention, methadone treatment programs “were not protective against HIV infection, not associated with significant reductions in injection-related risk behaviour, and not protective in terms of preventing the transition from non-injecting to injecting opiate use.” Heterosexual contact accounted for 18% of cases, with just over half of these people born in or having a sexual partner from a high-prevalence country, or were young women who had unsafe sex with multiple partners and that transmission by injecting drugs was rare. The risk of sexual transmission of HIV between HIV-positive IDUs and their sexual partners was much lower at 0.02–005% per heterosexual sex act, while the risk during receptive anal intercourse between men can be 82% (95% CI 0·24–2·76%) (Degenhardt and Hall 2012)
These findings tend to lend weight to the results of the review by Gowing et al., in 2011, who reported that OAT programs had little effect on injecting drug rates and, more importantly, it had minimal impact on changing sexual behaviour. As, has been shown, (Guy et al, 2007, CDC, 2023; van Ameijden, 1994) HIV is almost exclusively transmitted through unsafe sex practices and reductions in HIV transmission resulted from changes in risk-taking sexual behaviour, most importantly the use of condoms, it must be concluded that “OAT was almost entirely ineffectual in reducing HIV infection rates, either directly or indirectly by altering drug injecting or unsafe sexual behaviour.”
While the rate of HIV infection remains comparatively low amongst injecting drug users in Australia (Des Jarlais, 1994; Kaldor, Elford, Wodak, Crofts & Kidd, 1993), evidence of previous hepatitis B and C infection among people who have been injecting drugs for some time suggests that the proportion of exposed individuals is very high (80-90%) (Bell, Batey, Farrell, Crewe, Cunningham & Byth, 1990a; Bell, Fernandes & Batey, 1990b; Crofts, Hopper, Bowden, Breschkin, Milner & Locarnini, 1993). Thus, if HCV infections have the same transmission characteristics as HIV, HIV cases should be much higher therefore it is difficult to account for this anomaly, apart from the probability that MMT had negligible impact on HIV infection rates and that other factors were at play.
The research of van Ameijden (1994) and Ameijden and colleagues (1994) in Amsterdam followed 616 OUD people over 6 years. Their aim was to evaluate the protective effects of MMT and NSPs and of HIV antibody testing, counselling and the provision of educational material on risky behaviour.
They reported that previous studies in Amsterdam and elsewhere (van Ameijden,1992), had shown that “HIV testing and counselling were strongly associated with significantly lower levels of risky injecting behaviour and unsafe commercial sexual behaviour and found that NSPs and OAT had an impact on injecting drug use” however, it had “minimal if any, direct relationship to HIV infection rates.” They went on to say that if the effect of a prevention program aimed at reducing risky injecting behaviour is to be evaluated, the extent to which the sexual transmission of HIV influences the prevalence and incidence of the virus among injecting drug users must also be considered.
 In discussing their results, Ameijden and colleagues (1994), reported that “it appeared that nonattenders of methadone and exchange programs reduced risky injecting to the same extent as attenders.” They found that neither NSPs or OAT had any protective effect on reducing sharing of injecting equipment or on the rate of transmission of HIV. However, they found indications that voluntary HIV antibody testing and counselling/education were the factors that reduced high-risk behaviour (Ward, 1995).
Higher levels of needle sharing, with its associated risks of transmission of HCV and other blood-borne viruses, is also associated with the use of benzodiazepines by injecting drug users. A study of non-fatal heroin overdoses in Sydney revealed that 25% of individuals reported having used benzodiazepines at the time of their last overdose. Further to this Ward (1995) found that benzodiazepine misuse increased with higher doses of methadone.
 It is apparent that the rate of HIV infection is comparatively low amongst injecting drug users in Australia (Ward, 1995), due to the rapid response to the threat and quick implementation of public safety awareness and education strategies, including the most important factor; the rapid increase in the use of condoms, which occurred and had a major impact on transmission rates before methadone had taken hold in Australia. However, the evidence of previous hepatitis B and C infection among people who have been injecting drugs for some time suggests that the proportion of exposed individuals is very high (80-90%) and that a different mechanism was influencing the outcomes (Ward, 1995). Despite this, HR advocates continue to state that “methadone maintenance is effective in preventing HIV infection”, but conceded that” this may not be the case for HCV as HCV is more readily transmitted than HIV” with infection rates of between 50 and 95% (Mattick, et al.,2009a, p. 123).
4. Long-Term MMT and Changes in Demographics and the Brains of OUD people.
In the paper of Larney et al., (2020), the authors analysed the need for a comprehensive policy to combat the alarming increase in the numbers of dependent people and mortality among a largely new demographic who have become addicted to extra-medical opioids.
 Of the 8683 studies identified, 124 were included in this analysis. “The pooled all-cause CMR, based on 99 cohorts of 1 262 592 people, was 1.6 per 100 person-years (95% CI, 1.4-1.8 per 100 person-years).” All-cause CMR” (all-cause crude mortality rate) means that the number of people who died from any cause during the study was 1.6 deaths per 100 person-years, which means that of 1000 people followed over one year, about 16 of them would die on average.
It also found “substantial heterogeneity (I2 = 99.7%). Heterogeneity was associated with the proportion of the study sample that injected opioids or was living with HIV infection or hepatitis C” as opposed to those who were addicted to oral, either prescribed or extra-medical opioids, which infers a different group of newly dependent people. The pooled all-cause SMR, based on 43 cohorts, was 10.0 (95% CI, 7.6-13.2). SMR (standardised mortality ratio, where it compares the death rate in the study group to the death rate in the general population. In this study, the SMR was 10.0., which means that the people in these groups were 10 times more likely to die than the average person in the general population. A meta-analysis of mortality in opioid users calculated a pooled standardised mortality ratio of 14·7 (95% CI 12·8–16·5) (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
They conclude by stating that “excess mortality was observed across a range of causes, including overdose, injuries, and from infectious and noncommunicable diseases.” They further found that those in OAT thought that
• Methadone was seen as having a “low status” and was only used to medicate to avoid withdrawal
• Methadone was seen as easy to obtain
• There was a belief that methadone was used by those not in treatment in “emergencies” (i.e. for individuals who could not get heroin)
• Methadone clients were viewed as “losers” who had “given up”
• Participants viewed methadone as a dangerous drug that had worse side effects than heroin, including bone and muscle aches, sexual problems, dental problems, and weight gain–fear of long-term effects of methadone
• Participants held the belief that methadone caused unacceptable discomfort felt during detoxification
• Participants held the belief that methadone had a more severe opiate effect, including the increased risks of overdosing
• Having to go to a clinic every day to get methadone interfered with their daily routine, including time spent with family and the ability to find and maintain employment.
It turns out that most of these beliefs are borne out by those researchers who surveyed and interviewed people who were in MMT and the impact of MMT on individual’s lives who often refer to methadone as “liquid handcuffs” (Hunt et al., 1985; Ward 1995; Divine, 2010)
Alternative forms of treatment should be implemented as variations in patterns of drug initiation between countries and cultures suggest that entry into illicit drug use is dependent on social factors and drug availability, as well as characteristics of users and social settings that facilitate or deter use.
Cohorts of users seeking treatment or entering the criminal justice system are groups whose trajectory of use can differ from users who do not enter these systems. The available evidence suggests that a minority of individuals will no longer meet the criteria for dependence a year after diagnosis (Degenhardt and Hall 2012) and that for whom being coerced onto MMT is inappropriate for all the above-stated reasons.
It has been found that major social and contextual factors increase the likelihood of use are drug availability, use of tobacco and alcohol at an early age (ie, early adolescence), and social norms for the toleration of alcohol and other drug use. (Degenhardt and Hall 2012)
It has been identified there are four broad types of adverse health effects of illicit drug use, including diverted methadone, that exist: the acute toxic effects, including overdose; the acute effects of intoxication, such as accidental injury and violence; development of dependence; and adverse health effects of sustained chronic, regular use, such as chronic disease (eg, cardiovascular disease and cirrhosis), blood-borne bacterial and viral infections, and mental disorders (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
Many studies have recorded associations between illicit drug use and various health-related harm, but the determination of whether such associations are causal is more difficult. To make a causal inference, it is necessary to document an association between drug use and the adverse outcome, confirm that drug use preceded the outcome, and exclude alternative explanations of the association, such as reverse causation and confounding (Suresh & Chandrashekara, 2012).  Cohort studies of problem amphetamine, cocaine, and heroin users suggest that these drugs increase the risk of premature death, morbidity, and disability. These studies have rarely controlled for social disadvantage, but the mortality excess is too large to be wholly accounted for by this confounding; the major causes of increased mortality are plausibly and directly related to illicit drug use (Degenhardt and Hall 2012).
Moreover, the chronic use of addictive drugs leads to significant changes in brain structure and function, particularly in areas involved in reward, motivation, memory, and self-control. These changes contribute to addiction, making it difficult for users to stop despite the harmful consequences of continued use of the drug.
Brain changes from chronic drug use include:
1.‘Dysregulation of the Dopamine System. Most addictive drugs increase dopamine levels in the brain’s reward system (especially in the nucleus accumbens), reinforcing drug-seeking behaviour. Over time, the brain reduces natural dopamine production and receptor sensitivity, making it harder to experience pleasure from natural rewards (food, social interactions, etc.)” (NIDA. 2020).
2.“Impaired Prefrontal Cortex Function (Loss of Self-Control). The prefrontal cortex, responsible for decision-making, impulse control, and judgment, becomes less active. This leads to poor self-regulation, making it harder to resist cravings and make rational choices” (NIDA. 2020).
3.“Changes in Brain Structure (Neuroplasticity and Damage). Chronic drug use rewires neural pathways, strengthening those linked to drug-seeking behaviour while weakening pathways involved in self-control. Some drugs (e.g., methamphetamine, alcohol) that are frequently used by people on OAT, cause neurotoxicity, leading to brain shrinkage and cognitive impairments” (NIDA. 2020).
4.“Increased Stress and Anxiety Responses. The brain’s stress system (amygdala, HPA axis) becomes overactive, making users more prone to anxiety, depression, and emotional instability when not using the drug. Withdrawal symptoms (irritability, restlessness, depression) reinforce continued drug use” (NIDA. 2020).
5.“Memory and Learning Deficits. The hippocampus, critical for memory and learning, is often damaged by chronic drug use (e.g., alcohol, opioids, cannabis), leading to cognitive impairments. Drug-related cues become deeply ingrained in memory, triggering cravings even after long periods of abstinence” (NIDA. 2020).
The consequences of chronic drug use include:
1.“Increased Tolerance and Dependence. The brain adapts to the drug, requiring larger doses to achieve the same effect (tolerance). Dependence develops, meaning the user needs more of the drug to feel normal and avoid withdrawal symptoms” (NIDA. 2020).
2.“Compulsive Drug-Seeking Behaviour (Addiction). Brain changes lead to compulsive craving and use, despite the negative consequences (legal, financial and health-related). Users also lose control over their behaviour, prioritising the drug use over relationships, work, and responsibilities” (NIDA. 2020).
3.“Mental Health Disorders. Chronic drug use increases the risk of depression, anxiety, psychosis (e.g., with meth, opioids, or cocaine), and cognitive decline. Some drugs (like cannabis or hallucinogens) can trigger long-term psychotic disorders in vulnerable individuals” (NIDA. 2020).
4.“Increased Risk of Overdose and Death. Opioids (heroin, methadone, fentanyl) depress the brain’s respiratory centres, leading to fatal overdoses. Stimulants (cocaine, meth) can cause heart attacks, strokes, or seizures” (NIDA. 2020).
5.“Social and Behavioural Consequences. Addiction often leads to job loss, financial ruin, legal troubles, relationship breakdowns, and homelessness. Increased risk of risky behaviours, such as unsafe sex, crime, and accidents” (NIDA. 2020).
It has been shown that some brain changes can be re-instated with prolonged abstinence, especially in dopamine function and prefrontal cortex activity. However, severe damage (e.g., neurotoxicity from meth or alcohol) may be irreversible, leading to long-term cognitive deficits. Behavioural therapy, medication (naltrexone), and lifestyle changes can help restore brain function over time (NIDA. 2020).
While chronic drug use rewires the brain, leading to compulsive drug-seeking behaviour, emotional instability, cognitive deficits, and loss of self-control. With sustained recovery efforts, many of these changes can be partially or fully reversed (NIDA. 2020).
The importance of ancillary services that are applicable to the environment from which those with IDUs come and the circumstances of their initiation and ongoing use of opioids and other drugs is emphasised by Ritter & Lintzeris, (2004), Wodak & McLeod, (2008).Ameijden (1994) and Degenhardt and Hall (2012) and Ward (1995). The types of interventions include public awareness campaigns, education about risky injecting and sexual behaviour, BBV testing, medical examination and treatment, psychological assessment, counselling, and timely, low-cost access to these services.
It has been shown that OAT programs entail chronic, high-level, and sustained opioid use that results in these brain changes and that they become worse over time. Naltrexone, on the other hand, is not an agonist and results in the recovery of normal brain function within a short time. It is acknowledged that the ancillary services are just as important as the users need to adjust to living in the community without dependence on drugs to self-medicate, or even more so as cessation of antagonist treatment leaves the drug users vulnerable to overdose.
There is an obvious similarity between methadone and other addictive-agonist opioids including the structural brain changes and compromised health resulting from continuing and regular use of these drugs, and the risk of fatal overdose, development of tolerance, having withdrawal symptoms and the obvious difference between the antagonist naltrexone and methadone, with one allowing the OUD person to abstain entirely from opioids including methadone and improvement in their wellbeing and their ability to return to normal within a short period of time, while the other makes it worse. Therefore, it is disingenuous for HR advocates to skate around this fact and give the impression that methadone is simply a benign medication that is beneficial for the opioid-dependent person when this is not the case  (Kosten and George 2002).
5. The Evidence Examining the Effectiveness of Naltrexone Implants
It is important to note that since methadone and buprenorphine are opioids, they can be misused and, with long-term dosing, cause brain changes and severe dysfunction. As with other opioids, buprenorphine and methadone can result in changes to the brain architecture, hormonal levels, physical and psychological dependence, and a diagnosable OUD and can be fatal when used alone or with other CNS depressants and by people who are not on OAT, which demands that the use of these medications is strictly regulated and supervised (NIDA. 2020).
Naltrexone is not an opioid but rather is a full antagonist of the mu-opioid receptor and completely blocks the euphoric and analgesic effects of all opioids (Kleber, 2007). Naltrexone does not cause physical dependence, nor does it produce any of the rewarding effects of opioids. It is not uncommon for patients to try to use opioids while on extended-release naltrexone, but it is exceedingly rare that using an opioid can override the effect of naltrexone to the extent that the opioid yields rewarding effects and lead to relapse.
Ideally, patients on extended-release naltrexone learn quickly not to use the opioids that caused their addictive behaviour, and, after sustained use of the medication, their cravings declined, and the changes to the brain return to normal (NIDA, 2020; Krupitsky et al., 2011; Lee et al., 2018; Tanum et al., 2017). Neurologically; there is some evidence to suggest that chronic administration of an opioid antagonist can induce up-regulation of opiate receptors. This means that over time, opiate receptors can be brought back to normal baseline level, thus reversing the pharmacological changes that leave an addict prone to relapse (Simon, 1997).
In a randomised, clinical trial, Waal (2009) matched one group who received a long-acting naltrexone implant and the control group who received usual aftercare but no implant. The naltrexone implants were found to be effective as they reduced heroin use compared to the control group. Significant differences were found in the use of heroin, codeine, methadone, and buprenorphine as well as polydrug use, injecting behaviour, and quality of life. It was reported that there was a high level of satisfaction with the treatment, and there were not any more adverse events than those reported by other treatments that were available to the groups. Waal concluded that naltrexone had considerable potential in helping to prevent relapse in heroin dependency and that longer-lasting formulations for naltrexone treatment were desirable to further reduce non-adherence and relapse during treatment of opiate dependence (Smythe, 2010).
Krupitsky et al. (2012) sought to compare outcomes of naltrexone implants, oral naltrexone hydrochloride, and nonmedicated treatment. In a 6-month randomised double-blind trial they reported on the percentage of patients retained in treatment without relapse and found that by month 6, 54 of 102 patients in the naltrexone implant/placebo implant group (52.9%) remained in treatment without relapse compared with 16 of 102 patients in the placebo implant/oral naltrexone group (15.7%) and 11 of 102 patients in the placebo implant/oral placebo group (10.8%) (P < .001). The placebo implant/oral naltrexone vs the placebo implant/oral placebo comparison showed a nonsignificant trend favouring the placebo implant/oral naltrexone group (P = .07). Counting missing test results as positive, the proportion of urine screening tests yielding negative results for opiates was 63.6% (95% CI, 60%-66%) for the naltrexone implant/oral placebo group; 42.7% (40%-45%) for the placebo implant/oral naltrexone group; and 34.1% (32%-37%) for the placebo implant/oral placebo group (P < .001). They found no evidence of increased deaths from overdose after naltrexone treatment ended and concluded that the implant was more effective than oral naltrexone or placebo.
The research by Kelty and colleagues (2017) sought to examine and compare mortality rates in patients with an opioid use disorder treated with implant naltrexone, methadone, and buprenorphine. They found that there were no significant differences in mortality between the groups and concluded that implant naltrexone may be associated with added benefits during the first 28 days of treatment and in female patients compared to methadone.
The study by Kalty and Hulse (2019) compared rates of fatal and serious but non-fatal opioid overdose in opioid-dependent patients treated with methadone, buprenorphine, or implant naltrexone, and sought to identify risk factors for fatal opioid overdose. They found that there were no significant differences between the three groups in terms of crude rates of fatal or non-fatal opioid overdoses. During the first 28 days of treatment, rates of non-fatal opioid overdose were high in all three groups, however, there were fatal opioid overdoses in patients treated with methadone. No fatal opioid overdoses were observed in buprenorphine or naltrexone patients during this period. Following the first 28 days, buprenorphine was shown to be protective, particularly in terms of non-fatal opioid overdoses. After the cessation of treatment, rates of fatal and non-fatal opioid overdoses were similar between the groups, with the exception of lower rates of non-fatal and fatal opioid overdose in the naltrexone-treated patients compared with the methadone-treated patients. After the commencement of treatment, gender, and hospitalisations with a diagnosis of opioid poisoning, cardiovascular or mental health problems were significant predictors of subsequent fatal opioid overdose.
They concluded that rates of fatal and non-fatal opioid overdose were not significantly different in patients treated with methadone, buprenorphine or implant naltrexone. Gender and prior cause-specific hospitalisations could be used to identify patients at a high risk of fatal opioid overdose.
Several research papers have examined the legal, ethical and practical problems posed by use of
naltrexone, including depot injections, among offenders leaving jail. Researchers concluded that
naltrexone had the potential to improve outcomes among those on probation and parole as it
appeared to be ideally suited to providing a drug-free period to facilitate some rehabilitation
into society among a group whose relapse rates and recidivism upon leaving prison were alarmingly
high, even when under the supervision of a parole officer (O’Brien & Cornish, 2006). Use of
naltrexone was seen as providing real benefits to parolees, the criminal justice system and the
community, and offered the best chance of success among drug-abusing offenders compared
to what has been offered before (Marlowe, 2006), although some thought it should be provided
as an informed decision in the context of the Treatment Court and not as coercion or as a
mandatory sentence (Presenza, 2006). As depot naltrexone appears to be efficacious,
non-psychoactive, and with few negative side-effects, it “makes it the ideal candidate for studying
 coerced treatment for addicted offenders” (Marlowe, 2006, p. 138).  Marlowe (2006) also found
 minimal legal or ethical problems with this approach. A randomised controlled study found that
 59% of probationers with a history of opiate addiction who received standard supervision
by parole officers, but not naltrexone, relapsed and were re-incarcerated within a year of their
 release. On the other hand, a similar group who additionally received oral naltrexone had a
relapse rate of only 25% (Cornish, Metzger, Woody, Wilson, McLellan & Vandergrift, 1997).
Bonnie (in Patapis & Norstrom, 2006) concluded that “the legal prospects for mandated treatment
 of probationers and parolees with naltrexone are excellent” (p. 127) if it was found that
naltrexone was medically appropriate, without significant risk, and therefore likely to prevent
 relapse, prevent crime and promote rehabilitation. However, it was also thought also that there
 was a dire need for more research regarding the use of naltrexone in a criminal justice
populations.
Five randomised controlled trials (576 patients) and four non-randomised studies (8,358 patients) that were published between 2009 and 2013, were included by Larney and colleagues (2014) in a review of the effectiveness of naltrexone implants. The risk of biased judgments were reported in the paper, with randomised studies showing mixed results and non-randomized studies showing a generally high risk of bias.
The results reported on the five trials showed no statistically significant differences in induction to treatment between naltrexone implants and placebo implants (two trials; Ι²=0%), oral naltrexone (two trials; Ι²=0%), methadone maintenance treatment (one trial), or treatment as usual (one trial).
Two trials of naltrexone implants were found to be significantly more effective than placebo implants (RR 3.20, 95% CI 2.17 to 4.72; two trials; Ι²=84%) and oral naltrexone (RR 3.38, 95% CI 2.08 to 5.49; one trial) in retention in treatment.
Five trials of naltrexone implants were significantly more effective in suppressing opioid use than placebo (RR 0.57, 5% CI 0.48 to 0.68; two trials) or oral naltrexone (RR 0.57, 95% CI 0.47 to 0.70; two trials).
Despite these positive results, the reviewers found that the evidence on “safety, efficacy, and effectiveness of naltrexone implants was limited in quantity and quality, and the evidence had little clinical use in settings where effective treatments for opioid dependence (meaning, opioid agonist therapy) were available” a conclusion that seemed to be at odds with the intention and outcome of the trials and stated without providing any evidence of how they arrived at this conclusion. (Larney et al., 2014),
A randomised control trial reported by Lee et al. (2018) found that among participants successfully inducted (n=474), 24-week relapse events were similar across study groups (p=0·44). Opioid-negative urine samples (p<0·0001) and opioid-abstinent days (p<0·0001) favoured the buprenorphine/naltrexone group compared with counselling, among the intention-to-treat population but were similar across study groups among the per-protocol population. Self-reported opioid craving was initially less with the counselling/naltrexone group than with buprenorphine/naltrexone (p=0·0012), then converged by week 24 (p=0·20). Except for mild-to-moderate counselling/naltrexone injection site reactions, treatment-emergent adverse events, including overdose, did not differ between treatment groups. Lee and colleagues suggest that extended-release naltrexone and buprenorphine-naloxone medications are equally safe and effective. They suggested that future work should focus on facilitating induction into counselling/naltrexone and on improving treatment retention for both medications. (Lee, Nunes, Novo, et al., 2018)
In North America, opioid use has now become a public health crisis, with policymakers declaring it a state of emergency. Opioid Agonist Treatment (OAT) continues to be a favoured harm-reduction method used in treating opioid use disorders. While OAT has been shown to improve some treatment outcomes successfully, there is still a great degree of variability among patients. This cohort of patients has shifted from young males using heroin to a greater number of older people and women misusing prescription opioids. The primary objective of the review of Manchikanti et al. (2021) was to examine the literature on the association between the first exposure to opioids through prescription versus illicit use and OAT treatment outcomes. The increased misuse of prescription opioids has contributed to these rising numbers of opioid users and related consequences. Nearly 108,000 people died from drug overdose in 2022 and approximately 82,000 of those deaths involved opioids (about 76%). The number of people who died from an opioid overdose in 2022 was 10 times the number in 1999; however, opioid overdose death rates were relatively stable from 2021 to 2022.
Historically, many individuals were first introduced to opioids through recreational drugs such as heroin [7, 8]. However, recent opioid use patterns have contributed to a demographic shift in which individuals developed OUD after being exposed to opioids by means of prescription drugs such as fentanyl, codeine, or oxycodone.
A significant relationship exists between sales of opioid pain relievers and deaths. Most deaths (60%) occurred in patients when they were given prescriptions based on prescribing guidelines by medical boards, with 20% of deaths in low-dose opioid therapy of 100 mg of morphine equivalent dose or less per day and 40% in those receiving morphine of over 100 mg per day. In comparison, 40% of deaths occur in individuals abusing the drugs obtained through multiple prescriptions, doctor shopping, and drug diversion. The purpose of this comprehensive review was to describe various aspects of the crisis of opioid use in the United States. The obstacles that must be surmounted are primarily inappropriate prescribing patterns, which are largely based on a lack of knowledge, perceived safety, and inaccurate belief of the undertreatment of pain. (Manchikanti et al. 2021)
In North America, opioid use has become a public health crisis with policy-makers declaring it a state of emergency. Opioid substitution therapy (OAT) is a harm-reduction method used in treating opioid use disorder. While OAT has been shown to be successful in improving some treatment outcomes, there is still a great degree of variability among patients. The cohort of patients has shifted from young males using heroin to a greater number of older people and women using prescription opioids. The present literature primarily focuses on the cohort of patients that were exposed to opioids through illicit means and little is known about the cohort of patients that started misusing opioids after receiving a prescription. This new shift in the demographic profile of opioid users and the predominance of prescription opioid use over heroin in different parts of the world, including Canada and the USA, the highest opioid-consuming countries in the world, warrants detailed examination. Given the rise of prescription opioid use in Canada and the USA, it is important that factors that may affect the effectiveness of opioid substitution treatment for this cohort of patients are evaluated (Sanger, 2018).
A study conducted by Gaulen and colleagues in 2021, included 143 patients who had successfully completed detoxification, 37 women and 106 men. The mean age was 35.7 (SD, 8.3) years in the extended-release naltrexone group 35.9 (SD, 8.9) years in the Subutex group.
In the 12‐week trial, they found that the mean follow‐up time for the extended-release naltrexone group was 10.8 (SE = 0.3) weeks and 10.6 (SE = 0.3) weeks for the Subutex tablet group (P = .251 for the log‐rank test). In the 36‐week prospective follow‐up period, the mean follow‐up time for those who continued with extended-release naltrexone was 37.5 (SE = 1.6) weeks and 37.1 (SE = 1.6) weeks for those who switched to extended-release naltrexone after the trial period. The aim of this study was to perform a secondary analysis looking at the time to first relapse to illicit opioid use among abstinent‐motivated patients who successfully completed detoxification, both in the randomized trial and the subsequent follow‐up,
The risk of the first relapse to heroin and other illicit opioids was reduced by 54% and 89% in the extended-release naltrexone group compared to the Subutex group (HR, 0.46; 95% CI, 0.28‐0.76; P = .002, and HR, 0.11; 95% CI, 0.04‐0.27; P < .001), respectively. The risk of any relapse to heroin or other illicit opioids was also significantly reduced in the extended-release naltrexone group compared to the Subutex group (HR, 0.15; 95% CI, 0.09‐0.27; P < .001 and HR, 0.05; 95% CI, 0.03‐0.09; P < .001, respectively), with a total of 14 and 11 relapses, respectively, in the extended-release naltrexone group and 95 and 147 relapses, respectively in the Subutex group (P < .001 both groups). The pooled risk of first or any relapse to any illicit opioids strongly favoured the extended-release naltrexone group (HR, 0.35; 95% CI, 0.22‐0.55; P < .001 and HR, 0.08, 95% CI, 0.05‐0.12; P < .001, respectively). The aim of this study was to perform a secondary analysis
looking at the time to first relapse to illicit opioid use among abstinent‐motivated patients who successfully completed detoxification, both in the randomized trial and the subsequent follow‐up,
.
The 36‐week follow‐up study period included 117 patients
receiving extended-release naltrexone There was no significant difference in time to first relapse to heroin or other illicit opioids between those continuing with extended-release naltrexone treatment and those switching to extended-release naltrexone after week 12. Among those who continued to use extended-release naltrexone, there were 27 relapses to heroin compared with 29 relapses among those switching to extended-release naltrexone. In both groups, there were 18 relapses to other illicit opioids in the 36‐week follow‐up. However, in the group switching to extended-release naltrexone, there were more relapses to other illicit opioids during the first four weeks compared to the group continuing with extended-release naltrexone (HR, 0.45; 95% CI, 0.22‐0.94; P = .034) despite the equal number of relapses in the two groups throughout the study period. On the other hand, this difference between the groups became insignificant after adjustment for the use of illicit opioids, injecting days, mental health, self‐assessed problematic drug use, alcohol abuse, cannabis use, use of amphetamines and benzodiazepines, and money used on drugs, assessed prior to baseline. This study showed that opioid‐dependent patients who had successfully completed detoxification and were randomized to treatment with extended-release naltrexone had a substantially reduced risk of relapse to heroin and other illicit opioids compared to those randomly allocated to Subutex. The overall risk of relapse to any illicit opioids was about three times in favour of treatment with extended-release naltrexone. Their finding of low relapse rate to heroin and other illicit opioids found in the extended-release naltrexone group is consistent with other treatment studies of extended-release naltrexone. The low relapse rate of heroin and other illicit opioids on extended-release naltrexone treatment continued throughout the 36‐week follow‐up period. The authors suggested that the aspect of motivation for opioid abstinence should be taken into consideration in clinical practice when deciding on treatment for individuals with opioid dependence. For opioid‐dependent individuals who could successfully complete detoxification and who are motivated for longer‐term abstinence from opioids, extended-release naltrexone could be offered as a first‐line treatment.
6. Conclusions
This paper has included several recent studies that examined the efficacy, safety, and outcomes for opioid-dependent people and the use of medication to facilitate recovery from this debilitating and life-threatening use and dependency on these drugs.
The conclusions to be reached are that:
1. Methadone is associated with ongoing use and injection of opioids and other drugs over long periods of dependence on this drug, It, therefore, leads to greater levels of harm compared to those who never started methadone and who quit using opioids.
2. Methadone is associated with cycling in and out of treatment, which is characterised by high rates of mortality, especially in the period immediately following induction into a methadone program and in the first few weeks of ceasing methadone dosing.
3. It is well recognised that most drug fatalities are the result of polydrug use, especially when people use a combination of respiratory depressants, such as. other opioids, alcohol and benzodiazepines. The advocacy and use of high-dose methadone are common factors in overdoses and heighten the risk of death, especially when a person uses another opioid and or other CNS depressants. High-dose methadone is fatal for people who enter a methadone treatment program, who are occasion users of opioids and who lack tolerance or for those who do not experience the desired euphoric effect of the drug who then use another opioid being unaware that the longer-acting methadone is still in their system and of the synergistic effect that results in overdose, after they leave treatment.
4. Methadone is a treatment that is not favoured by drug users as it diminishes the euphoric effect of other opioids, and it often results in users dangerously injecting the methadone syrup and that they need to be dosed daily and that it be dispensed from a dedicated facility or from a pharmacy. Users and advocates complain that it impedes their lives and is inconvenient, citing the inability to go on a holiday or attend important family events and that it takes too much of their time. The need to go to the clinic each day is due to the high rates of diversion and misuse of the medication, which can result in the overdose and death of others, including children. These people, who complain about the inconvenience of daily dosing of methadone, which is subsidised by the government, disingenuously forget to mention that illicit opioid use is much more costly and requires the users to dedicate much more of their time acquiring their drugs through commission of crime, sex work, doctor shopping or selling and using the drug and doing this four times each day on average, than it does to attend a methadone clinic.
5. Methadone was promoted as an important preventative measure in the spread of blood-borne viruses, most importantly the spread of HCV and HIV among IDUs. This has been shown not to be case, as it is based on false assumptions. The research shows that the prevalence of HCV is higher among people who use and attend methadone and needle exchange clinics and facilities. The changes in behaviour that stemmed HIV infection rates predated the widespread availability of methadone. Moreover, it is not protective of the rates of HIV transmission as it is almost exclusively spread through unsafe sexual behaviour, with studies showing that methadone does not influence this behaviour, including condom use, which is the major preventative measure for transmission of this virus.
6. Adverse health effects of sustained chronic, regular use, such as chronic disease (eg, cardiovascular disease and cirrhosis), blood-borne bacterial and viral infections, and mental disorders are exacerbated by the long-term dosing of methadone (Degenhardt and Hall 2012). Advocates for OAT and the disease model of addiction purport to be experts and maintain that methadone is a treatment medication, equivalent to insulin in treating diabetes, but are being deliberately misleading when they infer that methadone is not the same to the extent as any other opioid is not the same, in its effect on cognitive functioning and brain structure and the development of tolerance, withdrawal symptoms, craving for the drug and continued use despite unwanted and negative consequences. Despite this, they maintain that “like morphine, heroin, oxycodone, and other addictive opioids, methadone causes dependence”, but because of its “steadier influence on the mu-opioid receptors, it produces minimal tolerance and alleviates craving and compulsive drug use, and that methadone therapy tends to normalize many aspects of the hormonal disruptions found in addicted individuals” (Kosten and George 2002)
7. Methadone does not facilitate abstinence from these addictive drugs. On the contrary, because of the very high mortality rates when people leave a methadone program, and high rates of relapse to heroin injecting behaviour, it is strongly advocated that people stay on this drug for an indefinite time. Many people who were coerced into the methadone program and who wanted to stop their dependency on the drug find that it is virtually impossible to withdraw from it, and many have been on it for 40 years or more.
8. A CDC report of a study in the US, found that by 2009, prescribed methadone accounted for nearly one-third of all opioid-related deaths, even though it represented only 2% of opioid prescriptions. It was thought that methadone’s long half-life led to overdose deaths. The report also noted that methadone accounted for 39.8% of single-drug OPR deaths, highlighting its significant role in overdose fatalities when used alone. This suggests that while the number of prescriptions was lower compared to other opioids, the risk was higher as the overdose death rate for methadone was significantly greater than that for other OPR for multidrug and single-drug deaths.  It concluded that “Methadone remains a drug that contributes disproportionately to the excessive number of opioid pain reliever overdoses and associated medical and societal costs” and cautioned that “Healthcare providers who choose to prescribe methadone should have substantial experience with its use.”.
 9. Methadone is an inferior and unsafe treatment for these people compared to naltrexone slow-release implants and, to a lesser extent buprenorphine, and this has resulted in very low numbers of people who have OUD, who are entering OAT programs despite their availability.
10. However, buprenorphine is even less popular among opioid drug users as it blocks the effect of opioids as it is a partial agonist and precipitates withdrawal symptoms if the user uses other opioids and does not reverse the brain changes caused by chronic use of opioids. (NIDA. 2020) The uptake of OAT has stagnated. Despite the rise in the misuse of opioids and associated deaths (an increase of 240% over the last 10 years), methadone numbers have remained the same at 53,300 (accounting for population growth), over the same period with the evidence indicating that those who are on OAT are the mainly the same people who commenced the program some 30 to 40 years ago, even though many were cycling in and out of the program and many have died.
11. The randomised trials and research around the application of naltrexone slow-release medication, that have been presented in this paper, that are disregarded by methadone advocates, indicate that naltrexone implants are a beneficial, effective and safe, while people are in treatment, and most importantly when they leave treatment, as they provide an opportunity to be rid of their dependency, to reverse the debilitating changes to the brain and to resume a normal and preferred life free of their addiction.
12. The evidence to date indicates that the use of naltrexone implants is a superior, more effective, and safer treatment for opioid dependence on most criteria, including, cessation of illicit opioid use and injecting, crime, social cohesion, employment, and importantly, a reversal of brain changes, and dysfunction, compared to methadone. Not surprisingly, it was not superior in retention in treatment as methadone is highly addictive and indefinite retention in treatment is the major goal of MMT. It is noteworthy that none of the methadone studies reported very few as being able complete detoxification and to attain abstinence from opioids and, presumably, they remained addicts with no realistic chance of normalising their lives, whereas this was the stated goal for those entering naltrexone treatment, which was shown to be highly effective, when combined with ancillary services, particularly for those who were motivated to do so.
It is galling therefore, when academics and researchers refuse to accept research findings that do not suit their ideological position and dismiss that which is well conceived and constructed because it does not fit their worldview or the current political realities.
Source: Dr Ross Colquhoun, Consultant to Drug Free Australia

by Lisa Ryckman – NCSL’s associate director of communications. (National Conference of State Legislatures)

Somewhere in America right now, a teenager searches the internet for drugs. The pills they buy might look like the real thing—Xanax, maybe, or Adderall—but chances are, they’re not getting what they think they are.

The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration estimates that six out of 10 pills bought online actually might contain lethal doses of the opioid fentanyl, says Rahul Gupta, director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy.

“So, the odds of dying from those pills is worse than playing Russian roulette with your life,” he told a session at the 2023 NCSL Legislative Summit.

“Substance use cuts across every geographic boundary, every sociocultural boundary. It doesn’t matter what race you are, how rich or poor you are, where you live.”

—Rahul Gupta, Office of National Drug Control Policy

More than 110,000 Americans died from drug overdoses in 2022, Gupta says.

“Substance use cuts across every geographic boundary, every sociocultural boundary. It doesn’t matter what race you are, how rich or poor you are, where you live,” he says. “It’s got your number.”

An iteration known as “tranq dope”—a potent cocktail of fentanyl, heroin and the animal tranquilizer xylazine—is the latest scourge to hit the streets, Gupta says. It is particularly problematic because the xylazine tends to increase the effect of the other drugs.

The costs of opioid addiction and trafficking fall mostly on the states: an economic loss of $1.5 trillion in 2020 alone, Gupta says. He outlines a two-pronged federal approach that includes treating addiction and disrupting drug trafficking profits. Making the drug naloxone, which can reverse an overdose, available over the counter has been a game-changer, he says, as have efforts to disrupt the fentanyl supply chain—chemicals from China, production in Mexico and sales in the U.S.

“We’re going after every choke point in this supply chain,” Gupta says, “and we’re putting sanctions on all of these folks to make sure that we’re choking off those important points the cartels and others depend on to create this deadly substance that kills Americans.”

Expanding Treatment Access

In Oklahoma, fentanyl overdose deaths increased sixfold from 2019 to 2021, and fentanyl was involved in nearly three out of four opioid-related deaths, compared with 10%-20% in previous years, says state Sen. John Haste, vice chair of the Health and Human Services Committee.

The Legislature focused on prevention and treatment by expanding access to naloxone, including requiring hospitals and prisons to provide it to at-risk patients and inmates upon release, he says. Telehealth can now be used for medication-assisted treatment, and fentanyl test strips have been legalized, Haste says.

The state Department of Mental Health and Substance Abuse has launched a campaign to reduce the number of accidental overdoses through education awareness and resource access, he says. As part of the campaign, the department is placing more than 40 vending machines in targeted areas that freely dispense naloxone and fentanyl test strips. “This is the largest program of its kind in the country,” Haste says. “All around Oklahoma, you can see messages reminding the public to utilize test strips and naloxone on billboards, buses, local businesses and other strategic locations.”

Opioid Alternatives

In Hawaii, legislators are looking at safe alternatives to opioids for pain relief.

“It’s easy to say, just stop opioids, stop all drugs,” says Rep. John Mizuno, chair of the Hawaii House Committee on Human Services. “We know that chronic pain is complex; in addition to pain, you’ve got mental health. We need to think about the person’s quality of life. We’ve got to balance the patient’s right to manage his or her pain.”

Mizuno suggests that legislators meet with their state’s top pain management physician to learn about safe pain alternatives, including nerve blocks, implanted medication pumps, physical therapy, acupuncture, massage therapy, chiropractic treatment and medical cannabis.

His state has asked that Medicaid expand coverage for native Hawaiian healing that previously has been covered only for tribal members.

Mizuno says coverage is the main barrier to safer treatments, many of which might not be paid for under private health insurance or federal programs.

“But the best thing to do is work with your colleagues, work with your medical providers, and try to get these safe alternatives (covered),” Mizuno says. “It’s a lot better than being addicted to opioids.”

Source: https://www.ncsl.org/events/details/states-and-feds-are-partners-in-fight-against-opioid-epidemic

Scott Strode and his company have an active take on recovery and sobriety.

Wall Street Journal    Andy Kessler         March 23, 2025

It wasn’t hard to find Scott Strode when we first met. He was the big guy in a black T-shirt with the word “SOBER” splashed across it. Mr. Strode is founder of the Phoenix, a national “sober active” community. Addiction statistics in the U.S. are sobering. According to Mr. Strode’s book, “Rise. Recover. Thrive,” one-third of Americans have substance-abuse issues or mental disorders.

When drinking, Mr. Strode felt valued. “People wanted to spend time with me. And I found community,” he says. “It’s just what we were building it around wasn’t healthy.” Alcohol. Cocaine. Dependency. Until one night he finally hit bottom. “I couldn’t imagine someone having to tell my mom this is how I died.”

The road to sobriety wasn’t easy for Mr. Strode, but he found solace in physical challenges. “I saw a poster for ice climbing,” he said. “It gave me something to strive for, and that led me into the boxing gym and triathlons and racing Iron Mans.” But it wasn’t enough. “I realized when I took other people with me, I felt lifted in a different way.”

I wasn’t sure what he meant. “Getting into recovery is like getting out of a burning building,” he said. “But there are other people in there, so you have to reach back in to help get them out. By using my passion to help others, it filled a void. That was really what the Phoenix was born from.”

The Phoenix Multisport active recovery community, its original name, started in Boulder, Colo., roughly 20 years ago. It was funded by friends and a few grants—no fees. Others might have been content with helping one community. Not Mr. Strode. After a few years, he started helping active-duty service members and many others in Colorado Springs and set up a location in Denver.

What’s the magic? “Your life gets so much bigger, and you start to realize what’s possible. You connect somewhere where you feel valued, accepted and loved.” Climbing. Hiking. Running. Yoga. A fellow rider and Phoenix member, Ben Cort, told him, “I got sober because I didn’t want to die. I stayed sober because I wanted to live.”

A mother who heard about the Phoenix approached Mr. Strode and offered him $200,000 to expand to San Diego to help her son. Sadly, her son passed away before they could get there, but the idea of scaling to other communities kicked in for Mr. Strode. Maybe people’s desire to help others could be leveraged and help the Phoenix scale. “We opened up this opportunity on our website for folks to raise their hand to become volunteers,” Mr. Strode said. “We thought we’d get a few. We got 700.” Over the next 10 years, they were in 28 locations.

In 2016 the Phoenix received some funding from the philanthropic organization Stand Together. One of their pillars is to help solve addiction. They discussed scaling, and Mr. Strode told them that for each location, “it starts with a man and a bike.” In January 2020 they mutually agreed on $50 million in funding with a goal of “serving one million people impacted by substance use” in five years. A stretch, for sure. But it had to go from push to pull—“stimulating volunteers in places where we can’t reach.”

What started in Boulder with a deal with CrossFit is now in every state—almost 200 communities with more than 5,000 volunteers. “We have served over 800,000 since Phoenix started.” It scales because it works—83% of Phoenix participants stay sober after three months, compared with an average of 40% to 60% from other programs.

That’s the power of volunteers. And technology. The Phoenix has a mobile app called NewForm. Anyone can have a profile. The Phoenix isn’t in your community? Start one yourself. The app links to other nonprofits, such as SeekHealing, that help people overcoming trauma, a potential cause of addiction. The Phoenix also sets up sober supportive spaces at concerts and festivals—the app can reveal “thousands of other sober people in those spaces.”

“We distribute tablets in prisons across the country, so you can come to Phoenix virtually,” Mr. Strode says. “We joke that we’re the sober Peloton in prisons.” Smart. Plus, “you don’t have to turn to those old cellphone numbers in your phone when you return home. You can actually find new connections and community to help support you on your healing journey.”

What about other addiction programs? “At the Phoenix, we’re really focused on helping people with what’s possible in their recovery. So it’s very forward-looking. We start to dream of what’s possible in our sober life. In the 12-step community, people often identify as their disease. ‘I’m Scott, I’m an addict, I’m an alcoholic.’ But I always say, ‘I’m Scott, I’m in recovery, I’m an ice climber and so much more.’ We see everybody for their intrinsic strength, not a problem to be fixed.”

The Phoenix should hit its goal of one million people helped later this year. I’m convinced after talking to Mr. Strode that 10 million is a reachable goal.

Source: https://www.wsj.com/opinion/a-new-approach-to-addiction-phoenix-fitness-community-mental-health-a3591f99

  • In trials to develop medications for substance use disorder, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has historically favored abstinence as the endpoint/goal, rather than reduced use.

The details: A model for evaluating treatments based on reduced use instead of abstinence exists with alcohol use disorder (AUD) and is in the works for smoking.

  • The percentage of participants with no heavy drinking days is accepted by FDA as a valid outcome measure in trials of medications for AUD. The National Institutes of Health and FDA have recently called for consideration of study endpoints in addition to abstinence in research for new smoking cessation products.
  • Reduction in alcohol or tobacco use is easy to measure since alcoholic beverages/tobacco products tend to be purchased and consumed in standard quantities. Substantial evidence supports the clinical benefit of reduction in heavy drinking days.

But:

  • Objective assessment of use reduction for illicit substances presents greater difficulty given variability and uncertainty of the composition and purity of illicit drugs.
  • Little research has been conducted on alternative endpoints in OUD treatment.

Why it’s important:

  • Reducing drug use has clear public health benefits, including reducing overdoses, infectious disease transmission, car accidents, and emergency department visits, as well as reducing adverse effects such as cancer and other diseases associated with tobacco or alcohol.
  • Broadening the goals of treatment could potentially expand treatment options, increase the number of people in treatment, and reduce stigma associated with return to use. Expecting complete abstinence may be unrealistic in some cases and can pose a barrier to treatment.
Source: https://drugfree.org/drug-and-alcohol-news/nida-director-rethinking-sud-treatment-goals/

From NIHCM Newsletter / April 2025

Alcohol & Substance Use

Learn about the latest news on substance use, including views on alcohol, and how fentanyl deaths are declining.

  • Alcohol Awareness: April is alcohol-awareness month and an opportunity to reflect on the impacts of alcohol use and how alcohol-related deaths have increased over the last decade, with a sharp increase during early-pandemic years. A new Pew Research Center survey explores Americans’ views on the risks and benefits of alcohol consumption. A majority of routine drinkers, 59%, say their alcohol use increases their risk of serious physical health problems at least a little.
  • Fentanyl Deaths Declining: Recent preliminary data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) indicates a 25% decrease in opioid overdose deaths for the 12-month period ending in October 2024, compared to the same timeframe in 2023. This is driven in large part by a reduction in the number of deaths involving fentanyl. The Wall Street Journal examines the decline in a series of charts. KFF Health News discusses how misinformation about fentanyl is impacting the overdose response.
  • Federal Funding: A federal judge has temporarily blocked the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) from terminating a variety of public health funds that had been allocated to states during the Covid-19 pandemic, including funding that was being used to support opioid addiction and mental health treatments. The administration also closed the office that tracked alcohol-related deaths and harms and helped develop policies to reduce them.

Resources & Initiatives

  • The US Surgeon General’s 2025 Advisory, Alcohol and Cancer Risk, describes the scientific evidence for the causal link between alcohol consumption and an increased risk for cancer.
  • NPR dives into 8 theories from experts on why fentanyl overdose deaths are declining, including increased access to Naloxone, better public health, and the waning effects of the COVID pandemic.
  • The National Academy for State Health Policy’s State Opioid Settlement Spending Decisions tracker shares state-level settlement funding decisions and priorities.
  • With support from a $5.4 million Elevance Health Foundation grant, Shatterproof created an online training curriculum for healthcare professionals that aims to dispel myths and misunderstandings about substance use disorder, and promote person-centered, culturally responsive care.

Source: https://nihcm.org/newsletter/the-relationship-between-alcohol-and-health

by Raminta Daniulaityte – College of Health Solutions, Arizona State University, Phoenix, AZ, United States et al.

“I don’t know how you can overdose smoking them:” 

Highlights

  • Smoking was viewed as protective against overdose compared to other routes of use.
  • Beliefs about inconsistency of blues drove concerns about the overdose risks.
  • Some believed that the quality of blues improved recently, and they became safer.
  • Many aimed to avoid the fentanyl in powder form to reduce their overdose risks.
  • Dosing-related strategies emphasized personal responsibility and victim blaming.

Abstract

Aims

Illicitly manufactured fentanyl (IMF) remains the primary driver of overdose mortality in the US. Western states saw significant increases in IMF-laced counterfeit pain pills (“blues”). This qualitative study, conducted in Phoenix, Arizona, provides an in-depth understanding of how overdose-related risks are viewed and experienced by people who use “blues.”

Methods

Between 11/2022–12/2023, the study recruited 60 individuals who used “blues” using targeted and network-based recruitment. Qualitative interviews were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed using NVivo.

Results

The sample included 41.7 % women, and 56.7 % whites. 55.3 % had prior overdose, but most (62.2 %) rated their current risk as none/low. Risk perceptions centered on a multi-level calculus of drug market conditions, individual vulnerabilities, and behavioral factors. Smoking was considered a “normative” way of using “blues”, and most viewed it as protective against overdose in comparison to injection and other routes of use. Drug market conditions and the unpredictability of “blues” were emphasized as important factor of overdose risk. However, some believed that over time, the quality/consistency of “blues” improved, and they became less risky. Many also expressed fears about the emerging local availability of powder fentanyl and its risk. Views about safer dosing, polydrug use, tolerance, and health emphasized personal responsibility and individual vulnerability to overdose risks. Discussions of protective behaviors, including take-home naloxone, varied bases on the perceptions of overdose risks.

Conclusions

The findings emphasize the need for close monitoring of local IMF markets and design of comprehensive interventions and risk communication strategies to address perceptions that minimize IMF-laced counterfeit pill risks.

Introduction

Illicitly manufactured fentanyl (IMF) remains a critical driver of overdose mortality in the US (Spencer et al., 2024), and there are emerging concerns about its proliferation in other regions of the globe (Friedman & Ciccarone, 2025; Piatkowski et al., 2025). The spread of IMF in the local drug markets in the US has shown increasing complexity with notable regional differences in the types of IMF products available, and associated contamination risks (Kilmer et al., 2022). While powder IMF has been the predominant form in the Eastern part of the US, western states, including Arizona, have seen significant increases in the availability of IMF in counterfeit pill form, most commonly 30 mg oxycodone, referred to as “blues” or “M30s” (Daniulaityte et al., 2022; O’Donnell et al., 2023; Palamar et al., 2022, 2024). For example, between 2017 and 2023, the total number of IMF pill seizures in the US increased by 8509.7 %, and the increase was the steepest in the West (an 11,266.7 % increase) (Palamar et al., 2024). Increases in IMF pill presence have been especially dramatic in Arizona with retail-level seizures of IMF pills increasing from about 1000 in 2017, to 18,004 in 2019, and 155,572 pills in 2020 (Mully et al., 2020). In 2023, Arizona had the highest number of IMF pill seizures in the country (n = 1638), and the second highest in the total number of IMF pills seized (n = 36,525,410) (Palamar et al., 2024).
Along with the increasing availability of IMF in counterfeit pill form, Arizona experienced significant rise in overdoses. Overdose deaths in Arizona increased from 1532 in 2017 to 2550 in 2020, and 2664 in 2022 (Centers for Disease Control & Prevention, 2022). Available data on seized drugs in Arizona indicate that in 2022 seized counterfeit pills contained 2.5 mg of fentanyl on average, with a range of 0.03 to 5.0 mg/tablet (Drug Enforcement Administration, 2024). Nationally, in 2022, an estimated 6 in 10 seized counterfeit pills were found to contain at least 2 mg of fentanyl, which is considered a potentially lethal dose (Glidden et al., 2024). Arizona currently does not have community-based drug checking programs, and there is limited up-to date information on the changes in potency of counterfeit pills or on the types of other substances that may be present in them. Data from other regions suggest that besides fentanyl, the pills may contain other fentanyl analogs, acetaminophen, and other drugs (Wightman et al., 2024).
Prior studies have identified a broad range of behaviors and conditions that are associated with an increased likelihood of opioid overdose. Some of these established risk factors include prior overdose experiences, concurrent use of benzodiazepines or alcohol, returning to high doses after losing tolerance (e.g., individuals recently released from prison or inpatient drug treatment), and physical and mental health comorbidities (Carlson et al., 2020; Darke & Hall, 2003; Darke et al., 2014; Kline et al., 2021; Park et al., 2016). However, established frameworks and “expert knowledge” that guide overdose prevention interventions may not align with the perceptions and experiences of people who use drugs (Chang et al., 2024; Moallef et al., 2019). Risk assessment is not an objective and value free enterprise, but it is embedded in the individual histories and experiences, underlying socio-cultural values, and broader structural and environmental conditions (Agar, 1985; Rhodes, 2002). There is a need for qualitative studies to help increase the understanding of how people who use IMF view, experience and judge their overdose-related risks.
Several prior qualitative studies have examined overdose risks in the era of IMF spread, aiming to characterize how people who use drugs (PWUD) experience IMF risks, what harm reduction strategies they employ, and how broader social and structural factors contribute to the local environments of risk (Abadie, 2023; Bardwell et al., 2021; Beharie et al., 2023; Ciccarone et al., 2024; Collins et al., 2024; Fadanelli et al., 2020; Gunn et al., 2021; Lamonica et al., 2021; Latkin et al., 2019; Macmadu et al., 2022; Victor et al., 2020). Many of the prior studies on IMF-related overdose risk perceptions and experiences were conducted at the initial stages of IMF spread, and primarily focused on overdose risks associated with inadvertent exposures to IMF contaminated heroin or other drugs (Abadie, 2023; Ataiants et al., 2020; Carroll et al., 2017; Lamonica et al., 2021; Latkin et al., 2019; Stein et al., 2019; Victor et al., 2020). More research is needed to understand the perceptions of IMF-related overdose risks in the context of high market saturation with IMF, and among individuals who intentionally seek and use IMF-containing drugs. Further, most prior studies were conducted in the regions where IMF is primarily available in powder form and as a contaminant of or replacement for heroin Carroll et al. (2017); Ciccarone et al. (2024, 2017); Latkin et al. (2019); Mars et al. (2018); Moallef et al. (2019). A few recent studies conducted in California described an increasing trend of individuals who use opioids switching from injection to smoking route of using IMF in powder form. These emerging studies have highlighted health-related benefits that were linked to this transition, including potential reduction in overdose risks (Ciccarone et al., 2024; Kral et al., 2021; Megerian et al., 2024). In the context of these important findings, there remains a lack of data on overdose risk perceptions related to the use of IMF in a counterfeit pill form. This qualitative study, conducted in Phoenix, Arizona, aims to address these key gaps and provide an in-depth understanding of how overdose-related risks are viewed and experienced by people who intentionally seek and use IMF-laced counterfeit pain pills (blues).

Section snippets

Methods

This paper draws on data collected for a study on counterfeit drug use in Phoenix, Arizona. Semi-structured, qualitative interviews were completed between 11/2022–12/2023. To qualify for the study, individuals had to meet the following criteria: 1) at least 18 years of age; 2) currently residing in the Phoenix, Arizona, metro area; and 3) use of illicit and/or counterfeit/pressed opioid and/or benzodiazepines in the past 30 days. The study was approved by the Arizona State University (ASU)

Participant characteristics and patterns of drug use

Out of 60 study participants, 58.3 % were men, and the age ranged from 22 to 66-years-old, with a mean of 39.0 (SD 11.2). More than half reported that they were unemployed, and 90 % had lifetime experiences of homelessness. Most (90 %) reported having health insurance, and 65 % had experiences of accessing local harm reduction services in Arizona (Table 1).
Most participants reported their first use of blues about 2–3 years ago (mean years since first use 2.7, SD 1.5) (Table 1). All participants

Discussion

Participants who use IMF pills reported deploying a range of calculated tactics to reduce their overdose risk. Many shared attitudes that tended to minimize the risks and reinforce a sense of personal invulnerability. Some of the contextual and behavioral factors of risk that were emphasized by the study participants align with the prior studies conducted in other regions of the US (Abadie, 2023; Beharie et al., 2023; Ciccarone et al., 2024; Collins et al., 2024; Fernandez et al., 2023; Victor

Role of funding source

This study was supported by the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) Grant: 1R21DA055640-01A1 (Daniulaityte, PI). The funding source had no further role in the study design, in the collection, analysis and interpretation of the data, in the writing of the report, or in the decision to submit the paper for publication.

Declaration of ethics

The study received ethics approval from the Arizona State University Institutional Review Board.

CRediT authorship contribution statement

Raminta Daniulaityte: Writing – original draft, Validation, Supervision, Resources, Project administration, Methodology, Investigation, Funding acquisition, Formal analysis, Data curation, Conceptualization. Kaylin Sweeney: Writing – review & editing, Project administration, Formal analysis, Data curation. Patricia Timmons: Writing – review & editing, Project administration, Formal analysis, Data curation. Madeline Hooten: Writing – review & editing, Project administration, Formal analysis,

Declaration of competing interest

All authors declare that there are no conflicts of interest.
Source: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0955395925001070

Experts warn of rising dependence on anti-anxiety medications, which often start as short-term solutions but lead to addiction; with withdrawal posing serious risks, specialists stress need for medical oversight, alternative treatments, and early intervention

by Eitan Gefen – 17th March 2025
Victoria Ratliff awakens in her lavish suite, the Thai sun piercing through the curtains. She blinks slowly, her head heavy. Was it too much wine again last night? Or was it the lorazepam? From the adjacent bathroom, her husband showers, oblivious to the small internal struggle playing out in her mind. The children? They lost interest in their mother long ago.
She closes her eyes for a moment, takes a deep breath, and imagines herself as someone else—someone who doesn’t need a pill to get through the day. But reality waits. As anxiety creeps in, she reaches for the bottle, pops a pill, washes it down with a sip of water, and lets the familiar calm settle in.
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In the third season of HBO’s hit series The White Lotus, Victoria Ratliff grapples with a quiet addiction to lorazepam, a prescription sedative. Her character drifts through scenes in a daze, caught between sleep and wakefulness, her oversized sunglasses and bright smile masking the growing dependency beneath.
Though fictional, Ratliff’s story mirrors a harsh reality. In recent years, addiction to anti-anxiety medications such as Valium, Klonopin, and lorazepam (sold in Israel as Lorivan) has become a global concern, transcending age, class, and geography. What often starts as a “harmless pill for relaxation” can quickly spiral into dependence, making withdrawal a daunting challenge.
A growing crisis
The rise in prescription drug dependency highlights an alarming trend: an increasing reliance on medications to manage daily stressors. What begins as a short-term solution can become a chemical prison with devastating effects on mental and physical health. Why is quitting so difficult? How do people get hooked in the first place? And what can be done before the pills take over?
Dr. Chen Avni, a psychiatrist and deputy director of the psychiatric day treatment department at Ramat Hen Mental Health Center in Tel Aviv, explains that these medications belong to a class of drugs called benzodiazepines. “They enhance the activity of gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), a neurotransmitter that slows down brain activity. In low doses, they induce relaxation, but in higher doses, they can cause drowsiness, memory impairment, confusion, and loss of balance.”
While the effects are similar to alcohol, benzodiazepines lack the intoxicating high. However, prolonged use can lead to cognitive impairment, decreased alertness, and, in elderly patients, an increased risk of dangerous falls.
From medical use to dependence
According to Avni, addiction often develops when usage extends beyond the prescribed timeframe. “Initially, these medications are intended for short-term relief—typically no more than six weeks,” he says. “The problem arises when patients feel they can’t function without them. That’s when we see cases of dependency, sometimes at alarmingly high doses.”
Shahar Cohen, a clinical social worker specializing in addiction treatment, has seen this trend intensify. “Anxiety levels across the population have been rising, especially in the past year and a half,” she says. “This isn’t just an individual issue—it affects families, workplaces, and entire communities.”
Prescription drug addiction cuts across all demographics. Some users first receive medication for legitimate issues like insomnia or acute anxiety. Others turn to them following major life stressors such as job loss, divorce, or a child’s military enlistment. In many cases, what starts as a doctor-prescribed solution escalates into self-medication, leading to dependency.
A dangerous market
For many, obtaining benzodiazepines legally isn’t enough. “One former patient of mine was using 16 times the recommended dose,” Avni recalls. “He bought part of his supply through his healthcare provider and the rest on the black market.”
This underground trade of prescription medication underscores a major challenge: when patients become addicted, they will go to great lengths to maintain their supply. “People often don’t realize they’re dependent until it’s too late,” Cohen warns. “When the thought of being without the drug becomes unbearable, that’s a red flag.”
Breaking free from addiction
Experts emphasize that addiction must be treated holistically, addressing not just the physical dependency but also the underlying emotional triggers. “Addiction is never just about the drug,” Cohen explains. “It’s often about pain—whether emotional or psychological. The drug becomes a coping mechanism.”
For those struggling with benzodiazepine dependency, gradual withdrawal under medical supervision is crucial. “Abrupt discontinuation can be dangerous, leading to severe withdrawal symptoms like seizures and psychosis,” Avni cautions. “I’m currently treating a patient who experienced vivid hallucinations after trying to quit cold turkey. We had to introduce a slow, controlled tapering process.”
Beyond physical detoxification, long-term recovery requires psychological support. “Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is an effective tool, especially for sleep disorders,” Avni says. “For chronic anxiety or post-traumatic stress disorder, alternative psychiatric treatments that are non-addictive should be considered.”
Shifting medical practices
Awareness around prescription drug dependency is growing, but change is slow. “There are still doctors who hesitate to confront addicted patients and continue writing prescriptions out of convenience or pressure,” Avni notes. “But every physician prescribing these drugs should recognize the long-term risks. This isn’t just a temporary fix—it can become a lifelong struggle.”
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The Israeli Health Ministry is currently working on reforms to address prescription drug addiction, including establishing specialized treatment clinics within health maintenance organizations (HMOs). These initiatives aim to provide better oversight, education, and intervention before patients spiral into dependency.
The need for early intervention
Ultimately, the best way to combat prescription drug addiction is prevention. “It’s crucial to start with the lowest effective dose and treat the root cause of the anxiety, insomnia, or distress,” Avni advises. “No one is immune to addiction. The key is to monitor usage, avoid increasing dosages without medical guidance, and seek alternative therapies when possible.”
Cohen echoes this sentiment. “Science still can’t predict who will become addicted and who won’t, so awareness is critical,” she says. “If you suspect dependence—whether in yourself or someone close to you—don’t ignore it. Seeking help early can make all the difference.”
Victoria Ratliff’s story may be fictional, but the crisis it highlights is very real. For countless individuals, the journey from prescription to addiction is deceptively short. The challenge now is ensuring that those in need receive the right treatment—before their escape becomes their prison.

National Crime Agency exposes increasing ketamine use in England amid surge in ‘drug cocktails’

by Tony Diver, Associate Political Editor, The Telegraph (London) 21 February 2025

 

Drug use in England

Ketamine

2023: 10,600 kilograms consumed

2024: 24,800 kilograms consumed

Hotspots: Norwich, Liverpool and Wakefield

Street value: Unknown

 

Cocaine

2023: 87,600 kilograms consumed

2024: 96,000 kilograms consumed

Hotspots: Liverpool and Newcastle

Street value: £7.7 billion

 

Heroin

2023: 25,300 kilograms consumed

2024: 22,400 kilograms consumed

Hotspots: Liverpool and Birmingham

Street value: £1.1 billion

 

Ketamine usage more than doubled in England last year amid the rising popularity of designer “drug cocktails”, The Telegraph can reveal.

The largest and most accurate study of its kind, conducted on behalf of the National Crime Agency (NCA), has exposed a dramatic rise in the popularity of the drug.

Almost 25 tonnes of ketamine were consumed in England last year, up from 10.6 tonnes in 2023.

The drug is now more popular than heroin, with the worst hotspots in Norwich, Liverpool, and Wakefield.

The findings are revealed in Home Office data, seen by The Telegraph, which will form part of the NCA’s annual threat assessment next week.

The agency, dubbed Britain’s FBI, will warn of a rise in the use of several recreational drugs in Britain, including a 10 per cent increase in cocaine.

The sharp increase in the prevalence of ketamine on Britain’s streets is thought to be driven by drug cocktails, including “pink cocaine” – a combination of ketamine and other substances taken by Liam Payne, the One Direction star, before his death last year.

Payne, who fell to his death from a hotel balcony in Argentina in October last year, had taken a mixture of methamphetamine, ketamine and MDMA along with crack cocaine and benzodiazepine before he died, a toxicology report found.

Liam Payne reportedly had ‘pink cocaine’ along with other drugs in his system when he fell to his death in Buenos Aires Credit: Marc Piasecki/GC Images

Mixing ketamine and other drugs can produce hallucinogenic effects, but presents a greater risk to partygoers because the substances can be laced with even stronger narcotics including fentanyl.

The Home Office sampled wastewater from 18 treatment plants across England and Scotland over three years to build the most accurate picture of drug consumption in Britain ever compiled.

The samples, which covered wastewater from more than a quarter of the population, were analysed and scaled up by scientists from Imperial College London.

Previous estimates were based on the quantity of drugs seized by police and self-reported drug surveys, which are less accurate.

The final report found that almost 100 tonnes of cocaine were consumed in England alone last year, up from 88 tonnes in 2023.

Liverpool and Newcastle were the heaviest consumers of cocaine. Usage peaked in London during Christmas, the Euro 2024 football tournament and the Eurovision song contest.

Adjusted for purity, quantities of cocaine consumed in England last year had an estimated street value of £7.7 billion.

That figure is almost double the NCA’s previous estimate and the equivalent of £100 spent on cocaine each year by every person in the country.

Over the same period, heroin consumption is estimated to have decreased by 11 per cent, from 25,300 kilograms in 2023 to 22,400 kilograms in 2024. The highest rates were measured in wastewater from Liverpool and Birmingham.

Experts have previously warned of the dangers of trendy designer drug cocktails, including pink cocaine and “Calvin Klein” or “CK”, which refers to a mixture of cocaine and ketamine.

The combination of drugs can make it more difficult for users to know what substances they have taken.

CK, which is growing in popularity in the UK, has been blamed for overdoses among young people in nightclubs.

It comes as in this week’s Crime and Policing Bill, the Government will propose banning “cuckooing” – when criminals seize a vulnerable person’s home and use it as a drug den or for other illegal activity.

The Home Secretary will also propose new measures to jail those convicted of using children for crime Credit: Jacob King

Yvette Cooper, the Home Secretary, will also propose a new offence of child criminal exploitation, which is thought to affect around 14,500 children each year.

Under the new measures, people convicted of using children for crime, including county lines drug dealing, will face ten years in prison.

Ms Cooper said: “The exploitation of children and vulnerable people for criminal gain is sickening and it is vital we do everything in our power to eradicate it from our streets.

“As part of our Plan for Change, we are introducing these two offences to properly punish those who prey on them, ensure victims are properly protected and prevent these often-hidden crimes from occurring in the first place.

“These steps are vital in our efforts to stop the grooming and exploitation of children into criminal gangs, deliver on our pledge to halve knife crime in the next decade and work towards our overall mission to make our streets safer.”

Ministers and the NCA are also concerned about the rise of drug importers, who bring classified substances into the UK through weaker entry points and sell them to distributors around the country.

Source: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2025/02/21/true-scale-uk-illegal-drug-use/

visual abstract icon 

Visual

Abstract

 

Mindfulness Training vs Recovery Support for Opioid Use, Craving, and Anxiety During Buprenorphine Treatment

Key PointsQuestion  During buprenorphine treatment, does group-based mindfulness training reduce opioid use, craving, and anxiety compared with group recovery support?

Findings  In this randomized clinical trial including 196 adults prescribed buprenorphine for opioid use disorder, mindfulness was not superior at reducing illicit opioid use compared with an active group intervention with an evidence-based curriculum. Both arms experienced significantly reduced anxiety, and the reduction in opioid craving during mindfulness groups was greater than during recovery support groups, a significant difference.

Meaning  The findings of this study suggest that mindfulness groups may have utility during opioid use disorder treatment, especially for patients with residual opioid craving while prescribed buprenorphine.

 

Abstract

Importance  During buprenorphine treatment for opioid use disorder (OUD), risk factors for opioid relapse or treatment dropout include comorbid substance use disorder, anxiety, or residual opioid craving. There is a need for a well-powered trial to evaluate virtually delivered groups, including both mindfulness and evidence-based approaches, to address these comorbidities during buprenorphine treatment.

Objective  To compare the effects of the Mindful Recovery Opioid Use Disorder Care Continuum (M-ROCC) vs active control among adults receiving buprenorphine for OUD.

Design, Setting, and Participants  This randomized clinical trial was conducted from January 21, 2021, to September 19, 2023. All study procedures were conducted virtually. Participants were randomized 1:1 and blinded to intervention assignments throughout participation. This trial recruited online from 16 US states and was conducted via online platforms. Patients prescribed buprenorphine for OUD were recruited via social media advertisements, flyers, and health care professional referrals.

Interventions  The M-ROCC program was a 24-week, motivationally adaptive, trauma-informed, mindfulness-based group curriculum. Participants attended a 30-minute informal check-in and 60-minute intervention group each week. The recovery support group control curriculum used 4 evidence-based substance use disorder–focused nonmindfulness approaches and was time and attention matched.

Main Outcomes and Measures  The primary outcome was the number of 2-week periods with both self-reported and biochemically confirmed abstinence from illicit opioid use during study weeks 13 to 24, which was analyzed with an intention-to-treat approach using generalized estimating equations comparing between-group differences.

Results  This sample included 196 participants, predominantly female (119 [60.7%]). Mean (SD) age was 41.0 (10.3) years. Opioid use was 13.4% (95% CI, 6.2%-20.5%) in the M-ROCC group and 12.7% (95% CI, 7.5%-18.0%) in the recovery support group, a 0.6% difference (95% CI, −8.2% to 9.5%; P = .89). Cocaine and benzodiazepine use were also not significantly different. Anxiety T scores were reduced across both the M-ROCC and recovery support groups but were not significantly different between groups from baseline to week 24 (1.0; 95% CI, −2.4 to 4.3; P = .57). The M-ROCC participants demonstrated a larger reduction in opioid craving compared with the recovery support group participants: −1.0 (95% CI, −1.7 to −0.2; P = .01; Cohen d = −0.5).

Conclusions and Relevance  In this study, during buprenorphine treatment comparing mindfulness vs active control, both groups significantly reduced anxiety without significant differences in substance use outcomes. Mindfulness led to significantly greater reductions in residual opioid craving than control. The findings of this study suggest that mindfulness training groups may be recommended for people receiving buprenorphine maintenance therapy who have residual opioid craving.

Trial Registration  ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier: NCT04278586

 

Introduction

 

Opioid use is a major public health crisis in the US, with approximately more than 80 000 opioid overdose deaths in 2023.1 Buprenorphine treatment reduces illicit opioid use and overdose risk2,3; however, studies report that most patients discontinue buprenorphine medical management within 6 months.4,5 Several factors that may serve as treatment targets can increase the likelihood of poor outcomes. Comorbid substance use (eg, cocaine, methamphetamine) increases treatment dropout.6,7 Psychiatric symptoms (eg, anxiety), benzodiazepine misuse, and opioid craving increase relapse risk.8,9 Opioid craving is associated with subsequent use during buprenorphine treatment, is often preceded by negative affect or withdrawal states, and intensifies during exposure to drug cues or stressful life events.3,613 Behavioral interventions targeting these factors may improve outcomes, but, aside from contingency management, a systematic review identified no clear benefits to adjunctive individual counseling or cognitive-behavioral therapy.14 Unlike individual treatment, group treatment attendance has been associated with increased opioid treatment completion, and group-based opioid treatment appears feasible, acceptable, and may improve treatment outcomes.15

 

Mindfulness-based interventions are an increasingly popular evidence-based group treatment for substance use disorders.16,17 A recent fully powered randomized clinical trial found that a mindfulness program reduced opioid use and craving among people with both chronic pain and OUD during methadone maintenance.18 Mindfulness training appears to increase individuals’ capacities for self-regulation through enhanced attentional control, cognitive control, emotion regulation, and self-related processes.19 Mindful behavior change, a curriculum created to leverage those mechanisms, was shown to reduce anxiety symptoms, increase self-regulation, and catalyze health behavior change in trials of the Mindfulness Training for Primary Care program.20,21 The established Mindfulness Training for Primary Care curriculum was adapted for patients with OUD and a 24-week trauma-informed Mindful Recovery Opioid Use Disorder Care Continuum (M-ROCC) was created. A single-arm multisite pilot trial found M-ROCC feasible and acceptable during buprenorphine treatment.22 Additionally, participants experienced significant reductions in anxiety and decreased benzodiazepine and cocaine use but not opioid use.23

 

The present full-scale clinical trial compared the effectiveness of M-ROCC, delivered as an adjunctive live-online group during buprenorphine treatment, with an attention-balanced nonmindfulness control recovery support group using evidence-based approaches. We hypothesized that M-ROCC would be more effective than a recovery support group at reducing opioid use and anxiety.24

 

Methods

 

Design, Setting, and Recruitment

 

We designed this randomized clinical trial, approved by the Cambridge Health Alliance Institutional Review Board, to compare the effectiveness of live-online M-ROCC vs a recovery support group during outpatient buprenorphine treatment. Participants were recruited through social media (ie, Facebook), community partners (eg, Lynn Community Health, Boston Medical Center, North Shore Community Health), online telemedicine health care professionals (eg, Bicycle Health, Boulder Care), and quick response code flyers linking an online referral form, and participants provided informed consent.25,26 Participants received financial compensation. Study inclusion required participants to be aged 18 to 70 years with a stable buprenorphine dose prescribed (>4 weeks) for OUD, confirmed by participants signing a consent form for study personnel to contact their health care professional. Because some people receiving buprenorphine attain sustained remission of OUD, this study aimed to enroll individuals with a less clinically stable status, with residual symptoms of anxiety and/or substance use; therefore, participants had either mild or greater anxiety (Patient Reported Outcomes Measurement Information System–Anxiety Short Form 8a [PROMIS-ASF] T score >55) or recent substance use (<90 days of abstinence from alcohol, opioids, benzodiazepines, cocaine, or methamphetamine). Exclusion criteria included psychosis, mania, suicidality or self-injury, cognitive impairment, past mindfulness group experience, expected inpatient hospitalization or incarceration, or group-disruptive behaviors. Research coordinators (including H.G.) screened participants for eligibility through self-report surveys and telephone interviews.24 This trial followed the Consolidated Standards of Reporting Trials (CONSORT) reporting guideline. The trial protocol is available in Supplement 1.

 

Blinding and Randomization

 

The data coordinator (J.B.) randomized participants in random blocks of 4, 6, and 8 with a 1:1 ratio, using a random spreadsheet sequence (Excel; Microsoft Corp). The data coordinator concealed allocation in a password-protected file from personnel managing recruitment and screening until the randomization allocation was assigned. Participants and the primary investigator (Z.S.-O.) were blinded to intervention assignments.

 

Interventions

 

Groups were attention matched and offered at the same day and time as their comparator within each cohort. Each group started with a 30-minute informal check-in during which participants completed weekly surveys and research coordinators video-monitored oral toxicology tests in a video communications platform (Zoom; Zoom Video Communication) breakout rooms, recording results with screen capture (Droplr; Droplr Inc).27 Then, a 60-minute intervention group was led by 1 to 2 group leaders, including a lead instructor (A.K.F.) and with more than 4 years of group facilitation experience.24 Participants without reliable internet access received smartphones with unlimited data plans.

 

The M-ROCC curriculum had 3 components, starting with a 4-week orientation focused on fostering group engagement through comfort, curiosity, connection, and confidence. Participants continued into a 4-week low-dose mindfulness group, building a trauma-informed foundation for learning mindfulness and increasing daily formal mindfulness practice time. To provide choice about embarking on intensive mindfulness training, we offered those who successfully completed low-dose mindfulness the opportunity to continue into an intensive recovery-focused 16-week mindful behavior change program.20,21 This group focused on cultivating mindfulness of the body, breathing, thoughts, and emotions, plus mindful behavior change skills, interpersonal mindfulness practice, increasing self-compassion and emotion regulation, and developing OUD recovery skills, such as mindful savoring and urge surfing.24

 

We designed the recovery support group based on best practices in group-based opioid treatment, using evidence-based techniques while fostering a sense of accountability, shared identity, and supportive community.15,2830 It incorporated 8 weeks of group-building orientation followed by 16 weeks of evidence-based treatment techniques for substance use disorders, including cognitive behavioral therapy, motivational interviewing, community reinforcement, and 12-step facilitation.3135

 

Measures

 

All surveys were hosted by Research Electronic Data Capture (REDCap). During the screening and baseline periods, participants completed telephone screening interviews to report demographic characteristics (eg, race and ethnicity) and self-report surveys with substance use and buprenorphine dose information. The interventions in the study organize participants within group cohorts, which feature social elements. These are generally positive for many people, but the experience of group belonging and group cohesion may be influenced by participant experiences of minoritization, implicit bias, and microaggressions, which have been reported to lead to feelings of inclusion and exclusion related to race and ethnicity that might impact attrition or intervention adherence or continuation.36,37 In addition, studies have found that demographic variables have been underreported in mindfulness intervention research, leading to systemic bias and inclusion disparities in the field.38 Consequently, we report the racial and ethnic makeup of the study participants to contextualize the results and the limitations of generalizability.

 

Primary Outcome

 

Our primary outcome was the number of 2-week periods with both self-reported and biochemically confirmed abstinence from illicit opioid use during study weeks 13 to 24. During each 2-week period, participants completed at least one randomly assigned 14-panel oral toxicologic report via the video communications platform and 2 self-reported weekly surveys inquiring about past 7-day illicit opioid use. Participants were considered abstinent during each of the six 2-week periods if they had no self-reported opioid use and a negative oral toxicology test result for all illicit opioids tested. We hypothesized that participants in the M-ROCC arm would experience more abstinent periods compared with those in the recovery support group.

 

Secondary and Exploratory Outcomes

 

Participants completed the PROMIS-ASF at baseline and weeks 8, 16, and 24. PROMIS-ASF is an 8-item questionnaire using a 5-point scale asking about the past 7 days (1 = never to 5 = always).39 The T scores were calculated, with higher scores indicating greater symptoms of anxiety. We hypothesized that participants assigned to M-ROCC would experience greater reductions in anxiety than those in the recovery support group between baseline and week 24.

 

Secondary outcomes of benzodiazepine and cocaine use were collected for six 2-week periods in the same manner as described for opioids. We hypothesized that M-ROCC participants would experience greater reductions in benzodiazepine and cocaine use than those in the recovery support group.

 

As a prespecified exploratory outcome, changes in opioid craving during weekly surveys from weeks 1 to 24 were measured. The Opioid Craving Scale asked participants to rate 3 items assessing different aspects of opioid craving on a scale of 0 to 10. Mean ratings were calculated across these items, with higher ratings representing greater opioid craving. In previous research, the Opioid Craving Scale was positively associated with risk for opioid use in the following week.40 We hypothesized that participants assigned to M-ROCC would experience greater reductions in opioid craving between baseline and week 24 compared with those in the recovery support group.

 

Adverse Events

 

Staff monitored adverse events at each study visit and via a REDCap survey at weeks 8, 16, and 24, rated by severity, relatedness, and expectedness. Events were reviewed regularly by a National Center for Complementary and Integrative Health–approved data safety and monitoring board.

 

Statistical Analysis

 

Power analyses assumed randomization of 192 individuals, with an effective sample size of 156. This sample size provided 80% power to detect an effect size of 0.45 for negative toxicologic findings for illicit opioids between M-ROCC and the recovery support group, with a 2-sided significance level of P < .05, using an unpaired test.

 

For the primary outcome, we used an intention-to-treat approach to estimate differences between the M-ROCC and recovery support groups in biochemically confirmed illicit opioid abstinence over 6 biweekly time periods during weeks 13 to 24. We used generalized estimating equation logistic regression accounting for clustering at the individual participant level over weeks 13 to 24.

 

For the secondary outcome of anxiety and the prespecified exploratory outcome of opioid craving, we conducted a difference-in-differences intention-to-treat repeated-measures analysis using linear mixed-effects models with a study week by group interaction term to estimate the relative changes from baseline to week 24. For changes in anxiety, we included only participants with PROMIS-ASF T scores above 55 at baseline.39 We used the Benjamini-Hochberg false discovery rate procedure to account for multiple comparisons.41 Effect sizes (Cohen d) were calculated.

 

We used maximum likelihood estimation to address missingness for all analyses, adjusting the models to account for baseline covariates that differed between study groups after randomization (P < .10). We conducted a supplemental analysis using multiple imputation. We also conducted supplemental sensitivity analyses adjusting for all covariates associated with the outcome measure missingness. We conducted completer analyses for all outcomes among a subsample of intervention-adherent participants, defined as completing at least 15 of 24 sessions. For the number of adverse events, we conducted a negative binomial regression to evaluate between-group differences. All analyses were conducted in Stata, version 18 (StataCorp LLC).

 

Results

 

Participant Characteristics

 

Of 1728 patients referred between January 21, 2021, and February 15, 2023, 260 participants signed informed consent forms. We excluded 64 individuals for exclusion criteria (n = 18) or incomplete baseline assessments (n = 46) and randomized 196 participants to M-ROCC (n = 98) or the recovery support group (n = 98) (Figure 1). Of these individuals, 119 were female (60.7%), 75 were male (38.3%), and 1 (0.5%) was nonbinary. Mean (SD) age was 41.0 (10.3) years. Once 192 participants were randomized, recruitment ended, although 4 screened participants were able to complete the consent process and join the final cohort. Data collection was completed September 19, 2023. Baseline buprenorphine dose, cocaine use, and annual income differed between groups and were added to the models for primary, secondary, and exploratory outcomes (Table 1).

 

Outcomes

 

During weeks 13 to 24, mean illicit opioid nonabstinence time periods were 13.4% (95% CI, 6.2%-20.5%) in the M-ROCC group and 12.7% (95% CI, 7.5%-18.0%) in the recovery support group, a difference that was not statistically significant (0.6%; 95% CI, −8.2% to 9.5%; P = .89) (Table 2). During weeks 13 to 24, benzodiazepine use time periods did not differ significantly between the M-ROCC (22.1%) and recovery support (20.2%) groups (1.9%; 95% CI, −10.3%- 14.1%; P = .76) (Table 2). Similarly, there was no significant difference in cocaine use periods between the M-ROCC (8.4%) and recovery support (1.5%) groups (6.9%; 95% CI, −2.4%-16.2%; P = .15).

 

Large effect size reductions in anxiety from baseline to week 24 were observed in the recovery support group, with a mean T score change of −10.0 (95% CI, −12.0 to −8.0; P < .001; Cohen d = −1.3), and in the M-ROCC group, with a mean T score change of −9.0 (95% CI, −11.7 to −6.3; P < .001; Cohen d = −1.1). The interaction term for study group by week (weeks 0, 8, 16, and 24) was not significant (χ23 = 4.5; P = .31), and there was no significant difference between study groups at week 24 (95% CI, 1.0; −2.4 to 4.3; P = .57) (eFigure 1 in Supplement 2).

 

In exploratory analysis of change in opioid craving over time, we added baseline opioid craving to the other outcome covariates. The interaction term for study group by week was significant (χ224 = 56.5; P < .001). At week 24, the recovery support group mean opioid craving decreased by −44% (−1.3; 95% CI, −1.9 to −0.8; P < .001; Cohen d = −0.7) compared with a −67% (−2.3; 95% CI, −2.9 to −1.7; P < .001; Cohen d = −1.3) decrease in the M-ROCC group (Table 3). This represented a significant differential reduction among the M-ROCC group compared with the recovery support group (−1.0; 95% CI, −1.7 to −0.2; P = .01; Cohen d = −0.5) (Figure 2).

 

Results of the imputation analyses for primary, secondary, and exploratory analyses did not differ substantially from the maximum likelihood estimation analyses (eTable 1, eTable 2, and eFigure 2 in Supplement 2). Sensitivity analyses using all covariates associated with missingness (eg, COVID-19 Delta and Omicron wave cohorts) on the primary, secondary, and exploratory outcomes also had similar results (eResults 1, eTable 3, and eTable 4 in Supplement 2). Only 59% of the participants (116 of 196) completed week 24 of the study. Completer analyses also had similar results. A completer analysis found that women (52.9%) were more likely than men (41.3%) to continue after week 8 in both arms, and non-Hispanic White individuals who spoke English (48.8%) were more likely than others (6.3%) to continue into the intensive M-ROCC after week 8.

 

Adverse Events

 

There were no significant between-group differences in adverse events. One adverse event, which was of mild severity, was intervention-related (ie, pain during mindful movement practice in the M-ROCC group) (eResults 2 in Supplement 2).

 

Discussion

 

This geographically diverse randomized clinical trial recruiting from 16 states (eFigure 3 in Supplement 2) demonstrated that M-ROCC was not more effective than a nonmindfulness, evidence-based recovery support for reducing illicit opioid, benzodiazepine, or cocaine use. Infrequent opioid use in both groups may have limited the study’s power to detect between-group differences. This may have resulted from positive intervention effects, study attrition, missing data, or selecting a sample of participants receiving stable buprenorphine doses for at least 30 days. Additionally, both the M-ROCC and recovery support groups demonstrated similarly large reductions in anxiety, suggesting that, irrespective of theoretical approach, group-based live-online psychosocial interventions may have similar benefits for anxiety during buprenorphine treatment.

 

The M-ROCC participants experienced a differential reduction in opioid craving, a risk factor for illicit opioid use and treatment dropout during buprenorphine treatment.40,42,43 Similar craving reductions were observed in a recent study of mindfulness among opioid misusers with chronic pain.44 However, unlike this and other prior research,45 differential craving reductions among M-ROCC participants did not translate into significantly less opioid use than observed in the comparator intervention group. Participants were required to have stable buprenorphine doses for 30 days or more, which resulted in relatively low levels of baseline residual craving and possibly less opioid use.

 

Several mechanisms may explain the differential reduction in opioid craving among M-ROCC participants.46,47 Mindfulness-based interventions may ameliorate reward processing dysfunction through mindful savoring practices designed to resensitize people with OUD to natural reward signals.48,49 Craving involves interoceptive processing, and several mindfulness practices (eg, body scan) may impact craving by enhancing healthy interoceptive awareness and correcting interoceptive dysregulation.5056 Mindfulness enhances self-regulation capacity and improves emotion regulation, thereby reducing reactivity to negative affect and breaking associations between negative affect and substance use craving.19,21,57,58 Additionally, mindfulness training reduces attentional bias toward opioid-related cues, possibly reducing autonomic reactivity and enhancing cognitive control during a craving response.5961 Mindful urge surfing represents a resilient coping response, reducing craving elaboration and increasing awareness of early signs of craving.62,63 Repeated urge surfing with successful inhibition of craving-related responses paired with reconnection to deeply held values may uncouple activating drug-use cues from conditioned appetitive responses64,65 and realign motivation, helping sustain behavior change.19,66,67

 

Group-based opioid treatment is an increasingly common approach to providing concurrent behavioral health interventions during buprenorphine treatment.15,2830,68 Groups may facilitate improved treatment outcomes by teaching coping techniques and increasing social support, which has been associated with decreased substance use and improved retention in medications for opioid use disorder treatments.69 More research comparing group-based opioid treatment directly with individual care is needed, as well as understanding which implementation factors (eg, telehealth/in-person, delivery of evidence-based curriculum, and providing buprenorphine prescriptions during group) may support improved outcomes in group-based opioid treatment.28,30 The use of a group-based opioid treatment control arm incorporating evidence-based interventions for substance use disorder distinguishes this study from another recent randomized clinical trial18 for people with chronic pain during methadone maintenance that compared an adjunctive telehealth mindfulness group with an active supportive psychotherapy group control that did not provide any therapeutic skill training. In that study, the mindfulness arm demonstrated fewer drug use days and greater medication adherence, although anxiety was not significantly different between the groups.

 

The results of this present study align with meta-analyses suggesting that mindfulness, while often better than passive controls, does not differ substantially from other evidence-based interventions with respect to substance use and anxiety outcomes.70,71 In contrast, meta-analyses suggest that mindfulness outperforms active controls for reducing cravings among individuals with substance use disorders.72,73 This trial extends these findings, highlighting that mindfulness training may be helpful for patients with residual craving during buprenorphine treatment. The findings of this trial suggest the utility of mindfulness training as an evidence-based adjunctive approach for treating residual craving during opioid treatment with buprenorphine.

 

Limitations

 

This study has limitations. Higher levels of attrition in the M-ROCC group were noted compared with the pilot study,23 especially between weeks 8 and 16, when the intensive mindfulness program started. To be trauma informed, M-ROCC leaders encouraged participants at week 8 to consider their personal motivations for continuing into the more intensive Mindfulness Training for Primary Care OUD curriculum, emphasizing the choice to continue or withdraw from the group. The recovery support group did not have similar warnings about changing intervention intensity. Studies of trigger warnings suggest they do not typically lead to therapeutic avoidance in the general population74; however, levels of experiential avoidance can be higher among patients with OUD.75 Women were more likely than men to continue in both arms, and non-Hispanic White individuals who spoke English were most likely to continue into the intensive M-ROCC, suggesting that these warnings might have been experienced differently based on gender, identity, and culture. Additionally, the significant difference between groups in opioid craving changes over time could have resulted from a smaller, more committed group of engaged individuals continuing in M-ROCC compared with recovery support. Future multivariate analyses will be conducted to examine the effects of differential attrition on craving outcomes.

 

Stress, illness, and changes in lifestyle or employment changes due to the COVID-19 pandemic created barriers for multiple participants to engage with this study, resulting in higher than expected attrition particularly during cohorts overlapping with the Delta and Omicron waves of COVID-19 infections. Nevertheless, intention-to-treat analysis using maximum likelihood estimation methods allowed all 196 participants to be included in the final analyses.

 

The study’s predominantly White sample reflects national statistics on buprenorphine treatment engagement, but the study enrolled fewer Black participants than expected, allowing the possibility that findings may not generalize to all populations. Geographic and regional diversity was a unique strength of this study (eFigure 3 in Supplement 2), but integration of geographically diverse populations with different racial and ethnic and cultural backgrounds into common live-online groups added complexity during an intense period of national racial unrest that started in 2020.7678 This study also lacked a control condition with no behavioral treatment; therefore, it is unclear whether specific behavioral interventions, general group effects, or time in buprenorphine treatment were the primary factors of anxiety reduction.

 

Conclusions

 

In this randomized clinical trial, the impacts of a trauma-informed mindfulness-based group intervention during buprenorphine treatment on opioid use, substance use, and anxiety were similar to a recovery support group with a curriculum using evidence-based substance use treatment approaches. While further research is required, the study suggests that mindfulness-based groups may be particularly useful for reducing craving among patients with OUD who are experiencing residual opioid craving during buprenorphine treatment.

PLOS ONE | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0317036 March 7, 2025 1 / 24

Citation: Onohuean H, Oosthuizen F (2025)
1 Biopharmaceutics Unit, Department of Pharmacology and Toxicology, Kampala International University
Western Campus, Ishaka-Bushenyi, Uganda, 2 Discipline of Pharmaceutical Sciences, School of Health
Sciences, Westville Campus, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa
* onohuean@gmail.com

Abstract

Introduction
There is an ongoing global upsurge of opioid misuse, fatal overdose and other related
disorders, significantly affecting the African continent, due to resource-limited settings and
poor epidemiological surveillance systems. This scoping review maps scientific evidence
on epidemiological data on unlawful opioid use to identify knowledge gaps and policy
shortcomings.

Method
The databases (PubMed, Scopus, Web of Sciences) and references were searched
guided by Population, Concept, and Context (PCC) and PRISMA-ScR. The extracted
characteristics examined were author/year, African country, epidemiological distribution,
age group (year), gender, study design and setting, common opioid/s abused, sources of
drugs, reasons for misuse, summary outcomes and future engagement.

Results

A population of 55132 participated in the included studies of 68 articles, with the
largest sample size of 17260 (31.31%) in a study done in South Africa, 11281(20.46%)
in a study from Egypt and 4068 (7.38%) in a study from Ethiopia. The gender of the
participants was indicated in 65(95.59%) papers. The mean and median age reported
in 57(83.82%) papers were 15.9-38, and 22-31years. The majority of study-designs
were cross-sectional, 44(64.71%), and the most used opioids were heroin, 14articles
(20.59%), tramadol, 8articles (11.76%), and tramadol & heroin, 6 articles (8.82%)
articles. Study-settings included urban community 15(22.06%), hospital 15(22.06%),
university students 11(16.18%), and secondary school learners 6(8.82%). The highest
epidemiological distributions were recorded in the South African study, 19615(35.60%),
Egyptian study, 14627(26.54%), and Nigerian study 5895(10.70%). Nine (13.24%)
papers reported major opioid sources as black market, friends, and drug dealers. To
relieve stress, physical pain and premature ejaculation, improve mood and sleep-related
PLOS ONE | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0317036 March 7, 2025 2 / 24
PLOS ONE The burden of unlawful use of opioid and associated epidemiological characteristics in Africa
problems and help to continue work, were the major reasons for taking these drugs as
reported in twenty articles (29.41%).

Conclusion
The findings of this scoping review show significant knowledge gaps on opioid usage in
the African continent. The epidemiological distribution of unlawful use of opioids among
young adults, drivers, and manual labourers in both genders is evident in the findings.
The reason for use necessity scrutinises the role of social interaction, friends and family
influence on illicit opiate use. Therefore, there is a need for regular epidemiological
surveillance and investigations into multilevel, value-based, comprehensive, and strategic
long-term intervention plans to curb the opioid problem in the region.

Introduction
Opiate use disorders and overdoses are an emerging global health concern. Both prescriptions
and non-clinical indications contribute to the escalating global opioid use disorder
problem (OUD). The opioid crisis has metamorphosed through the Use of: methadone in
1999, heroin in 2010, and the current wave of a combination of heroin, counterfeit pills,
and cocaine [1–8]. An estimated 62 million people globally used opioids in 2019, and
36.3 million were impacted by its associated problems [9]. In the US estimated use has
increased from 70029 in 2020 to 80816 in 2021 [10], and in Canada, 7560 opioid-related
fatalities occurred in 2021 [11]. In Italy opioid addiction affects more than five people per
1000 [12], while a regional study in Germany conducted amongst 57 million adults, found
opioid prescription prevalence of 38.7 or 12.8/1000 persons of low- and high-potency
opioids in 2020 [13]. However, little is known about the epidemiological characteristics in
Sub-Saharan Africa.
There are reports of opioid abuse, although not specifically on opioid fatal overdose or
its related disorders, in some African countries, including Egypt, Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania,
and South Africa [14–24]. Some of these studies report the increasing use of tramadol
and heroin among university and secondary school students, factories and site workers,
long-distance drivers, sex workers, as well as unemployed youth [14–16,23,24]. However,
in many other African countries, there is scanty or no information regarding the ongoing
opioid crisis.
The findings on the reason for illicit opioid use includes; pleasure-seeking, craving, habits,
impulsivity, improving energy [25], relieving stress [26], peer pressure from friends [27],
engendering “morale” and “courage” to engage in sex work and “fight” potentially abusive
clients [28]. Some of the reported sources are the black market [29], friends and drug dealers
[30], roadways, bus terminals or intercity stands, low-income residential areas, abandoned or
unfinished buildings, and fishing camps along the Indian Ocean [31].
Global opioid trafficking channels exist from Afganistan, through the india ocean and
East Africa to the west [19,32,33]. This impacts heroin use among the population living in the
coastal region of Comoros, Tanzania, Kenya, northern Mozambique, Madagascar, Mauritius
and Seychelles [34–36]. Unlawful use of opioids could aggravate the already sporadic spread
of infectious diseases like malaria, cholera, and HIV [37–41]. In 2018, the UNODC [42,43]
predicted with insufficient evidence that another opioid crisis was developing in Africa. Inadequate
vital record-keeping and surveillance systems make it challenging to comprehend the
incidence burden and effects of opioid overdose in Africa [44].

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March 12, 2025

What is the Hyannis Consensus Blueprint?

The Hyannis Consensus Blueprint is a groundbreaking framework designed to guide international efforts in addressing the devastating impact of addiction. Key pillars shape this balanced drug policy, including prevention, intervention, treatment, recovery, supply reduction, and enhanced global collaboration. With addiction now at catastrophic levels in many regions, the blueprint represents a vital roadmap for sustainable change.

The principles outlined in the blueprint prioritise strategies that discourage drug use while addressing underlying systemic challenges. It promotes innovating criminal justice systems, encourages adopting evidence-based treatment options, and advocates uniting globally to combat addictive substances.

The Cost of Ignoring Addiction

Failing to address addiction comes with an enormous human and economic cost. The transcript from the Hyannis Consensus launch highlights a pressing need to move beyond toxic cycles of permissive drug policies and normalisation. Legalisation of drugs, as seen in North America, has reportedly led to devastating effects, particularly among young people, and prioritised corporate profits over public health.

The Hyannis Consensus Blueprint stands as a counterpoint to this trend. It promotes a world where communities can thrive without the shadow of addiction, empowering individuals to recover fully and lead drug-free lives.

Prevention and Recovery as Pillars of Change

At its core, the Hyannis Consensus Blueprint revolves around prevention and recovery. Prevention aims to stop drug use before it starts, while recovery offers individuals a path to rebuild their lives. This proactive approach aims to not only reduce harm but also transform lives for the better.

The blueprint urges balancing efforts across criminal justice and public health systems. Effective drug courts alongside harm-reduction interventions serve as vital tools in discouraging drug use and fostering recovery. Nations serious about tackling addiction must consider these solutions to safeguard future generations.

Governments Urged to Prioritise Resilient Societies

Governments worldwide are now being urged to realign their national drug policies with the principles of the Hyannis Consensus Blueprint. Countries are encouraged to reaffirm their commitment to international drug conventions, reject legalisation experiments that prioritise private interests, and expand programmes rooted in criminal justice reform and effective public health measures.

The launch of this blueprint serves as a rallying cry for nations determined to prioritise human dignity and community wellbeing. By adopting the Hyannis Consensus Blueprint, countries can pave the way for healthier, more resilient societies.

Why the Hyannis Consensus Matters

Addiction is more than an individual struggle; it’s a societal challenge that affects families, economies, and futures. The Hyannis Consensus Blueprint is a bold step towards reversing the tide of permissive drug policies and ineffective strategies. For countries looking to protect their citizens, this balanced drug policy provides the tools and vision necessary for meaningful change.

Organisations like the Dalgarno Institute and WFAD are at the forefront of this global effort, highlighting the importance of this significant, timely initiative. Communities deserve policies that prioritise recovery, not exploitation, and the Hyannis Consensus Blueprint is uniquely positioned to achieve this goal.

Learn more here.

Source: https://wrdnews.org/the-hyannis-consensus-blueprint-a-landmark-in-balanced-drug-policy/

This story originally appeared on NPR’s “All Things Considered.” 

Pennsylvania is seeing roughly 2,000 fewer drug deaths a year. Nationwide, the number of annual deaths from drug overdoses has dropped by more than 30,000 people a year.

On a blustery winter morning, Keli McLoyd set off on foot across Kensington. This area of Philadelphia is one of the most drug-scarred neighborhoods in the U.S. In the first block, she knelt next to a man curled on the sidewalk in the throes of fentanyl, xylazine or some other powerful street drug.

“Sir, are you alright? You OK?” asked McLoyd, who leads Philadelphia’s city-run overdose response unit. The man stirred and took a breath. “OK, I can see he’s moving, he’s good.”

In Kensington, good means still alive. By the standards of the deadly U.S. fentanyl crisis, that’s a victory.

It’s also part of a larger, hopeful trend. Pennsylvania alone is seeing roughly 2,000 fewer drug deaths a year.

Nationwide, the number of annual deaths from drug overdoses has dropped by more than 30,000 people a year.

That’s according to the latest provisional data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, comparing drug deaths in a 12-month period at the peak in June 2023 to the latest available records from October 2024.

Officials with the CDC describe the improvement as “unprecedented,” but public health experts say the rapidly growing number of people in the U.S. surviving addiction to fentanyl and other drugs still face severe and complicated health problems.

“He’s not dead, but he’s not OK,” McLoyd said, as she bent over another man, huddled against a building unresponsive.

Many people in Kensington remain severely addicted to a growing array of toxic street drugs. Physicians, harm reduction workers and city officials say skin wounds, bacterial infections and cardiovascular disease linked to drug use are common.

“It’s absolutely heartbreaking to see people live in these conditions,” she said.

Indeed, some researchers and government officials believe the fentanyl overdose crisis has now entered a new phase, where deaths will continue declining while large numbers of people face what amounts to severe chronic illness, often compounded by homelessness, poverty, criminal records and stigma.

“Initially it’s been kind of this panic mode of preventing deaths,” said Nabarun Dasgupta, who studies addiction data and policy at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill. His team was one of the first to detect the national drop in fatal overdoses.

His latest study found drug deaths have now declined in all 50 states and the trend appears to be long-term and sustainable. “Now that we have found some effective ways to keep people alive, it’s really important to reach out to them and try to help them improve their whole lives,” Dasgupta said.

Source: https://whyy.org/articles/fentanyl-deaths-help-for-survivors/

Photo: UNODC
Member states voting at the 68th session of the CND.

Vienna (Austria), 14 March 2025 — The sixty-eighth session of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) concluded today after five days of intensive discussions on global drug policy, international cooperation and the implementation of international drug policy commitments. The strong engagement and high level of participation from governments and stakeholders in Vienna, 2,000 of whom gathered to exchange views and shape collective responses to evolving drug-related challenges, demonstrates the Commission’s relevance as the global platform for addressing the complexities of the world drug problem in an evidence-based, forward-looking manner.

In her closing remarks, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Executive Director Ghada Waly emphasized the importance of strengthening the CND. “In times of division and uncertainty, we need effective multilateral institutions more than ever,” she said. “And the level of engagement at this session has once again confirmed the enduring relevance of this Commission as the global forum for drug policy.”

She urged Member States to redouble their efforts, commitment and cooperation, recognizing that the evolution of the world drug problem demands a renewed and determined response. “UNODC will remain committed to working for a healthier and safer world, guided by the decisions of Member States,” she concluded.

Six New Substances under Control

In fulfilling its normative functions under the international drug control conventions, the Commission acted on recommendations from the World Health Organization (WHO), deciding to place six substances under international control. These include four synthetic opioids –  N-pyrrolidino protonitazene, N-pyrrolidino metonitazene, etonitazepipne, and N-desethyl isotonitazene – which have been linked to fatal overdoses. The Commission also placed hexahydrocannabinol (HHC), a semi-synthetic cannabinoid with effects similar to THC that has been found in a variety of consumer products, under Schedule II of the 1971 Convention. Additionally, carisoprodol, a centrally acting skeletal muscle relaxant, widely misused in combination with opioids and benzodiazepines, was placed under Schedule IV of the 1971 Convention due to its potential for dependence and health risks. These scheduling decisions reflect the Commission’s ongoing efforts to respond to emerging drug threats and protect public health.

Six resolutions adopted

The Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) also adopted six resolutions, reinforcing global efforts to address drug-related challenges through evidence-based policies and strengthened international cooperation.

To protect children and adolescents, the Commission encouraged the implementation of scientific, evidence-based drug prevention programs, emphasizing the need for early interventions and cross-sectoral collaboration to build resilience against non-medical drug use.

Recognizing the growing impact of stimulant use disorders, another resolution promoted research into effective, evidence-based treatment options, calling on Member States to invest in innovative pharmacological and psychosocial interventions to improve care for those affected.

The importance of alternative development was reaffirmed with a resolution aimed at modernizing strategies that help communities transition away from illicit crop cultivation, ensuring long-term economic opportunities while addressing broader issues like poverty and environmental sustainability.

In response to the rising threat of synthetic drugs, the Commission adopted a resolution to protect law enforcement and first responders dismantling illicit synthetic drug labs and advocating for stronger safety protocols, enhanced training and international cooperation to reduce risks.

To strengthen the implementation of international drug control conventions and policy commitments, the Commission decided to establish an expert panel tasked with developing a set of recommendations to strengthen the global drug control system.

Additionally, recognizing the environmental damage caused by illicit drug-related activities, the Commission adopted another resolution calling on Member States to integrate environmental protection into drug policies and address the negative impacts on the environment resulting from the illicit drug-related activities.

These resolutions reflect the Commission’s commitment to providing concrete, coordinated responses and ensuring that drug control policies remain effective, adaptive and aligned with contemporary challenges.

Source: https://www.unodc.org/unodc/frontpage/2025/March/cnd-68-concludes_-six-new-substances-controlled-six-resolutions-adopted.html

    Delegation of the European Union to the International Organisations in Vienna

Statement by Press and information team of the Delegation to UN and OSCE in Vienna:

It is an honour to be here and to speak on behalf of the European Union and its Member States. Albania, Andorra, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Iceland, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Republic of Moldova, San Marino and Ukraine align themselves with this statement.

Mr Chair,

We remain committed to strengthening the global cooperation to address drug-related challenges in accordance with an evidence-based, integrated, balanced and comprehensive approach. We acknowledge the important role of UNODC in monitoring the world drug situation, developing strategies on international drug control and recommending measures to address drug-related challenges.

As we meet today, conflicts and violence are unfolding in numerous parts of the world. The EU and its Member States call for the full respect for the UN Charter andinternational law, including international humanitarian law, whether in relation to Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, or the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, Sudan, Ethiopia, DRC and elsewhere.

Drug trafficking controlled by organised crime groupsthreatens public health, our security, our economies and prosperous development worldwide, and even our democratic institutions and the rule of law. This is an important security challenge that Europe is currently facing. As demonstrated by the European Drug Report 2024, as a consequence of the high availability of drugs, large-volume trafficking and competition between criminal groups in Europe, some countries are experiencing an increase in violence and other forms of criminality linked to the operation of the drug market.

To address this concern, last November the EU hosted the European Conference on Drug-related Violenceas part of the implementation of the EU Roadmap to combat drug trafficking and organised crime. At the conference, the EU Drugs Agency called for action on drug-related violence, to encourage and support efforts to enhance safety and security across all sectors of society with measures to anticipate, alert, respond and learn from the growing complexities of drug-related violence. This initiative reflects our collective determination to address the increasing violence linked to drug trafficking.

In line with the pledge of the Global Coalition to address Synthetic Drug Threats that the EUcommitted to in September 2024, we are currently closely monitoring the risks of a potential increase in the supply and demand for synthetic opioids in Europe. This possible shift could represent unique challenges for public health systems and law enforcement.

Among such challenges is the growing number of illegal laboratories that produce synthetic drugs. Considering the threat they pose, Poland – on behalf of the EU – has tabled a resolution that draws attention to the protection of all those that are at the forefront of dismantling drug laboratories. Our aim is to set the ground for global standards in ensuring the safety of law enforcement officers, and we count on your support for this important resolution.

The EU and its Member States also call for greater consideration of development-oriented drug policies and alternative development measures, as well as the environmental damage linked to the direct and indirect impact of illicit drug crop cultivation, drug production and manufacture and drug policy responses. Conscious of the realities that shape our world, a resolution addressing the environmental impact of drugs has been tabled by France on behalf of the EU. This is atopic that needs more engagement from all of us, and we hope that you will back this resolution as well.

The EU and its Member States continue to emphasise that States are obliged to protect, promote and fulfilhuman rights, including when they develop and implement drug policies. All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights, and the EU and its Member States recall that the death penalty should be abolished globally. We condemn the use of capital punishment at all times and under all circumstances, including for drug-related offences. Additional measures should be taken for people in vulnerable and marginalised situations and to reduce stigma and discrimination. We underline that substance use disorders are a health issue requiring compassionateand evidence-based interventions. Stigmatisation and criminalisation of individuals with substance use disorders should be replaced with a health-centredapproach to reduce risks and harm.

Addressing drug-related harm also remains an important pillar of EU drug policy and the EU Drugs Strategy. The EU and its Member States are implementing a human rights-based approach with a range of measures in compliance with the three international drug conventions. The aim is to reduce drug supply and to take prevention, treatment, care and recovery measures, to reduce risk and harm to society and to the individual. We also ensure a meaningful involvement of scientific experts, civil society and affected communities. We urge the international community to further embrace pragmatic measures aimed at reducing the health and social harms, both for the individual and for society, associated with drug use. From needle and syringe exchange programmes to opioid agonist therapies, such evidence-based initiatives are essential for safeguarding public health and dignity. Prevention, treatment, care and recovery measures, risk and harm reduction must be expanded, adequately resourced, and firmly rooted in respect for human rights, as also set out in last year’s CND resolution 67/4 [on preventing and responding to drug overdose through prevention, treatment, care and recovery measures, as well as other public health interventions, to address the harms associated with illicit drug use as part of a balanced, comprehensive, scientific evidence-based approach].

In the context of current global drug-related challenges, it is important to stress that effective solutions can only be achieved through a balanced and whole-of-society approach as well as by engaging all relevant stakeholders, including health-care personnel, who provide critical support to those affected by substance use disorders; law enforcement officers, who risk their lives in targeting organised crime groups involved in drug production and trafficking; academia, which contributes with evidence-based research and innovative solutions; civil society organisations, which play an important role in prevention, and in risk and harm reduction initiatives. International cooperation is also indispensable to tackle the global drugs phenomenon and we count on the close involvement ofall relevant United Nations entities, including human rights bodies, to foster coordinated international action and inter-agency cooperation.

As set out in the high-level declaration by the CND on the 2024 mid-term review, we stress the urgent need for further ambitious, effective, improved and decisive actions as well as for more proactive, scientific evidence-based, comprehensive, balanced approaches to address drug-related challenges.

For that, we emphasise the critical importance of thorough data collection, monitoring, and scientific research. The European Union Drugs Agency is therefore key in developing Europe’s capacity to react to both current and future drug-related challenges, and we have made a concrete pledge in this regard at last year’s High-level segment of the CND.

Mr. Chair, to conclude,

Continuous drug-related challenges require our united front and cooperation to address them in the most effective and sustainable manner, and we count on global efforts to do so together. The EU and its Member States reaffirm their own commitment to fostering a comprehensive, inclusive, and balanced approach to addressing the world drug situation. We call on all Member States and stakeholders to join us in prioritising health, dignity, and human rights in all aspects of drug policy.

Thank you.

SOURCE: https://www.eeas.europa.eu/delegations/vienna-international-organisations/eu-statement-general-debate-68th-session-commission-narcotic-drugs-10-march-2025_en

This special section of the International Journal of Drug Policy brings together empirical and conceptual contributions to youth cannabis research through diverse methodological and critical social science approaches. Specifically, we present a collection of four empirical papers and three commentaries, all engaging with the central question, how can theoretical and methodological innovations advance youth and young adult-centered cannabis research, policy, and practice?
The current evidence base on cannabis use among youth and young adults under 30 years of age is limited by two key challenges. First, there is a strong emphasis on biomedical forms of knowledge production centred on individualistic understandings and abstinence-focused goals, with a tendency to overlook the broader social contexts that influence cannabis use patterns. Second, the incorporation of youth and young adult perspectives is lacking. In a shifting drug policy landscape where many nations and regions, including ours (Canada), have either legalized cannabis or are considering doing so, we need research approaches that can comprehensively examine the documented risks of cannabis use as well as those that can account for the social and structural contexts that shape youth and young adult substance use decision-making (Rubin-Kahana et al., 2022). To date; however, much of the research addressing youth and young adult cannabis use remains under-theorized, overly descriptive, and lacking in critical analysis of the links between substance use harms and social inequities (Kourgiantakis et al., 2024).
Over the last several decades, mounting research has documented the potential health harms of cannabis use, particularly for those who initiate early or consume regularly. This includes substantial evidence that identifies risks related to the onset of psychotic disorders, motor vehicle accidents, and cannabis use disorder as well as effects on educational and occupational outcomes (National Academies of Sciences, Engineering & Medicine, 2017). However, a focus on risks in the absence of considerations of lived experience or social-contextual influences restricts our understandings and may limit the development of impactful and supportive interventions for those who may benefit most.
At this juncture, we argue that in addition to rigorous examination of health impacts, there is a pressing need for inquiry using methodological approaches that meaningfully engage youth and young adults with lived experience of cannabis use in research, peer-based education, and advocacy and activism for policy and practice change. This is particularly important given that different populations experience varying levels of risk and protection based on their social and structural circumstances (Gunadi & Shi, 2022), while cannabis policy, education, and care continue to rely on a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach, disregarding the diverse perspectives, experiences, patterns, and motivations of young people with regard to their cannabis use.
In preparing for this special section, we sought to collate research from diverse disciplines and geographic regions. We were particularly interested in highlighting research that moves beyond description towards theoretically engaged analyses, as well as research using participatory, arts-based, or youth engagement methodologies to understand youth and young adult cannabis use practices. Taken together, we envisioned that these papers would highlight new ways of theorizing, researching, and advocating in the global context of cannabis policy liberalization. We also hoped that this process would create new research connections among scholars with shared interests in this area. However, while various efforts were made to attract contributions from around the world, all but one of the final submissions were from Canada, with one additional contribution from Nigeria.
While the geographical representation is limited, the papers in this special section demonstrate innovative approaches to studying youth and young adult cannabis use while maintaining awareness of documented health risks. Bear and colleagues introduce “mindful consumption and benefit maximization” as a framework that acknowledges both potential risks and the importance of informed decision-making. They argue that harm reduction campaigns focused on cannabis risk, being received as stigmatizing or out of touch, given that cannabis is perceived by young consumers as a “relatively harmless drug” compared to other regulated substances, such as alcohol and tobacco. Instead of centering potential harms, mindful consumption and benefit maximization is presented as a strengths-oriented approach that aims to reduce stigma while promoting informed decision making to maximize positive experiences. Bear and colleagues offer that efforts to shift and better inform how young people make choices related to cannabis use can contribute new pathways for better preventing potential long-term consequences.
Another area of focus within the contributed articles included research problematizing the socio-structural contexts of cannabis use, foregrounding the perspectives of marginalized youth whose voices and life circumstances are often absent from the research literature, despite inequitably bearing the brunt of cannabis-related harms (Huang et al., 2020Jones, 2024Zuckermann et al., 2020). Haines-Saah and colleagues tackled the concept of “risk” among youth and young adults living with profound health and social inequities across several Canadian provinces. Using a youth-centred qualitative approach, this research makes visible the experiences of young people whose everyday lives are characterized by intersecting hardship and inequity. Within these circumstances, the risks of cannabis use are reconceptualised by the youth participants as they thoughtfully consider the ways that cannabis has served as a tool for survival while navigating historical and ongoing experiences of trauma and violence. Many of these youth also spoke to the ways that they engage in regular reflection about their cannabis use practices, informing efforts to reduce or abstain when recognizing that their use is too frequent or when experiencing adverse mental health effects.
Aligned with this focus on growing understandings of the cannabis use experiences and contexts of marginalized youth, Nelson and Nnam contributed a qualitative paper on cannabis use and harm reduction practices among youth and young adult women aged 21–35 living in Uyo, Nigeria. For young women in this setting, cannabis use was noted to progress quickly from more casual or social use, to frequent and heavy consumption. Aligned with the findings presented in Haines-Saah and colleagues’ Canadian research, the results of this study illustrate the ways that cannabis use and related risk is shaped by health and social contexts characterized by trauma and mental health challenges tied to marginalized social locations. Indeed, it is noted that in this setting, cannabis was used to “treat the psychological symptoms of structural inequalities”. Nelson and Nman powerfully argue that to make progress in supporting young people, interventions must target the social and structural roots of drug-related harms.
Examinations of the intersections between cannabis use and queer and trans youth identities was also a theme across several of the special section papers. Barborini and authors drew on community-based participatory research approaches, including photovoice, to examine how cannabis use features within the experiences of transgender, non-binary and gender non-conforming (TGNC) youth in the Canadian province of British Columbia. Barborini et al. identified how TGNC youth use cannabis in purposeful and strategic ways, including as they enact ‘non-normative’ gender expressions. They also found that TGNC youth use cannabis in to facilitate introspection, including as they advance personal discoveries about their gender identities and development. In their analysis, they describe how TGNC youth are using cannabis in emancipatory ways, with some of their sample describing how cannabis use is important for them in accessing moments of gender euphoria and affirmation, particularly given many of the broader social structural oppressions they face in their everyday lives.
London-Nadeau and colleagues’ research paper, led by their team of queer youth, presents a community-based qualitative study conducted in Quebec, Canada. In this paper, the authors demonstrate how certain populations face unique risks and challenges that require more tailored approaches. They action Perrin and colleagues’ (2020) Minority Strengths Model to advance understandings about how cannabis use features in queer and trans youth’s endeavours to “survive and thrive”. Here, cannabis was identified as supporting the production of an “authentic [queer and trans] self”, facilitating processes centering on self-exploration, introspection, and expression. Additionally, London-Nadeau and colleagues contributed a commentary presenting insights gained through conducting their empirical research. In this paper, they reflect on barriers and opportunities for cannabis research conducted by queer and trans youth, including the importance of “leading from the heart” in their efforts to connect with the shared cultures of their study participants while attuning to the ways that their experiences may differ, in part due to their academic affiliations that serve as a source of privilege within the context of knowledge production.
Finally, D’Alessio and colleagues offer details on their experiences with Get Sensible, a project of the Canadian Students for Sensible Drug Policy. In this reflection piece, the Get Sensible team describes how their work developing and implementing an educational toolkit challenged historical approaches to cannabis education by prioritizing young people’s voices, harm reduction, other evidence-based strategies, and peer-to-peer models. They also describe how, by drawing on a youth-led project design, the Get Sensible educational toolkit provides young people with the information they need to make empowered and informed decisions to minimize cannabis-related harms.
Across diverse geographical and drug policy contexts, cannabis remains one of the most widely used substances among youth and young adults. As such, there is a pressing need for knowledge generation that pushes boundaries to expand understandings beyond the confines of biomedical and risk-dominated paradigms. Moreover, drug policy scholarship, including that published in this journal, has advocated for research and practice that embodies the harm reduction principle of “nothing about us without us,” centering the expertise of people who use substances (e.g. Harris & Luongo, 2021Olding et al., 2023Piakowski et al., 2024Zakimi et al., 2024). When it comes to cannabis, or any substance use for that matter, it is our view that the impetus to protect youth from drug harms should not preclude their meaningful participation and leadership in drug prevention research and policy. The youth-centered scholarship and advocacy we highlight in this special issue is our contribution to prioritizing youth empowerment, not just their “protection.”
While our special section may not capture the full breadth of critical research being conducted with and for youth who use cannabis, the narrow geographical scope of the contributions underscores a degree of urgency for advancing innovative methodological approaches to youth and young adult cannabis research within and across global settings. We are nevertheless deeply inspired by the progress that has been made, as evidenced by the contributions in this special section, including those that critically challenge traditional approaches to cannabis use policy, education, and care via youth-centered research approaches. Ultimately, we hope that this issue will inspire a renewed research agenda that privileges the expertise of young people and engages with theories and methodologies that advance new understandings and possibilities for supporting cannabis use decision making and accompanying efforts to minimize potential harms.
Source: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0955395925000519

After achieving six months of sobriety, Horning has become a vocal advocate for comprehensive substance use prevention and education programs aimed at helping students in Warren County lead substance-free lives.

His initiative, developed in collaboration with Dr. Patricia Hawley-Mead and district officials, seeks to implement substance use prevention and education services across the school district. The goal of the initiative is to provide students, teachers, and parents with the education, community resources, and intervention strategies needed to prevent substance use and promote healthier lifestyle choices.

“If you were to tell me eight months ago I would be standing in front of you talking about substance abuse prevention and putting Narcan in AED boxes, I would have said you were crazy,” Horning shared with the audience during a recent school board meeting.

Horning’s passion for substance use prevention stems from his own difficult experience with addiction. He has openly shared his struggles with substance use, depression, and unhealthy coping mechanisms that led him down a painful path.

“My addiction was full of loss, hardships, and failures,” Horning explained. “Nothing seemed to work, nothing was helping me, and most importantly, I wasn’t helping myself. I’ve been in and out of psychiatrists’ offices, tried different medications, and felt completely lost. The only way I found recovery was by chance, but it shouldn’t be that way. We need a system in place to give students a way out before it’s too late.”

Looking back on his darkest moments, Horning admitted he never imagined he would be advocating for change in front of a crowd.

“I was not a great person at that moment in time,” he said, becoming emotional. “I made a lot of mistakes. My family, who is sitting behind me today, can tell you that. People inside and outside of school districts saw me at my worst. The disease of addiction is a lifelong battle that I will face until the day I die. But that does not mean it has to end in tragedy. That is why I am standing here today – to fight for others like me.”

Horning recognizes that many students turn to substances for a variety of reasons–whether out of boredom, depression, anxiety, or as a way to cope with personal struggles. His initiative is designed not only to educate students on the dangers of substance use but also to provide them with the tools and support systems they need to make better, healthier choices.

“This initiative will not only help students stay alive in case of an overdose, but it will help them find a way out of addiction and into a new life,” he emphasized. “Even if this helps just one person, it will all be worth it.”

INITIATIVE’S INSPIRATION

The inspiration behind Horning’s initiative came after a district-wide program held on September 18, 2024. During the event, public speaker Stephen Hill presented the First Choice & A Second Chance program to high school students. The program aimed to break the stigma surrounding substance use disorder, raise awareness about the ongoing drug epidemic, and encourage students to make healthier decisions.

Following the event, Horning was motivated to take action. He reached out to district administrators, safety officers, the school nurse department head, and a Family Services of Warren County drug and alcohol counselor to begin crafting a proposal for a comprehensive Substance Use Prevention and Education Service in the district.

The proposal calls for the establishment of educational programs that would teach students about the risks associated with substance use, provide early intervention services, and offer mental health support. Additionally, Horning’s plan includes provisions for Narcan to be available in school AED boxes, ensuring that life-saving measures are ready in case of an overdose emergency.

Hawley-Mead, who has worked closely with Horning on the initiative, stressed the importance of early intervention and prevention.

“The increasing prevalence of substance use among young people is a growing concern,” Mead said. “It poses a significant risk to their academic success, emotional well-being, and future prospects. Early prevention and education efforts have been shown to reduce substance use, improve student decision-making, and help create a more supportive and empathetic learning environment.”

Mead believes that by fostering a collaborative effort among educators, parents, and community partners, the district can proactively address the issue of substance use and equip students with the knowledge and support they need to thrive.

“This initiative will provide students, teachers, and parents with education, resources, and intervention strategies to support healthy choices and foster a positive, drug-free environment,” Mead said.

Horning concluded his speech with an emotional reflection on his own personal journey and the importance of offering help to others who may be struggling.

“What drove me to do this was really a lot of depression and unhealthy coping skills,” he shared. “I was not in the right mindset when I first used. I was not okay. If somebody had sat me down and told me, ‘We can help you,’ it could have saved me years of pain. That’s why we need this now. We need to offer students the opportunity to get help before it’s too late.”

Horning is determined to ensure that no student has to face the same struggles he did. His initiative is not only aimed at providing support for those already struggling with substance use but also preventing others from ever going down that difficult path.

“The only way I found recovery was by chance,” he admitted. “That’s the best way I can put it. Recovery is important, but when you are in an active addiction, it feels impossible to get through to someone. That’s why, eight months ago, I would have called you crazy if you told me I’d be standing here today. But now, I’m here. I have made myself a better person, and I want to give back for what I have found.”

Horning and district officials are now seeking approval from the school board and the community to bring this initiative to life in Warren County schools. Their goal is to integrate substance use prevention education into the curriculum, provide resources for students and families, and ensure that Narcan is available in AED boxes to help prevent potential overdose deaths.

“We don’t have to live in tragedy like other schools have,” Horning said. “We need to teach students how to use Narcan, how to stay alive, and most importantly, how to find a way out of addiction. Recovery is possible, and I want to show others that they don’t have to suffer alone.”

HORNING’S PROPOSAL

Horning’s written proposal outlines five key goals for the pilot initiative: Enhance school safety by increasing access to Narcan for emergency overdose response. Educate the school community about substance use prevention, intervention, and response strategies. Establish a student club focused on substance use awareness, prevention, and peer education to increase awareness and reduce stigma surrounding substance use disorder. Actively engage stakeholders, including students, staff, families, and community partners, to establish an anonymous and supportive program where students can learn about and advocate for substance use prevention. Create a district-sponsored club dedicated to promoting substance use prevention and education.

Hawley-Mead emphasized that while Narcan is already available in nurse’s offices during school hours, having it in AED boxes would ensure it’s accessible during after-school activities and weekend events.

“This proposal aims to make Narcan more widely available and accessible to first responders during emergencies, regardless of the time of day,” she said. “We want to ensure that this life-saving measure is available whenever and wherever it’s needed.”

Horning also reached out to Family Services of Warren County, which has expressed strong support for the initiative.

“They are very, very responsive towards this program,” Horning said. “I’ve spoken with counselors, including Nicole Neukum, executive director, and they’re all willing to give us whatever we need to make this a success.”

School board member Mary Passinger asked Horning if he felt comfortable sharing the personal story behind his addiction.

“It was really a lot of depression and unhealthy coping skills,” Horning responded. “I was not in the right mindset when I first used. If someone had told me, ‘We can help you,’ it could have saved me from years of pain.”

Board member John Wortman commended Horning for his bravery in speaking out and bringing this important issue to the district’s attention.

“There is nothing more important than standing up for what you believe in,” Wortman said. “The proposals outlined here will help make a significant, positive impact on students in Warren County. And that’s something we can all support.”

Superintendent Gary Weber also voiced his strong support for the initiative.

“We are 100% behind this initiative,” he said. “It’s clear that Jessie and Dr. Mead have worked hard to bring together stakeholders and develop a plan that will have a lasting and positive impact. We want to make sure this program is sustainable, and we’re committed to supporting it every step of the way.”

The district is currently reviewing Horning’s proposal, and community members are encouraged to get involved in supporting this critical initiative. For updates and information on how to help, individuals can reach out to district officials or Family Services of Warren County.

With this initiative, Horning hopes to not only save lives but also inspire others to break free from addiction and reclaim their futures.

“Recovery is possible,” he said. “And I want to show others that they don’t have to suffer alone.”

Source: https://www.timesobserver.com/news/local-news/2025/03/student-leads-charge-for-substance-use-prevention/

By Tina Underwood – February 23, 2025

Data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention show there were about 107,000 drug overdose deaths in the United States in 2023. Of those, about 75 percent, or 81,000, involved opioids.

With the aim of reducing those statistics, Lauren Jones ’22, who is in a post-baccalaureate at Harvard University, Brenna Outten ’22, a third-year doctoral student at Caltech and Leah Juechter ’24, who is working temporarily as a medical assistant, used computational chemistry as undergraduates at Furman to study the impacts of synthetic opioids.

Their work, with collaborators at Hendrix College and California State University, Los Angeles, was published in December in The Journal of Physical Chemistry B.

To say the project was formative for Jones and Outten is an understatement. They laid the foundation for the study during the height of COVID when traditional wet labs were all but shuttered.

“It’s amazing we were able to continue the work virtually during the pandemic,” said Jones, who researches sensory processing in children with autism and brain activity in children with rare neurodevelopmental and neurogenetic disorders at Boston Children’s Hospital.

Outten said the project “opened my eyes to how a scientist can contribute to fields like neuroscience, chemistry, biology and physics in ways I had never considered before.”

The paper focuses on work targeting the mu opioid receptor, or MOR. It resides mainly in the central nervous system and the GI tract. It’s like a molecular lock waiting for the right key (a drug like morphine or fentanyl) to unlock or activate a favorable response, such as reduced pain signals. But the same drugs can activate negative responses like drug tolerance, constipation, respiratory depression, addiction and overdose.

“There’s a lot we don’t understand about how opioids interact with the receptors embedded on nerves that mitigate the pain-signaling process,” Juechter said. “So the more we can uncover about how these drugs are interacting with the receptors in our bodies and the responses we feel, the better we’re able to help create pain therapeutics with reduced adverse effects and more beneficial safety profiles.”

What makes the researchers’ study unique is the application of both quantum mechanics conducted by Juechter, Outten and Jones, led by chemistry Professor George Shields, and molecular dynamics carried out by teams at Cal State and Hendrix College.

“It was interesting to see two drugs (morphine and fentanyl) that elicit almost identical effects are binding to the receptor in completely different ways,” Juechter said. “And to demonstrate that with highly accurate quantum mechanics was one of the first times we’ve seen that done.”

The manner in which opioids bind to MOR is diverse and complex. “So the need for a precise computing model becomes essential,” Juechter explained. “Even slight variations in calculations can drastically affect the data and subsequent conclusions.”

The ability to do research computationally can make drug development faster and cheaper, Juechter added. “Being able to paint the picture of what’s going on using empirically-supported mathematical theories, we can streamline the initial process of drug development.”

Impactful undergraduate research is a hallmark of The Furman Advantage, a four-year approach to education that creates a pathway for students to determine who they want to be and how they want to contribute to the world once they leave the university.

Juechter spent about eight months post-graduation fine-tuning the work with her co-authors before the paper was published.

“It was exceedingly evident Dr. Shields wanted to elevate me and give me the opportunity to pursue research,” Outten said.

Juechter hopes the project will set the tone for organic chemists involved in drug research and development.

“I want a role in the health care industry because I like the idea of affecting someone’s life in real time, in a positive way,” she said.

 

Source: https://www.furman.edu/news/neuroscience-grads-studied-how-to-make-opioids-safer

Teen non-medical misuse of medications may be more common than we believed.

by Mark Gold M.D. – Professor of Psychiatry, Yale, Florida and Washington Universities

Updated  |  Reviewed by Gary Drevitch

Key points

  • Teen nonmedical misuse of medications may be more common than previously reported.
  • Adolescents misuse dextromethorphan (DXM) products for their dissociative/hallucinogenic effects and euphoria.
  • A recent alert highlights increasing adolescent interest in using DXM and promethazine together

According to Sharon Levy, MD,Harvard Medical School’s pediatric addiction expert, nonmedical medication misuse may be much more common than previously reported. One of the older fads is in the news again: getting high from cough and cold medicines containing dextromethorphan (DXM). This drug is sometimes combined with prescribed promethazine with codeine. At very high doses, DXM mimics the effects of illegal drugs like phencyclidine (PCP) and ketamine.

More than 125 over-the-counter (OTC) medicines for cough and colds contain DXM. It’s in Coricidin, Dimetapp DM, Nyquil, Robitussin Cough and Cold, and store brands for cough-and-cold medicines. These products are available in pharmacies, grocery stores, and other retail outlets. A safe dose of products with DXM is about 15-30 milligrams (mg) over 24 hours. It usually takes 10 times that amount to make a teenager high.

Teen DXM Slang

syrup head is someone using cough syrups with DXM to get high. Dexing is getting high on products with DXM. Orange Crush alludes to some cough medicines with DXM. (The name may stem from the orange-colored syrup—and packaging—Delsym.)

Poor man’s PCP and poor man’s X are also common terms, because these drugs are inexpensive, but can cause effects similar to PCP or ecstasy at high doses. Red devils refer to Coricidin tablets or other cough medicines. Robo usually refers to cough syrup with DXM. It derives from the brand name Robitussin but is common slang for any cough syrup. Robo-tripping alludes to abusing products with DXM and, specifically, to the hallucinogenic trips people can attain at high doses.

Parents who hear teens using these terms should ask questions when the child and parent are alone.

Prevalence and Trends

The Monitoring the Future (MTF) survey, conducted by the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) and the University of Michigan, provides insights into adolescent substance use. The survey began monitoring OTC cough-and-cold medication abuse every year in 2006. That year, the MTF reported that 4.2% of 8th-graders, 5.3% of 10th-graders, and 6.9% of 12th-graders misused OTC cough-and-cold medications in the previous year. In 2015, 2.6% of 8th-graders, 3.3% of 10th-graders, and 4.0% of 12th-graders reported past-year misuse. The most recent data, in 2024, indicate that the percentage dropped somewhat. However, a recent alert from the National Drug Early Warning System at the University of Florida (NDEWS) suggests a resurgence of interest in DXM and its combination with antihistamines.

DXM+ Combination Dangers

When taken alone, DXM’s dissociative and hallucinogenic effects may include euphoria, altered perception of time, paranoia, disorientation, and hallucinations. Physical symptoms of intoxication are hyperexcitability, problems walking, involuntary eye movements, and irritability. High doses can lead to impaired motor function, numbness, nausea and vomiting, increased heart rate, and elevated blood pressure. Chronic misuse results in dependence and severe psychological or physical health issues.

Combining DXM with other substances, especially alcohol, sleeping pills, antihistamines, or tranquilizers, is highly risky, as is combining DXM with antidepressants affecting serotonin, due to the risk of a possibly life-threatening serotonin syndrome.

Combining DXM With Promethazine

Combining the abuse of the prescribed antihistamine promethazine (Phenergan) with DXM may be increasing. The recent alert from the National Drug Early Warning System suggested that this new combination is an emerging threat.

The NDEWS recently checked for recent reports of saccharine (artificial sugar) being detected in abused drugs. Putting on their detective hats, the NDEWS team discovered that increased saccharine in drugs was caused by users adding cough syrup to promethazine. The signal for this combination was detected in more than double the number noted in early 2024.

Combining DXM and promethazine can amplify central nervous system depression, leading to increased drowsiness, dizziness, and impaired motor function. High doses may cause aggression, severe respiratory depression, hallucinations, delirium, paranoia, and cognitive impairments. Reddit social media reports noted an increased risks of falls and injuries due to severely impaired coordination and balance from the DXM-and-promethazine combination.

Promethazine with codeine is still available by prescription in the U.S., but access is restricted due to its classification as a Schedule V controlled substance at the federal level. Pharmacies and healthcare providers have become more cautious in prescribing promethazine with codeine due to its association with recreational use. Some manufacturers have discontinued production of promethazine with codeine, but generic versions remain on the market under tight regulation.

Purple drank is drug slang for the mixture containing codeine and promethazine mixed with a soft drink such as Sprite or Fanta—and sometimes with candy such as Jolly Ranchers. The drink gets its name from the purple color of some cough syrups. Purple drank has been popularized in certain music and hip-hop cultures, with some artists glorifying its use in their lyrics. However, many rappers who once promoted the drug later warned against its dangers after experiencing serious health consequences themselves or witnessing peers suffer from addiction and overdoses.

Professor Linda Cottler, Ph.D., M.P.H., director of NDEWS. commented: “Healthcare professionals should be aware of the potential for abuse and monitor for signs in patients, especially adolescents and young adults,”  Linda added: “Parents should be aware of these combinations and talk to their children about avoiding “cough” medicines acquired from friends, friend’s siblings, or friends’ parents.”

Summary

While the combination of DXM and promethazine is not commonly reported in drug abuse or emergency-room cases, misuse could lead to significant health risks. Stores have started to keep these cough and cold remedies behind the counter to reduce access and potential for teen abuse. Some makers of OTC medicines with DXM have put warning labels on their packaging about the potential for abuse. Many states have banned sales of meds with DXM to minors. These actions have helped reduce teen DXM abuse. However, recent teen interest in abuse of combined DXM and promethazine is concerning.

Source: https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/addiction-outlook/202502/teenage-abuse-of-cough-medicines-and-promethazine

Opinion – by Hannah E. Meyers, Published Feb. 16, 2025, 6:19 a.m. ET

In November, Donald Trump made significant electoral gains in New York’s black and Latino neighborhoods, and in the city’s least affluent communities. Now he is poised to take an important step to improve public safety in these voters’ neighborhoods.

Rep. Nicole Malliotakis (R-SI) last week wrote to new Attorney General Pam Bondi, pleading for the administration to shut down the city’s two “safe injection sites.”

These facilities, located in East Harlem and Washington Heights, provide supervision to drug abusers as they consume harmful substances like fentanyl, meth, heroin and cocaine.

Yes, these are illegal drugs under federal law — and the aptly nicknamed federal “crack house statute” prevents individuals from retaining property for their consumption.

Indeed, Trump’s Justice Department successfully shuttered similar sites in the past – In 2019, his first administration sued to stop a Philadelphia injection center from opening, and in 2024 a US District Court judge in Pennsylvania finally agreed that the center was not exempt from federal drug laws.

Now Trump should listen to his NYC minority constituents and close the injection sites that are harming their neighborhoods.

New York’s two centers, both run by non-profit OnPoint, were the first in the nation, opening in 2021 under then-Mayor Bill de Blasio — who never met an injurious policy he wouldn’t support in the name of racial justice.

De Blasio gambled successfully that the Biden administration wouldn’t intervene.

OnPoint claims to have saved over 1,000 lives by preventing overdoses. But as my colleague Charles Fain Lehman has pointed out, the sites do not reduce addiction — so they are likely just delaying fatalities: More than 15% of those administered naloxone are dead within a year.

Indeed, data shows that NYC overdose rates have continued to rise since the centers opened.

That’s no surprise, since a rigorous look at the data from even the most touted injection sites in other countries provide no evidence of their effectiveness

But rigor has never been the calling card for politicians and advocates who happily sacrifice other people’s communities in the name of compassion.

State Sen. Gustavo Rivera (D-Bronx) has had the chutzpah to claim that “public drug use, syringe litter and drug-related crime goes down” around sites. In 2023, Rivera urged Gov. Hochul to expand supervised consumption sites statewide, and sponsored Senate legislation — still in committee — to do so.

In 2023, Mayor Eric Adams also proposed adding three more facilities to NYC — but he might be amenable to updating his views with some pressure from Washington.

And that pressure will come if Trump cares about the lives of local residents.

While major crimes fell 13% in northern Manhattan over the past two years, the predominantly black and Hispanic precinct around the East Harlem drug site has seen an almost 8% rise in major crime.

I’ve toured that location with the Greater Harlem Coalition. Members pointed out the large early-childhood education center directly across the street from the injection site, as parents hurried their tots into school in plain view of ongoing drug deals.

The perimeter of the block is dotted with addicts nodding off. Nearby restaurants have had to invest in private security to defend against the criminality the center attracts to the neighborhood.

What’s been keeping this site open despite four years in which the only evidenced change is neighborhood degradation?

Shameless advocacy by pompous, ideologically motivated and race-obsessed elites . . . whose kids don’t go to preschool in Harlem.

In August, Greater Harlem Coalition co-founder Shawn Hill was interviewed by one such far-left advocate: Ryan McNeil, director of harm reduction research at Yale’s School of Medicine.

McNeil was conducting funded “research” into safe injection sites — but a “hot mic” recording revealed his and his colleagues’ woke bias in favor of supporting safe injection sites (and drug decriminalization, more broadly).

With no sense of irony, McNeil — who is himself Caucasian — scorned Harlemites’ concerns over open drug abuse as nothing but “white discomfort,” and derided Hill for suggesting that the Yale researchers should walk around and speak with actual local residents.

But Trump has every reason to listen to these locals, three-quarters of whom are black or Latino.

And it would behove Adams, who faces a crowded primary race this summer, to reverse his past stance and voice support for a federal closure of the city’s two drug consumption sites.

In East Harlem, Trump won about 860 more votes last year than in 2020. Now these supporters, and their neighbors he has yet to persuade, are depending on his help.

 

Source: https://nypost.com/2025/02/16/opinion/inject-some-common-sense-shut-down-nycs-safe-drug-sites/

by Dan Krauth WABC logo    Eyewitness News – Friday, February 14, 2025

Dan Krauth has more on the letter sent to the newly confirmed attorney general asking her to shut down safe injection sites in New York City.

NEW YORK (WABC) — There are places people can go take illegal drugs under the watchful eye of supervisors to ensure they don’t die.

They are called Overdose Prevention Centers, or also known as safe injection sites, and there are two of them in New York City — the first of its kind in the nation.

Now, after more than three years of operating, there’s a new effort under a new president to shut down the centers that are run by a non-profit organization.

It’s called OnPoint NYC and they have two locations in Washington Heights and East Harlem.

Drug users can take their drug of choice from heroin to cocaine inside the centers and supervisors intervene, most times with oxygen, if the user starts to overdose. They also provide test strips for drugs to ensure they don’t have fatal doses of fentanyl inside.

Since opening in 2021, the executive director said they’ve intervened in more than 1,700 overdoses. They also provide services like medical help, substance abuse treatment and housing assistance.

Opponents say the centers encourage people to do illegal drugs.

“They’re encouraging people to use by giving them a community center to go to and to use heroin, it’s something that’s encouraging addicts not helping them,” said Congresswoman Nicole Malliotakis.

She sent a letter to the newly confirmed attorney general, asking her to shut down both locations along with any others that have opened across the country.

“They don’t work, these heroin injection centers, in fact they attract crime to the neighborhood but also drug dealing, it just does not make sense and they should be shut down,” Malliotakis said.

In response, the executive director of OnPoint NYC sent Eyewitness News a statement:

“OPCs save lives. At OnPoint NYC, our staff has intervened in over 1,700 overdoses, providing life-saving care to mothers, fathers, and loved ones,” said OnPoint NYC Executive Director Sam Rivera. “Every single one of them deserves compassion and a chance at healing. I’m incredibly proud of our team and continually inspired by the dedication they show every day. They don’t just look at the overdose epidemic and wonder what can be done-they don’t have that luxury. They act, because they have lives to save. This work is not just vital; it’s transformational. Lives are being saved, hope is being restored, and healing is possible.”

 

Source:  https://abc7ny.com/post/president-trump-asked-shut-down-overdose-prevention-centers-have-operated-3-years-nyc/15907033/

COMMENTARY:  Public Health  – Feb 14, 2025

by Paul J. Larkin – Rumpel Senior Legal Research Fellow and Bertha K. Madras, PhD – Professor of psychobiology at Harvard Medical School, based at McLean Hospital and cross appointed at the Massachusetts General

Key Takeaways

Today, some members of America’s political class are desensitized to the drug crisis. They tolerate normalizing psychoactive substance use.

The relentless movement to legalize drug use has succeeded, largely by appealing to the goodwill and sympathies of the American public.

For supply reduction, the U.S. must send a clear message to the world that we are not an open market for drugs.

The federal government has long sought to prevent the horrors of drug addiction by interdicting the supply of dangerous psychoactive drugs—and reducing demand for them.

One step was the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988. It established the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) within the Executive Office of the President. Headed by a director colloquially known as “drug czar,” ONDCP had the task of developing a national drug-control strategy to reduce drug use. Its creation symbolized a strong bipartisan effort to prevent illicit drugs from destroying lives and weakening the nation.

Sadly, we have lost that shared mission. No president since George W. Bush has publicly demonstrated a deep and firm support for ONDCP and its mission.

The agency does not reside in the White House office building, let alone the West Wing. The federal government has largely been a bystander despite the unraveling of restrictive opioid prescribing, state implementation of medical/recreational marijuana programs in violation of federal laws, and the incipient movement by states to legalize psychedelics. Most presidents have largely ignored these trends.

The first Trump administration assembled a commission to combat drug addiction and the opioid crisis. The current one should support a comprehensive effort led by ONDCP to overhaul drug policies and strengthen America’s commitment to reducing and delegitimizing drug use. We need a revitalized ONDCP equipped with innovative goals and measurable outcomes to disrupt the pipeline to addiction and to cease preventable, premature deaths and mental health decline. A single centralized agency ensures coordination across federal agencies, state, and local levels to maximize efficiency and accountability.

Today, some members of America’s political class are desensitized to the drug crisis. They tolerate normalizing psychoactive substance use and the addiction, health crises, deaths, and collateral damage to families that follow.

Reformers advocate destigmatizing regular use of hazardous psychoactive drugs. “Harm reduction” practices, initially framed as temporary measures, now are uncritically promoted in some quarters without clear boundaries or outcome goals.

This “Meet drug users where they are” approach has regressed to a “Leave them where they are” one. The grim realities of “tranq”-induced catatonia on the streets of Philadelphia’s Kensington neighborhood, San Francisco’s Tenderloin district, Boston’s Mass and Cass intersection, and other drug-ridden homeless encampments lay bare the stark failure of America’s waning resolve to minimize drug use.

Among other nations, we are an outlier. America’s drug crisis has escalated dramatically since ONDCP was born. Overdose deaths surged from 3,907 (1.6 per 100,000) in 1987 to a record 107,543 (32.2 per 100,000) in 2023, with teen rates doubling recently. Among twelfth-graders, 13 percent use marijuana daily, despite heightened risks for addiction and psychosis. In 2023, daily use of marijuana and regular use of hallucinogens among 19- to 30-year-olds reached record levels, fueled by pervasive myths about “safety” or “medical” efficacy

Whether used for medical or recreational purposes, or both, 25 percent of cannabis users have a cannabis-use disorder; among twelve- to 24-year-olds, such a disorder is more prevalent than alcohol-use disorder. Over 90 percent of individuals with substance-use disorders (48.7 million people) neither recognize their need for help nor seek treatment.

Topping it off, seizures of fentanyl-laced pills exploded from 49,000 in 2017 to a staggering 115 million in 2023. Reversing this runaway train demands a transformative political and cultural shift led by the president, ONDCP, and Congress.

How?

Start by learning from past mistakes. The relentless movement to legalize drug use has succeeded, largely by appealing to the goodwill and sympathies of the American public. In 1996, activists persuaded California’s voters to adopt marijuana as a medicine by labelling it as “compassionate use” for end-stage cancer and HIV-AIDS wasting.

That success gave legalizers a foothold. Slowly, the movement persuaded other states to adopt medical-use marijuana for myriad purposes without a shred of evidence; this later morphed into recreational-use programs. Dual-purpose “dispensaries” now sell marijuana for any reason. Activists persuaded the medical profession that pain was the “fifth vital sign” and pressured caregivers to prescribe highly addictive opioids liberally for any type of pain. We know where that went.

Finally, recent campaigns to use political means to normalize hallucinogens for medical use bear a striking resemblance to the two campaigns noted above, including media hype and their tendency to lampoon cautious Cassandras. Compassion is a virtue, except when it leads to long-term harm.

Those who are driving the normalization of substance use as a chemical shortcut for pleasure or relief are willing to sacrifice long-term well-being for short-term escapism. Without prevention strategies to disrupt this pathway of use, addiction, and death, no amount of treatment or law enforcement will resolve the crisis.

We should oppose efforts to destigmatize drug use but support destigmatization of individuals with substance-use disorders to ease their entry into treatment and recovery. To end the frequently heard lament of parents—“If only I knew”—we need a national educational campaign that counters the myths promulgated by proponents.

We need more research to understand why substance-use disorders are resistant to treatment- and recovery. Harm-reduction strategies that don’t show objective reductions in disordered use should be challenged. And we must recognize that minorities are hurt, not helped, by liberalizing drug use because it can worsen the conditions in already suffering neighborhoods.

Finally, we should strengthen ONDCP by returning it to cabinet-level status and empowering it to adopt a results-driven business model. Steps would include, on the demand side, ensuring that federal funding is allocated to prevention and treatment programs that prioritize objective, evidence-based positive outcomes.

For supply reduction, the U.S. must send a clear message to the world that we are not an open market for drugs. This will involve stopping the smuggling of fentanyl, dismantling illegal markets, and seizing traffickers’ ill-gotten gains. Incentives and penalties can persuade nations that produce drugs and their precursor chemicals to curb their export of substances poisoning Americans.

President Trump has a unique opportunity to pivot and reform America’s recurring drug crises. A bold approach will signal America’s commitment to reversing our damaging trajectory.

This piece originally appeared in the National Review

Source:  https://www.heritage.org/public-health/commentary/the-drug-crisis-hasnt-gone-away-the-trump-administration-should-confront

(1)    Use of Alternative Payment Models for Substance Use Disorder Prevention in the United States: Development of a Conceptual Framework

Journal: Substance Abuse Treatment, Prevention, and Policy, 2025, doi: 10.1186/ s13011-025-00635-z

Authors: Elian Rosenfeld, Sarah Potter, Jennifer Caputo, Sushmita Shoma Ghose, Nelia Nadal, Christopher M. Jones, … Michael T. French

Abstract:

Background: Alternative payment models (APMs) are methods through which insurers reimburse health care providers and are widely used to improve the quality and value of health care. While there is a growing movement to utilize APMs for substance use disorder (SUD) treatment services, they have rarely included SUD prevention strategies. Challenges to using APMs for SUD prevention include underdeveloped program outcome measures, inadequate SUD prevention funding, and lack of clarity regarding what prevention strategies might fit within the scope of APMs.

Methods: In November 2023, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), through a contract with Westat, convened an expert panel to refine a preliminary conceptual framework developed for utilizing APMs for SUD prevention and to identify strategies to encourage their adoption.

Results: The conceptual framework agreed upon by the panel provides expert consensus on how APMs could finance a variety of prevention programs across diverse populations and settings. Additional efforts are needed to accelerate the support for and adoption of APMs for SUD prevention, and the principles of health equity and community engagement should underpin these efforts. Opportunities to increase the use of APMs for SUD prevention include educating key groups, expanding and promoting the SUD prevention workforce, establishing funding for pilot studies, identifying evidence-based core components of SUD prevention, analyzing the cost effectiveness of APMs for SUD prevention, and aligning funding across federal agencies.

Conclusion: Given that the use of APMs for SUD prevention is a new practice, additional research, education, and resources are needed. The conceptual framework and strategies generated by the expert panel offer a path for future research. SUD health care stakeholders should consider ways that SUD prevention can be effectively and equitably implemented within APMs.

To read the full text of the article, please visit the publisher’s website.

(2)     Quitline-Based Young Adult Vaping Cessation: A Randomized Clinical Trial Examining NRT and mHealth

Journal: American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 2025, doi: 10.1016/j.amepre.2024 .10.019

Authors: Katrina A. Vickerman, Kelly M. Carpenter, Kristina Mullis, Abigail B. Shoben, Julianna Nemeth, Elizabeth Mayers, & Elizabeth G. Klein

Abstract:

Introduction: Broad-reaching, effective e-cigarette cessation interventions are needed.

Study design: This remote, randomized clinical trial tested a mHealth program and nicotine replacement therapy (NRT) for young adult vaping cessation.

Setting/participants: Social media was used from 2021 to 2022 to recruit 508 young adults (aged 18-24 years) in the U.S. who exclusively and regularly (20+ days of last 30) used e-cigarettes and were interested in quitting.

Intervention: All were offered 2 coaching calls and needed to complete the first call for full study enrollment. Participants were randomized to one of 4 groups in the 2×2 design: mailed NRT (8 weeks versus none) and/or mHealth (yes versus no; stand-alone text program including links to videos and online content).

Main outcome measures: Self-reported 7-day point prevalence vaping abstinence at 3 months.

Results: A total of 981 participants were eligible and randomized; 508 (52%) fully enrolled by completing the first call. Enrolled participants were 71% female, 31% non-White, and 78% vaped daily. Overall, 74% completed the 3-month survey. Overall, 83% in the mailed NRT groups and 24% in the no-mailed NRT groups self-reported NRT use. Intent-to-treat 7-day point prevalence abstinence rates (missing assumed vaping) were 41% for calls only, 43% for Calls+mHealth, 48% for Calls+NRT, and 48% for Calls+NRT+mHealth. There were no statistically significant differences for mailed NRT (versus no-mailed NRT; OR=1.3; 95% CI=0.91, 1.84; p=0.14) or mHealth (versus no mHealth; OR=1.04; 95% CI=0.73, 1.47; p=0.84).

Conclusions: This quitline-delivered intervention was successful at helping young adults quit vaping, with almost half abstinent after 3 months. Higher than anticipated quit rates reduced power to identify significant group differences. Mailed NRT and mHealth did not significantly improve quit rates, in the context of an active control of a 2-call coaching program. Future research is needed to examine the independent effects of coaching calls, NRT, and mHealth in a fully-powered randomized control trial.

To read the full text of the article, please visit the publisher’s website.

(3)     The Alcohol Exposome

Journal: Alcohol, 2025, doi: 10.1016/j.alcohol.2024.12.003

Authors: Nousha H. Sabet, & Todd A. Wyatt

Abstract:
Science is now in a new era of exposome research that strives to build a more all-inclusive, panoramic view in the quest for answers; this is especially true in the field of toxicology. Alcohol exposure researchers have been examining the multivariate co-exposures that may either exacerbate or initiate alcohol-related tissue/organ injuries. This manuscript presents selected key variables that represent the Alcohol Exposome. The primary variables that make up the Alcohol Exposome can include comorbidities such as cigarettes, poor diet, occupational hazards, environmental hazards, infectious agents, and aging. In addition to representing multiple factors, the Alcohol Exposome examines the various types of intercellular communications that are carried from one organ system to another and may greatly impact the types of injuries and metabolites caused by alcohol exposure. The intent of defining the Alcohol Exposome is to bring the newly expanded definition of Exposomics, meaning the study of the exposome, to the field of alcohol research and to emphasize the need for examining research results in a non-isolated environment representing a more relevant manner in which all human physiology exists.

To read the full text of the article, please visit the publisher’s website.

(4)     Neural Variability and Cognitive Control in Individuals with Opioid Use Disorder

Journal: JAMA Network Open, 2025, doi: 10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2024.55165

Authors: Jean Ye, Saloni Mehta, Hannah Peterson, Ahmad Ibrahim, Gul Saeed, Sarah Linsky, … Dustin Scheinost

Abstract:

Importance: Opioid use disorder (OUD) impacts millions of people worldwide. Prior studies investigating its underpinning neural mechanisms have not often considered how brain signals evolve over time, so it remains unclear whether brain dynamics are altered in OUD and have subsequent behavioral implications.

Objective: To characterize brain dynamic alterations and their association with cognitive control in individuals with OUD.

Design, setting, and participants: This case-control study collected functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) data from individuals with OUD and healthy control (HC) participants. The study was performed at an academic research center and an outpatient clinic from August 2019 to May 2024.

Exposure: Individuals with OUD were all recently stabilized on medications for OUD (<24 weeks). Main outcomes and measures: Recurring brain states supporting different cognitive processes were first identified in an independent sample with 390 participants. A multivariate computational framework extended these brain states to the current dataset to assess their moment-to-moment engagement within each individual. Resting-state and naturalistic fMRI investigated whether brain dynamic alterations were consistently observed in OUD. Using a drug cue paradigm in participants with OUD, the association between cognitive control and brain dynamics during exposure to opioid-related information was studied. Variations in continuous brain state engagement (ie, state engagement variability [SEV]) were extracted during resting-state, naturalistic, and drug-cue paradigms. Stroop assessed cognitive control.

Results: Overall, 99 HC participants (54 [54.5%] female; mean [SD] age, 31.71 [12.16] years) and 76 individuals with OUD (31 [40.8%] female; mean [SD] age, 39.37 [10.47] years) were included. Compared with HC participants, individuals with OUD demonstrated consistent SEV alterations during resting-state (99 HC participants; 71 individuals with OUD; F4,161 = 6.83; P < .001) and naturalistic (96 HC participants; 76 individuals with OUD; F4,163 = 9.93; P < .001) fMRI. Decreased cognitive control was associated with lower SEV during the rest period of a drug cue paradigm among 70 participants with OUD. For example, lower incongruent accuracy scores were associated with decreased transition SEV (ρ58 = 0.34; P = .008). Conclusions and relevance: In this case-control study of brain dynamics in OUD, individuals with OUD experienced greater difficulty in effectively engaging various brain states to meet changing demands. Decreased cognitive control during the rest period of a drug cue paradigm suggests that these individuals had an impaired ability to disengage from opioid-related information. The current study introduces novel information that may serve as groundwork to strengthen cognitive control and reduce opioid-related preoccupation in OUD.

To read the full text of the article, please visit the publisher’s website.

Source: https://drugfree.org/drug-and-alcohol-news/research-news-roundup-february-13-2025/

January 14, 2025 

Forwarded by Shane Varcoe • 05.02.25

 

Breakthroughs in Addiction Science Over 50 Years

Addiction science has undergone tremendous progress over the past five decades, transforming our understanding of drugs and their impact on the brain and society. Recent advancements offer hope in addressing the escalating challenges of drug use, addiction, and overdose. However, the need for evidence-based prevention and treatment strategies remains crucial in combating this ongoing public health crisis.

Prioritising Drug Prevention

Prevention is one of the most effective ways to combat substance use disorders. Research consistently highlights how drug exposure can interfere with brain development from prenatal stages to young adulthood, setting the stage for lifelong challenges. Children and adolescents are particularly vulnerable, as early drug experimentation sharply increases the risk of addiction later in life.

Adverse childhood experiences—ranging from poverty to trauma—also contribute to substance use risks by disrupting brain development. Preventative measures can mitigate these risks and promote resilience. For example, school-based programmes and community initiatives have demonstrated significant success in reducing drug use among young people. Importantly, these interventions offer long-term benefits, improving mental health and reducing dependency rates across generations.

Scaling up these preventative approaches is vital. By investing in evidence-based prevention at schools, healthcare facilities, and community centres, society can safeguard future generations from the devastating impacts of drugs.

Challenges in Addressing Substance Use Disorders

One of the greatest hurdles today is the lack of access to effective addiction treatment. Millions of people struggle with substance use disorders, yet only a small percentage receive adequate care. This gap highlights the pressing need to expand addiction treatment services and eliminate barriers such as stigma and limited healthcare coverage.

Treatment options, including medication and behavioural therapies, have proven to be effective for many struggling with addiction. For instance, medications that address opioid dependency, combined with comprehensive care, can significantly improve recovery outcomes. However, these treatments remain inaccessible to many, especially in underserved communities.

Expanding treatment availability within prisons, rural areas, and low-income communities could swiftly reduce addiction rates and improve recovery success. Research also shows that offering treatment to individuals in justice systems can lower overdose risks after release and reduce reoffending, creating broader societal benefits.

The Role of Science in Combating Addiction

Scientific advancements are paving the way for more effective solutions to addiction. New innovations, such as brain stimulation therapies, target the neurological circuits disrupted by substance use, offering promising pathways for treatment. Additionally, cutting-edge pharmaceuticals like GLP-1 agonists, already used for managing diabetes, are showing potential in reducing cravings and dependency behaviours associated with addiction.

The use of artificial intelligence (AI) in addiction science is further revolutionising the field. AI tools can help detect overdose patterns, study drug impacts on mental health, and even guide personalised treatment interventions. Large-scale studies, such as those examining adolescent brain development, continue to shed light on how substance use affects young minds, offering invaluable insights for effective prevention.

Towards a Unified, Drug-Free Future

While remarkable progress has been made, the fight against addiction is far from over. Preventing drug use, providing accessible treatment, and investing in research remain paramount. By adopting a proactive, science-backed approach to addiction prevention, we can reduce the devastating effects of substance use disorders and create healthier, drug-free communities.

Addiction science offers the tools needed to address these challenges, but lasting change requires collective effort. Only through unified actions can we overcome this crisis and protect future generations from the harms of addiction.

Start prioritising prevention and treatment today to help build a safer, healthier world.

Source: https://wrdnews.org/breakthroughs-in-addiction-science-over-50-years/

INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY NDPA:

THIS ARTICLE IS INCLUDED FOR ITS INTERESTING DESCRIPTION OF THE CONSUMPTION ROOM PHILOSOPHY AND PRACTICE. NDPA HAS SEVERAL SERIOUS CONCERNS ABOUT SO-CALLED ‘CONSUMPTION ROOMS’ AND WOULD TAKE ISSUE WITH SOME OF THE CLAIMS MADE IN THIS ARTICLE, NOT LEAST THE HEADLINE CLAIM THAT THIS IS A ‘SAFE’ SITE … (SEE OTHER ARTICLES ON THE NDPA SITE), NEVERTHELESS, IT IS WORTH READING, IN ORDER TO BETTER UNDERSTAND THE ATTITUDE BEHIND THE PROVENANCE OF SUCH FACILITIES.

by  Rebecca. L. Root – December 24, 2024 – SOURCE PRISM

At 8 a.m. on a Monday morning, most of the soft recliners in the waiting area of the three-story East Harlem overdose prevention center (OPC) are already occupied by those who have come to consume their first dose of the day. Whether it’s for fentanyl, heroin, or another drug, people of all ages trickle into the consumption room at OnPoint NYC, where mirrored cubicles line opposite sides of the room and a staff station sits in the middle with trays of needles, elastics, and wipes organized in rows.

A man, who looks to be in his late 30s, unwraps today’s first fix of what most likely is the opioid fentanyl, which staff say is the most common drug used here. He simultaneously chats with the staff who welcome each visitor with familiarity. The calm ambiance is occasionally punctuated with noise as the metal doors swing, allowing another person to enter.

OnPoint NYC, which opened in 2021 as the country’s first overdose prevention site, aims to be a judgment- and persecution-free space for drug users to safely consume. The idea of preventing people from dying of an overdose is a controversial one. Last year, former U.S. attorney for the southern district of New York Damian Williams told The New York Times that OnPoint’s methods were illegal and hinted at a shutdown, while New York Gov. Kathy Hochul is also opposed, having repeatedly said the centers violate federal and state laws, putting their future operations in the balance.

But amid the national opioid epidemic, drastic measures are needed. More than 100,000 people die each year from drug overdoses in the U.S., according to the National Center for Health Statistics. In November, President-elect Donald Trump announced plans to impose further tariffs on Chinese imports in an attempt to curb what he believes are fentanyl deliveries into the U.S. It follows calls in 2022 from President Joe Biden to increase funding in the budget to address the overdose epidemic, while in 2023 New York Times editors declared that the U.S. had lost the war on drugs.

“Every 90 minutes…four New Yorkers die [of an overdose],” said Sam Rivera, the executive director of OnPoint NYC.

Advocates for OPCs say having a sanitary and safe place to consume drugs diminishes the element of haste or need for discretion that might exist in a public place. This reduces the risk of an overdose, but should one occur, medically trained staff dressed in jeans and leather are ready to respond.

Tilting a chair back, a staffer explains the importance of getting the blood circulating and offering rescue breaths before administering naloxone, which can reverse the effects of opioids. Since 2021, OnPoint NYC has reversed 1,600 overdoses, cleaned up community parks, and opened a sister center in Washington Heights.

Despite the progress, the center, and the few others like it in the U.S., remain controversial. When a similar center was opened in San Francisco in 2022, a group of local mothers protested while others posited that creating safe spaces to consume drugs only increases drug use.

However, research found that following the opening of an OPC in San Francisco, there was no visible increase in drug use, and a Brown University study found no affiliation between the centers and increased crime.

Instead, Michel Kazatchkine, a commissioner of the Global Commission on Drug Policy (GCDP), which advocates for drug policies to be more humane and prioritize public and individual health, believes it is the current approach of criminalizing drug users that is the problem.

“The criminal justice approach has sent hundreds of thousands of people to prison with no benefit for these people and no benefit for the society and huge expenses involved,” said Kazatchkine, who is also the former executive director of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, France.

Over 1.16 million people each year are incarcerated in the U.S. on drug offenses, while globally, governments spend $100 billion annually on punitive drug policies. In spite of such policies, global drug use has risen from about 180 million people in 2002 to 292 million in 2022, according to a report by the GCDP.

In states like New York, the response to tackle the drug problem has predominantly been to fund the distribution of naloxone and fentanyl test strips, which can detect the presence of fentanyl in other drugs, explained Toni Smith, the New York state director at Drug Policy Alliance. The group works with grassroots groups to advance public health solutions to drug use. While such resources are critical, Smith emphasized that the state must offer a full range of life-saving tools and services. More OPCs, Smith believes, could save more lives.

The harm reduction quandary

Historically, the U.S. has pushed back on any initiatives under the harm reduction umbrella, Kazatchkine said. Harm reduction, according to the World Health Organization (WHO), focuses on offering a suite of interventions designed to minimize the negative impacts related to drug use. That could include providing people with clean needles and syringes, with naloxone, with HIV testing, or with access to opioid substitution therapy programs. OPCs—often referred to as safe consumption sites in Europe, where they are widely used—are not on the WHO’s list of recommended harm reduction interventions but are a harm reduction approach.

 

“The concept of harm reduction is acknowledging that people use drugs and that these people have risks, but it is prioritizing health approaches over criminalization,” Kazatchkine said. “Acknowledging that people use drugs, you acknowledge something that is prohibited under the law and actually under criminal law, so a government or an international entity finds itself in a very uncomfortable situation.”

“Many people would come in and be shocked…They open the door and think everybody’s just using drugs. They don’t expect this kind of structure and loving environment,” he said. “We’ve invited the governor for three years. [She] hasn’t been here once. But you’re going to sit around and tell us the program doesn’t work.”

Beyond a safe space for consumption

More than just a consumption space, the center offers a health clinic and, up a narrow staircase to a second floor, therapy rooms host complimentary holistic treatments such as reiki, massage, and sound baths. Rivera himself occasionally hosts one. All services, including health care, are free.

On this day, a woman sleeps deeply in a reclining chair as soft music tinkles in the background and candles burn in the corner; two others lie on massage tables awaiting their treatments. Shower facilities are available in another corner of the center, and an on-site psychologist offers mental health services in a bid to help tackle the underlying trauma behind the addiction. It’s “multidimensional” support to treat a problem that surpasses simply addiction but intersects with issues around housing, access to care, criminalization, food and nutrition, sleep, as well as structural racism, Smith said. And the services aren’t just for drug users but all local community members.

“Creating this community and this space around a loving environment is so impactful, and it changes the experience for folks who come in,” Rivera said.

In New York City, Rivera believes there have also been economic benefits. OnPoint’s data suggests a reduction in visits to the emergency room for overdoses that has relieved the burden on the health system and, Rivera said, potentially saved two New York City neighborhoods $45 million in less than three years.

More OPCs could benefit the U.S. and reduce the impact the drug crisis is having, said Kazatchkine, but amid what Rivera believes is a game of politics, whether that will happen remains to be seen. In the meantime, elsewhere in the U.S., people will shoot up in alleyways and parks, at increased risk of unnecessarily overdosing. But the reality, Rivera said, is that with OPCs, there’s the potential for no one to have to die this way again.

Source: https://www.nationofchange.org/2024/12/24/inside-the-countrys-first-official-safe-drug-consumption-site/

by AFP Bureau report – January 28, 2025

PESHAWAR: Speakers at a seminar shared strategies for drug prevention and fostering resilience, said a press release issued here on Monday.

The Welfare and Peace Society, City University of Science and Information Technology (CUSIT) in collaboration with the Higher Education Regulatory Authority (HERA), Anti-Narcotic Force Pakistan and Anti-Drug Social Welfare Organization had hosted the seminar.

It was part of the efforts to promote peace through combating drug abuse in educational institutes. The activity was under the “Community Resilience Building for Countering Violent Extremism” project.

European Union funds the project. Collaboration is struck with the National Counter-Terrorism Authority and the UN Office on Drugs Crime Country. Key speakers of the seminar included Azazud Din, the HERA Advisor for Drug Use Prevention/Lead Policies, Umair, the Da Haq Awaz organization’s member, Fukhraz of Anti-Narcotic Force, Ikram of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Centre of Countering Violence Extremism, and Ms Maria of the HERA.

Source: https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/1276828-strategies-shared-for-drug-prevention

President, Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions
Trump Selects Robert F. Kennedy Jr. To Head of Health and Human Services

Prevention is key, and we cannot forget that today’s marijuana is highly potent. In 2025 and beyond, federal agencies must prioritize public health and safety and work to undo legalization’s harmful consequences.

The Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) is positioned to implement a wide range of policy initiatives to prevent marijuana use and hold the industry accountable. For example, marijuana legalization has re-elevated the conversation about second-hand smoke. California recently passed a law permitting “cannabis cafes” in which users can openly smoke marijuana. Second-hand marijuana smoke has been found to be more harmful than second-hand tobacco smoke and contains many of the same cancer-causing substances. Our country has legally and culturally rejected indoor cigarette smoking. HHS must stand on science and reject indoor marijuana smoking by publishing strict guidelines prohibiting it, just as it did with indoor cigarette smoking.

Transparency within the “medical” marijuana industry is also desperately needed. As it did with opioids, HHS should create a registry of medical marijuana recommendation practices and make the information available to the public. The database could include information regarding regional breakdowns, a list of overprescribing doctors, and pot-industry kickbacks received by doctors.

Sunlight is the best disinfectant when it comes to quack doctors. In August, a Spotlight PA article uncovered Pennsylvania medical pot doctors who were doling out thousands of medical marijuana cards per year. These are similar to the “pill mills” that fueled the opioid epidemic.

Last year, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) bucked federal legal precedent around marijuana rescheduling by inventing new, lower standards. Its flawed marijuana rescheduling review was designed to permit marijuana rescheduling. The ramifications of changing this precedent aren’t limited to marijuana; other dangerous drugs (e.g., psychedelics) could be reclassified to a lower schedule based on the new lax standards. HHS should issue internal agency guidance that advises FDA to adhere to the established five-factor test for determining currently accepted medical use. This will ensure that drug scheduling, which has direct implications for the availability of drugs, remains science based.

The Trump-Vance administration must soundly reject moving marijuana from Schedule I to Schedule III for one simple reason: marijuana fails to meet the legal definition of a Schedule III drug. It has not been approved by the FDA for the treatment of any disease or condition. Moving marijuana to Schedule III is a handout to corporations, as it would allow companies to deduct advertising and other expenses from their taxes, fueling the growth of an industry that profits from addiction.

Far from being a legitimate medicine, marijuana is harming the millions of Americans who misuse it. Given that 3 in 10 users develop a marijuana use disorder, better known as addiction to marijuana, the incoming administration needs to focus on helping connect Americans to treatment.

Federal law enforcement also plays a crucial role in curbing marijuana legalization and its effects. In 2013, the Obama administration issued the Cole Memo, a document that cemented the federal government’s non-enforcement policy on marijuana. The first Trump administration rescinded the memo, but more must be done to enforce federal laws already on the books. The Justice Department has the power to prevent distribution to minors, curtail drugged driving, and investigate state-legal dispensaries being used as a cover for illegal drug trafficking—all things the Obama administration promised to do. By beginning with this targeted enforcement strategy, law enforcement can shut down the operations of the industry’s worst actors.

To promote public safety, the Trump-Vance administration should also crack down on illegal marijuana grows, particularly those in remote areas on federal lands. These operations are often controlled by cartels and poison the surrounding natural environment with toxic chemicals.

We also need a new national anti-drug media campaign, updated for the 21st century. This campaign must broadcast messages widely through traditional and social media and talk about the dangers and truth behind the use of drugs. The Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP), the drug policy office within the White House, has a key role to play, too, particularly in drug use prevention. ONDCP helps oversee the Drug-Free Communities Support Program, which is responsible for much of our federally funded drug prevention work. In an era in which drugs are sold and marketed via social media, it’s more important than ever that effective anti-drug prevention messages reach young people. ONDCP also oversees the High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas program, which forms a crucial partnership between local, state, and federal law enforcement to curtail drug trafficking. Both these programs’ funding should be protected and prioritized.

A good strategy must focus on all drugs, but we can’t ignore the politically inconvenient ones. If President Trump wants to make America healthy again, the conversation must include marijuana, a drug with an addiction rate of up to 30 percent that is being pushed by a profit-driven industry that desperately needs federal accountability.

Dr. Kevin Sabet is the President of Smart Approaches to Marijuana (SAM) and the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions (FDPS) and a former White House drug policy advisor to Presidents Obama, Bush and Clinton.

SOURCE:  https://www.newsweek.com/making-america-healthy-again-must-start-better-drug-policy-opinion-2014657

Public News Service  – Terri Dee, Anchor/Producer  – Monday, January 6, 2025

One popular New Year’s resolution is to quit alcohol consumption.

Although easier said than done, one recovery center said there are modifications to try if previous attempts are not working. A good start is taking a hard look at what has worked and what has not.

Marissa Sauer, a licensed clinical addiction counselor at Avenues Recovery, a Fort Wayne recovery center, pointed out if there was a simple answer, everybody would use it. She added other influences are linked to alcohol and substance abuse.

“There’s genetics. Were my parents and my grandparents struggling with substances? Does someone have maybe adverse childhood experiences that have led to substances being a coping mechanism of some kind?” Sauer explained. “Maybe there are these mental health diagnoses.”

Sauer mentioned people, places, or things which could inhibit or enable someone to abuse drugs or alcohol, making it complicated to simply walk away. Medication, therapy or conversations with people who have beaten their addictions are all effective measures for recovery.

The US Surgeon General’s 2025 Advisory Report indicates alcohol consumption is the third leading preventable cause of cancer after tobacco and obesity and the public is taking notice.

There is a growing momentum of the “sober curious” movement, avoiding happy hours at bars, ordering a low or no-alcohol drinks known as mocktails, or completely abstaining from alcohol for 30 days for “dry January.” Sauer said longtime substance abusers fear change and she wants them to know there is hope.

“Whether you’re 21 or whether you’re 51, that ability to heal is there,” Sauer emphasized. “The best gift that you could give yourself for a healthy 2025 is to give your loved ones the absolute best version of yourself.”

An Indiana State Epidemiological report from 2021-2022 revealed almost 24% of residents aged 12 and older have participated in binge drinking, with the highest rate among young adults aged 18 to 25.

Source: https://www.publicnewsservice.org/2025-01-06/alcohol-and-drug-abuse-prevention/in-substance-recovery-center-supports-sober-existence/a94456-1

Few patients know about evidence-based treatment—or have or seek access to it

Overview

Alcohol is the leading driver of substance use-related fatalities in America: Each year, frequent or excessive drinking causes approximately 178,000 deaths.1 Excessive alcohol use is common in the United States among people who drink: In 2022, of the 137 million Americans who reported drinking in the last 30 days, 45% reported binge drinking (five or more drinks in a sitting for men; four for women).2 Such excessive drinking is associated with health problems such as injuries, alcohol poisoning, cardiovascular conditions, mental health problems, and certain cancers.3

In 2020, many people increased their drinking because of COVID-19-related stressors, including social isolation, which led to a 26% increase in alcohol-related deaths during the first year of the pandemic.4

Figure 1

Alcohol‑Related Deaths Have Increased Since 2016

Growth is driven by increases in both acute and chronic causes of death

Stacked bar graph shows yearly increases in alcohol-related deaths attributed to both chronic and acute causes from 2016-17 through 2020-21. Deaths related to chronic causes increased from approximately 89,000 to approximately 117,000 (a 32% increase), while acute deaths increased from approximately 49,000 to approximately 61,000 (a 24% increase).

Notes: Chronic causes of death include illness related to excessive alcohol use such as cancer, heart disease, and stroke, and diseases of the liver, gallbladder, and pancreas. Acute causes include alcohol-related poisonings, car crashes, and suicide.

Source: Marissa B. Esser et al., “Deaths From Excessive Alcohol Use—United States, 2016-2021,” Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 73, no. 8154-61, https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/73/wr/mm7308a1.htm#T1_down

© 2024 The Pew Charitable Trusts

Nationwide, nearly 30 million people are estimated to have alcohol use disorder (AUD); it is the most common substance use disorder. AUD is a treatable, chronic health condition characterized by a person’s inability to reduce or quit drinking despite negative social, professional, or health effects.5 While no single cause is responsible for developing AUD, a mix of biological, psychological, and environmental factors can increase an individual’s risk, including a family history of the disorder.6

There are well-established guidelines for AUD screening and treatment, including questions that can be asked by a person’s health care team, medications approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), behavioral therapies, and recovery supports, but these approaches often are not put into practice.7 When policies encourage the adoption of screening and evidence-based medicines for AUD, particularly in primary care, the burden of alcohol-related health problems can be reduced across the country.8

The Spectrum of Unhealthy Alcohol Use

For adults of legal drinking age, U.S. dietary guidelines recommend that they choose not to drink or drink in moderation, defined as two drinks or fewer in a day for men, and one drink or fewer in a day for women.9 One drink is defined as 0.6 ounces of pure alcohol—the amount in a 12-ounce beer containing 5% alcohol, a 5-ounce glass of wine containing 12% alcohol, or 1.5 ounces of 80-proof liquor.10

Consumption patterns exceeding these recommended levels are considered:

  • Heavy drinking, defined by the number of drinks consumed per week: 15 or more for men, and eight or more for women.11
  • Binge drinking, defined by the number of drinks consumed in a single sitting: five or more for men, and four or more for women.12

Alcohol use disorder is defined by The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) as having symptoms of two or more diagnostic criteria within a 12-month period.13 The diagnostic criteria assess behaviors such as trying to stop drinking but being unable to, alcohol cravings, and the extent to which drinking interferes with an individual’s life.14 AUD can be mild (meeting two or three criteria), moderate (meeting four or five criteria), or severe (six or more criteria).15

Identifying and preventing AUD

Primary care providers are well positioned to recognize the signs of unsafe drinking in their patients. The U.S. Preventive Services Task Force recommends that these providers screen adults 18 years and older for alcohol misuse.16 One commonly used evidence-based approach, SBIRT—or screening, brief intervention, and referral to treatment—is a series of steps that help providers identify and address a patient’s problematic substance use.17

Using a screening questionnaire, a provider can determine whether a patient is at risk and, if so, can deliver periodic brief behavioral interventions in an office setting. Such interventions have been shown to reduce heavy alcohol use among adolescents, adults, and older adults.18 When a patient meets the criteria for AUD, providers can offer medication, connect them to specialty treatment, refer them to recovery supports such as Alcoholics Anonymous or other mutual-help groups, or all of the above, depending on a patient’s needs and preferences.19 When these interventions are used in primary care settings, they can reduce heavy alcohol use.20

While screening for AUD is common, few providers follow up when a patient reports problematic alcohol use. From 2015 to 2019, 70% of people with AUD were asked about their alcohol use in health care settings, but just 12% of them received information or advice about reducing their alcohol use.21 Only 5% were referred to treatment.22

Emergency departments (EDs) are another important setting for identifying AUD, and to maintain accreditation they are required to screen at least 80% of all patients for alcohol use.23 Alcohol is the most common cause of substance-related ED visits, meaning many people in these settings are engaged in excessive or risky alcohol consumption and could be linked to care.24

The use of SBIRT in the ED can also reduce alcohol use, especially for people without severe alcohol problems.25 Providers who use SBIRT can help patients reduce future ED visits and also some negative consequences associated with alcohol use, such as injuries.26

Commonly cited barriers to using SBIRT in these health care settings include competing priorities and insufficient treatment capacity in the community when patients need referrals. Conversely, SBIRT use increases with strong leadership and provider buy-in, collaboration across departments and treatment settings, and sufficient privacy to discuss substance use with patients.27

Jails and prisons should also screen for AUD, as well as other SUDs, to assess clinical needs and connect individuals with care. However, screening practices may not be evidence based. A review of the intake forms used to screen individuals in a sample of jails in 2018-19 found that some did not ask about SUD at all, and of those that did, they did not use validated tools accepted for use in health care and SUD treatment settings.28

Withdrawal management

Up to half of all people with AUD experience some withdrawal symptoms when attempting to stop drinking.29 For many, common symptoms such as anxiety, sweating, and insomnia are mild.30 For a small percentage, however, withdrawal can be fatal if not managed appropriately.31 These individuals can experience seizures or a condition called alcohol withdrawal delirium (also referred to as delirium tremens), which causes patients to be confused and experience heart problems and other symptoms; if untreated, it can be fatal.32 People with moderate withdrawal symptoms can also require medical management to address symptoms such as tremors in addition to anxiety, sweating, and insomnia.33

To determine whether a patient with AUD is at risk of severe withdrawal or would benefit from help managing symptoms, the American Society of Addiction Medicine recommends that providers evaluate patients with positive AUD screens for their level of withdrawal risk.34 Based on this evaluation, providers can offer or connect patients to the appropriate level of withdrawal management.35

At a minimum, high-quality withdrawal management includes clinical monitoring and medications to address symptoms.36 Providers may also offer behavioral therapies.37 Depending on the severity of a patient’s symptoms and the presence of co-occurring conditions such as severe cardiovascular or liver disease that require a higher level of care, withdrawal management can be provided on either an inpatient or an outpatient basis.38

According to the U.S. Department of Justice’s Bureau of Justice Assistance and the National Institute of Corrections, jails should also use evidence-based standards of care to address alcohol withdrawal. These standards include screening and assessing individuals who are at risk for withdrawal and, if the jail cannot provide appropriate care, transferring them to an ED or hospital.39

Withdrawal management on its own is not effective in treating AUD, and without additional services after discharge, most people will return to alcohol use.40 Because of this, providers should also connect people with follow-up care, such as residential or outpatient treatment, after withdrawal management to improve outcomes. Continued care helps patients sustain abstinence, reduces their risk of arrests and homelessness, and improves employment outcomes.41

Patients face multiple barriers to this follow-up care, however. For example, withdrawal management providers from the Veterans Health Administration cited long wait times for follow-up care, inadequate housing, and lack of integration between withdrawal management and outpatient services as reasons patients couldn’t access services.42 Patients have also cited barriers such as failure of the withdrawal management provider to arrange continued care, lengths of stay that were too short to allow for recovery to begin, insufficient residential treatment capacity for continued care, and inadequate housing.43

Promising practices for improving care continuity include: providing peer recovery coaches—people with lived expertise of substance use disorder who can help patients navigate treatment and recovery; psychosocial services that increase the motivation to continue treatment; initiating medication treatment before discharge; reminder phone calls; and “warm handoffs,” in which patients are physically accompanied from withdrawal management to the next level of care.44

Treating AUD

In 2023, 29 million people in the U.S. met the criteria for AUD, but less than 1 in 10 received any form of treatment.45 Formal treatment may not be necessary for people with milder AUD and strong support systems.46 But people who do seek out care can face a range of barriers, including stigma, lack of knowledge about what treatment looks like and where to get it, cost, lack of access, long wait times, and care that doesn’t meet their cultural needs.47

For those who need it, AUD treatment can include a combination of behavioral, pharmacological, and social supports designed to help patients reach their recovery goals, which can range from abstaining from alcohol to reducing consumption.48

While for many the goal of treatment is to stop using alcohol entirely, supporting non-abstinence treatment goals is also important, because reduced alcohol consumption is associated with important health benefits such as lower blood pressure, improved liver functioning, and better mental health.49

Services for treating AUD—including medication and behavioral therapy—can be offered across the continuum of care, from primary care to intensive inpatient treatment, depending on a patient’s individual needs.50

Medications

Medications for AUD help patients reduce or cease alcohol consumption based on their individual treatment goals and can help improve health outcomes.51 Medications can be particularly helpful for people experiencing cravings or a return to drinking, or people for whom behavioral therapy alone has not been successful.52 But medications are not often used: Of the 30 million people with AUD in 2022, approximately 2% (or 634,000 people) were treated with medication.53

The FDA has approved three medications to treat AUD:

  • Naltrexone reduces cravings in people with AUD.54 This medication is also approved to treat opioid use disorder, and because it blocks the effects of opioids and can cause opioid withdrawal, patients who use these substances must be abstinent from opioids for one to two weeks prior to starting this treatment for AUD.55 It can be taken daily or as needed in a pill or as a monthly injection.56 Oral naltrexone is effective at reducing the percentage of days spent drinking, the percentage of days spent drinking heavily, and a return to any drinking.57 Injectable naltrexone can reduce the number of days spent drinking and the number of heavy drinking days.58 Additionally, naltrexone can reduce the incidence of alcohol-associated liver disease—an often-fatal complication of heavy alcohol use—and slow the disease’s progression in people who already have it.59
  • Acamprosate is taken as a pill.60 It reduces alcohol craving and helps people with AUD abstain from drinking.61 It reduces the likelihood of a return to any drinking and number of drinking days.62
  • Disulfiram deters alcohol use by inducing nausea and vomiting and other negative symptoms if a person drinks while using it.63 It is also taken as a pill.64 There is insufficient data to determine whether a treatment is more effective than a placebo at preventing relapses in alcohol consumption or other related issues.65 However, for some individuals, knowing they will get sick from consuming alcohol while taking disulfiram can increase motivation to abstain.66 As medication adherence is a challenge for patients, supervised administration of disulfiram by another person—for example, a spouse—can improve outcomes in patients who are compliant.67

Additionally, some medications used “off-label” (meaning they were approved for treating other conditions) have also effectively addressed AUD. A systematic review found that topiramate, a medication approved for treating epilepsy and migraines, had the strongest evidence among off-label drugs for reducing both any drinking and heavy drinking days.68 Like naltrexone, it can reduce the incidence of alcohol-related liver disease.69

Despite the benefits that medications provide, they remain an underutilized tool for a variety of reasons—such as lack of knowledge among patients and providers, stigma against the use of medication, and failure of pharmacies to stock the drugs.70

Behavioral therapies

Behavioral therapies can also help individuals manage AUD, and they support medication adherence:

  • Motivational enhancement therapy focuses on steering people through the stages of change71 by reinforcing their motivation to modify personal drinking behaviors.72
  • Cognitive behavioral therapy addresses people’s feelings about themselves and their relationships with others and helps to identify and change negative thought patterns and behaviors related to drinking, including recognizing internal and external triggers. It focuses on developing and practicing coping strategies to manage these triggers and prevent continued alcohol use.73
  • Contingency management uses positive reinforcement to motivate abstinence or other healthy behavioral changes.74 It can help people who drink heavily to reduce their alcohol use.75

All of these approaches can help address AUD, and no one treatment has proved more effective than another in treating this complicated condition.76 Combining behavioral therapies with other approaches such as medication and recovery supports, as described below, can improve their efficacy.77

Recovery supports

Peer support specialists and mutual-help groups can also help people achieve their personal recovery goals:

  • Peer support specialists are individuals with lived expertise in recovery from a substance use disorder who provide a variety of nonclinical services, including emotional support and referrals to community resources.78 The inclusion of peer support specialists in AUD treatment programs has been found to significantly reduce alcohol use and increase attendance in outpatient care.79
  • Mutual-help groups, such as Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) and Self-Management and Recovery Training (SMART), support individuals dealing with a shared problem. People may seek out these groups more than behavioral or medication treatment for AUD because they can join on their own time and at no cost, and they may better cater to people’s needs related to varying gender identities, ages, or races.80 Observational research shows that voluntary attendance at peer-led AA groups can be as effective as behavioral treatments in reducing drinking.81

People with AUD can use recovery supports on their own, in combination with behavioral treatment or medication, or as a method to maintain recovery when leaving residential treatment or withdrawal management.82

While the U.S. records more than 178,000 alcohol-related deaths each year, some populations have a higher risk of alcohol-related deaths, and others face greater barriers to treatment.83

American Indian and Alaska Native communities

Despite seeking treatment at higher rates than other racial/ethnic groups, American Indian and Alaska Native people have the highest rate of alcohol-related deaths.84

Figure 2

American Indian and Alaska Native Individuals Have Persistently Higher Alcohol‑Related Death Rates Compared With Other Racial and Ethnic Groups

Alcohol‑related deaths per 100,000 people

A clustered column chart displays the rate of alcohol-related deaths per 100,000 people by racial and ethnic group for four years: 2012, 2016, 2019, and 2022. While the chart shows increasing rates for all included racial and ethnic groups (American Indian/Alaska Native, White, Hispanic, Black, and Asian or Pacific Islander), the mortality rates are highest each year for American Indian/Alaska Natives.

© 2024 The Pew Charitable Trusts View image

Risk factors that impact these communities and can contribute to these deaths include historical and ongoing trauma from colonization, the challenges of navigating both native and mainstream American cultural contexts, poverty resulting from forced relocation, and higher rates of mental health conditions than in the general population.85 Substances, including alcohol, are sometimes used to cope with these challenges.86

However, American Indian/Alaska Native communities also have rich protective factors such as their cultures, languages, traditions, and connections to elders, which can help reduce negative outcomes associated with alcohol use, especially when treatment services incorporate and build on these strengths.87

For example, interviews with American Indian/Alaska Native patients with AUD in the Pacific Northwest revealed that many participants preferred Native-led treatment environments that incorporated traditional healing practices and recommended the expansion of such services.88

To improve alcohol-related outcomes for American Indians and Alaska Natives, policymakers and health care providers must develop a greater understanding of the barriers and strengths of these diverse communities and support the development of culturally and linguistically appropriate services. The federal Department of Health and Human Services Office of Minority Health defines such an approach as “services that are respectful of and responsive to the health beliefs, practices, and needs of diverse patients.”89

People living in rural areas

Rural communities are another group disproportionately affected by AUD. People living in rural areas have higher alcohol-related mortality rates than urban residents but are often less likely to receive care.90 They face treatment challenges including limited options for care; concerns about privacy while navigating treatment in small, close knit communities; and transportation barriers.91

Figure 3

Alcohol‑Related Deaths Have Increased Faster in Rural Areas

2012‑22 change in alcohol‑induced death rate per 100,000 by urban and rural areas

A graph with four bars shows the increase in alcohol-related deaths per 100,000 people in urban and rural areas from 2012 to 2022. In urban areas, the rate increased from 8.6 to 14.9 per 100,000 people, a 73% increase. In rural areas, the rate increased from 10.1 to 19.6 per 100,000 people, a 94% increase.

Telemedicine can help mitigate these barriers to care.92 Cognitive behavioral therapy and medications for AUD can be delivered effectively in virtual settings.93 People with AUD can also benefit from virtual mutual-help meetings, though some find greater value in face-to-face gatherings.94

Despite the value of virtual care delivery, people living in rural areas also often have limited access to broadband internet, which can make these interventions challenging to use.95 Because of this, better access to in-person care is also needed.

Next steps

To improve screening and treatment for patients with AUD, policymakers, payers, and providers should consider strategies to:

  • Conduct universal screenings for unhealthy alcohol use and appropriately follow up when those screenings indicate a problem. Less than 20% of people with AUD proactively seek care, so health care providers shouldn’t wait for patients to ask them for help.96
  • Connect people with continued care after withdrawal management so that they can begin their recovery. People leaving withdrawal management settings should have a treatment plan that meets their needs—whether that’s behavioral treatment, recovery supports, medication, or a combination of these approaches.
  • Further the use of medications for AUD. With just 2% of people with AUD receiving medication, significant opportunities exist to increase utilization and improve outcomes.97
  • Address disparities through culturally competent treatment and increased access in rural areas. The populations most impacted by AUD should have access to care that meets their needs and preferences.

AUD is a common and treatable health condition that often goes unrecognized or unaddressed. Policymakers can improve the health of their communities by supporting providers in increasing the use of evidence-based treatment approaches.98

If you are concerned about your alcohol consumption, you can use the Check Your Drinking tool created by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to assess your drinking levels and make a plan to reduce your use.

Source: https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/fact-sheets/2024/12/americas-most-common-drug-problem-unhealthy-alcohol-use

OPENING STATEMENT BY AUTHOR: Dec 31, 2024

Drug Free Australia has launched a new Substack where we start out with the foundational failure of Australia’s 1985 Harm Minimisation experiment which has literally seen thousands of families (5,400 between 2000 and 2007 alone) needlessly grieving for a lost loved one – all directly as a result of our adoption of Harm Reduction measures.  If you think this is fanciful, you need to look at the cold, hard evidence.

If you live in another country, this is precisely a drug policy approach you need to fight to avoid and you may need to use this data to do it.

Gary Christian, President, Drug Free Australia. Phone: 0422 163 141

A study of nearly 10,000 adolescents funded by the National Institutes of Health (NIH) has identified distinct differences in the brain structures of those who used substances before age 15 compared to those who did not. Many of these structural brain differences appeared to exist in childhood before any substance use, suggesting they may play a role in the risk of substance use initiation later in life, in tandem with genetic, environmental, and other neurological factors.

This adds to some emerging evidence that an individual’s brain structure, alongside their unique genetics, environmental exposures, and interactions among these factors, may impact their level of risk and resilience for substance use and addiction. Understanding the complex interplay between the factors that contribute and that protect against drug use is crucial for informing effective prevention interventions and providing support for those who may be most vulnerable.”

Nora Volkow M.D., Director of NIDA

Among the 3,460 adolescents who initiated substances before age 15, most (90.2%) reported trying alcohol, with considerable overlap with nicotine and/or cannabis use; 61.5% and 52.4% of kids initiating nicotine and cannabis, respectively, also reported initiating alcohol. Substance initiation was associated with a variety of brain-wide (global) as well as more regional structural differences primarily involving the cortex, some of which were substance-specific. While these data could someday help inform clinical prevention strategies, the researchers emphasize that brain structure alone cannot predict substance use during adolescence, and that these data should not be used as a diagnostic tool.

The study, published in JAMA Network Open, used data from the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development Study, (ABCD Study), the largest longitudinal study of brain development and health in children and adolescents in the United States, which is supported by the NIH’s National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) and nine other institutes, centers, and offices.

Using data from the ABCD Study, researchers from Washington University in St. Louis assessed MRI scans taken of 9,804 children across the U.S. when they were ages 9 to 11 – at “baseline” – and followed the participants over three years to determine whether certain aspects of brain structure captured in the baseline MRIs were associated with early substance initiation. They monitored for alcohol, nicotine, and/or cannabis use, the most common substances used in early adolescence, as well as use of other illicit substances. The researchers compared MRIs of 3,460 participants who reported substance initiation before age 15 from 2016 to 2021 to those who did not (6,344).

They assessed both global and regional differences in brain structure, looking at measures like volume, thickness, depth of brain folds, and surface area, primarily in the brain cortex. The cortex is the outermost layer of the brain, tightly packed with neurons and responsible for many higher-level processes, including learning, sensation, memory, language, emotion, and decision-making. Specific characteristics and differences in these structures – measured by thickness, surface area, and volume – have been linked to variability in cognitive abilities and neurological conditions.

The researchers identified five brain structural differences at the global level between those who reported substance initiation before the age of 15 and those who did not. These included greater total brain volume and greater subcortical volume in those who indicated substance initiation. An additional 39 brain structure differences were found at the regional level, with approximately 56% of the regional variation involving cortical thickness. Some brain structural differences also appeared unique to the type of substance used.

While some of the brain regions where differences were identified have been linked to sensation-seeking and impulsivity, the researchers note that more work is needed to delineate how these structural differences may translate to differences in brain function or behaviors. They also emphasize that the interplay between genetics, environment, brain structure, the prenatal environment, and behavior influence affect behaviors.

Another recent analysis of data from the ABCD study conducted by the University of Michigan demonstrates this interplay, showing that patterns of functional brain connectivity in early adolescence could predict substance use initiation in youth, and that these trajectories were likely influenced by exposure to pollution.

Future studies will be crucial to determine how initial brain structure differences may change as children age and with continued substance use or development of substance use disorder.

“Through the ABCD study, we have a robust and large database of longitudinal data to go beyond previous neuroimaging research to understand the bidirectional relationship between brain structure and substance use,” said Alex Miller, Ph.D., the study’s corresponding author and an assistant professor of psychiatry at Indiana University. “The hope is that these types of studies, in conjunction with other data on environmental exposures and genetic risk, could help change how we think about the development of substance use disorders and inform more accurate models of addiction moving forward.”

Journal reference:

Miller, A. P., et al. (2024). Neuroanatomical Variability and Substance Use Initiation in Late Childhood and Early Adolescence. JAMA Network Opendoi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2024.52027.

Source: https://www.news-medical.net/news/20241230/Structural-brain-differences-in-adolescents-may-play-a-role-in-early-initiation-of-substance-use.aspx

Sima Patra • Sayantan Patra • Reetoja Das • Soumya Suvra Patra

Published: December 31, 2024

DOI: 10.7759/cureus.76659

Cite this article as: Patra S, Patra S, Das R, et al. (December 31, 2024) Rising Trend of Substance Abuse Among Older Adults: A Review Focusing on Screening and Management. Cureus 16(12): e76659. doi:10.7759/cureus.76659

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Abstract

There is undoubtedly an alarmingly rising trend of substance use among older adults. This has necessitated a paradigm shift in healthcare and propelled strategies aimed at effective prevention and screening. Age-related physiological changes, such as diminished metabolism and increased substance sensitivity, make older adults particularly vulnerable to adverse effects of substances. This not only has adverse psychological consequences but also physical consequences like complicating chronic illnesses and harmful interactions with medications, which lead to increased hospitalization.

Standard screening tools can identify substance use disorders (SUDs) in older adults. Tools like the Cut-down, Annoyed, Guilty, and Eye-opener (CAGE) questionnaire and Michigan Alcohol Screening Test-Geriatric (MAST-G) are tailored to detect alcoholism, while the Alcohol, Smoking, and Substance Involvement Screening Test (ASSIST) and Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT) assess abuse of illicit and prescription drugs. Since older adults are more socially integrated, screening should be done using non-stigmatizing and non-judgmental language.

Prevention strategies include educational programs, safe prescribing practices, and prescription drug monitoring. Detection of substance abuse should be followed by brief interventions and specialized referrals. In conclusion, heightened awareness, improved screening, and preventive measures can mitigate substance abuse risks in this demographic. Prioritizing future research on non-addictive pain medications and the long-term effects of substances like marijuana seems justified.

 

Source: https://www.cureus.com/articles/322781-rising-trend-of-substance-abuse-among-older-adults-a-review-focusing-on-screening-and-management?score_article=true#!/

“I don’t think we’ve had truly robust public policy actions in the U.S. that we can point to that would have resulted in such a sudden and profound downturn in mortality,” says U. of I. health and kinesiology professor Rachel Hoopsick about the recent decline in drug-overdose deaths. “Although fentanyl-only deaths have declined, we’re seeing increases in deaths that co-involve fentanyl and stimulants, like methamphetamine. There have also been increases in nonopioid sedative adulterants, like xylazine.”

  • Editor’s notes:
    Hoopsick is lead author of the paper “Methamphetamine-related mortality in the United States: Co-involvement of heroin and fentanyl, 1999-2021.” The study is available online.

    DOI: 10.2105/AJPH.2022.307212

    To contact Rachel Hoopsick, email hoopsick@illinois.edu.

    Source: https://news.illinois.edu/view/6367/2075718277

Medical research can sometimes become disconnected from the interests and needs of the people it is intended to serve. This is true across diseases and disorders, and addiction research is no exception. Too often, scientists who study drugs and addiction have not meaningfully engaged people with lived and living experience of substance use. And when people who use substances are engaged, the experience may leave them feeling exploited or traumatized, such as when they are not adequately compensated for their time or when they are asked to recall distressing life events. It is also rare for researchers to follow up with participants to let them know what was learned in a research project.

Such experiences contribute to a feeling that research is a one-way transaction benefiting scientists but giving little back to the community. Lack of meaningful community engagement also compromises the quality of the science by not incorporating the valuable ideas and insights of people who use drugs.

NIDA is committed to improving community engagement in all parts of the research process. For that reason, we have asked the National Advisory Council on Drug Abuse (NACDA)—the body of experts that advises on NIDA’s scientific research priorities—to convene a working group to recommend ways to enhance the meaningful engagement of people who have experience with drug use in the research our Institute funds. The workgroup will inform the creation of resources that outline NIDA’s expectations regarding community engagement and help both applicants and community partners navigate this critical work.

NIDA has long encouraged community-engaged research, and it is required element in various NIDA research funding opportunities, including those supported through our Racial Equity Initiative. The evolving opioid overdose crisis has underscored the importance of ensuring that people’s lived experience of substance use is centered in the science we support. For example, one of the pillars of the NIH Helping to End Addiction Long-term (HEAL) Initiative is that research must be relevant and responsive to the individuals, families, and communities it aims to help. One way HEAL studies are doing this is by drawing on the input of community advisory boards to ensure that the research is best tailored to the needs of the people most impacted by it.

The NIDA-funded Harm Reduction Research Network is a nationwide set of projects to enhance the impact of harm-reduction efforts, and its community advisory boards have already helped shape some of the studies. One project involves the development of a survey instrument to capture experiences of people who use drugs, and advisory board members helped tailor the wording of the instrument so that it reflected language more likely to be used by people who use drugs. Another study aimed at reducing overdose and increasing engagement in harm reduction and treatment services had originally been limited to people who use methamphetamine. Based on the input of advisors with more up-to-date knowledge of drug-use in their community, the study was broadened to include people who use cocaine, as that was identified as an emerging stimulant in their area.

The Integrative Management of Chronic Pain and OUD for Whole Recovery (IMPOWR) project is addressing the needs of people with substance use disorders and pain via a network of multidisciplinary team science collaborations. Its community advisory boards weigh in on funding decisions for pilot studies, and some of these studies have included a community partner as a co-investigator. Based on community input about the important role of PTSD and discrimination in healthcare settings in pain and opioid misuse and addiction, IMPOWR researchers added PTSD and stigma/discrimination items to their common data elements (the standardized questions that facilitate data-sharing across studies).

The Native Collective Research Effort to Enhance Wellness (NCREW) Initiative is partnering with Tribal organizations to support community-driven research projects that address opioid misuse and pain in Native communities. By providing needed training, technical assistance, and tools, the NCREW project is building capacity within Native communities to conduct locally prioritized research that incorporates indigenous knowledge and lived experience, with the aim of building effective, sustainable, and strengths-based interventions.

As outlined in NIDA’s Strategic Plan, NIDA is committed to partnering with people with lived and living experience in the development of new treatments for substance use disorder. Consistent with that goal, NIDA is funding four Patient Engagement Resource Centers (PERCs) to test various models of patient engagement that can inform research on SUD treatment services. Each PERC will recruit members of a particular patient population to understand what prevents them from finding or receiving evidence-based treatment services. This information will be used to pilot test patient-informed solutions to these challenges that can ultimately serve as models for the development of interventions in other settings.

There are many other ways that partnering with people with living experience of substance use could benefit both science and the community. Surveillance is one example. The drug market is rapidly changing, and people who actively use drugs and live this reality are best poised to provide information on the drug supply and its effects. And through their engagement in surveillance efforts, participants could gain information on new adulterants and contaminants that could help inform their own decisions.

In these, as with other research efforts, people who use drugs need to be treated with respect, and their confidentiality must be protected. They must also be compensated fairly for their time, their input, and their commuting and childcare costs.

Including people with experience of substance use and addiction in the scientific workforce—and making sure they feel safe and recognized as valuable members of the research team—must also become a priority for our science. As some of my colleagues at NIDA’s Intramural Research Program argued two years ago in the Journal of Addiction Medicine, people with lived and living experience of substance use disorders have unique perspectives that are invaluable in making sure that the right research questions are asked.

These are just some of the possible topics that may be discussed in the new NACDA workgroup. For that group, we are seeking individuals who identify as having experience with substance use or a substance use disorder or as a family or caregiver of someone who does. Participants will meet virtually three or four times during 2025 and potentially early 2026 and will be compensated for their time during the meetings. If you are interested in participating, further information is available on the Council Workgroups page. We are accepting application statements through January 10, 2025.

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Herschel Baker, International Liaison Director & Queensland Director

Drug Free Australia

Web: https://drugfree.org.au/

mailto:drugfreeaust@drugfree.org.au

mailto:drugfree@org.au

Illegal drugs are the source of immense human suffering. Those most vulnerable, especially young people, bear the brunt of this crisis. People who use drugs and those struggling with addiction face a multitude of challenges: the harmful effects of the drugs themselves, the stigma and discrimination they endure, and often, harsh and ineffective responses to their situation.

The global drug problem is a complex challenge affecting millions of people worldwide. According to the World Drug Report, there are nearly 300 million drug users globally.

The issue spans from individuals with substance use disorders to communities affected by drug trafficking and organized crime. The drug problem is deeply connected to organized crime, corruption, economic crime, and terrorism. To effectively address this challenge, it is crucial to adopt a science-based, evidence-driven approach that prioritizes prevention and treatment.

The drug trade problem was recognized early in the 20th century, leading to the first international conference on narcotic drugs in Shanghai in 1909. In the decades that followed, a multilateral system was established to control the production, trafficking, and abuse of drugs.

Evidence-based drug prevention programmes can safeguard individuals and communities. By reducing drug use, these programmes can also weaken the illicit economies that exploit human misery.

Types of Illegal Drugs

Drugs are chemical substances that affect the normal functioning of the body or brain. They can be legal, like caffeine, nicotine, and alcohol, or illegal. Legal drugs, such as medicines, help with recovery from illness but can also be abused. Illegal drugs are considered so harmful that international laws, under United Nations conventions, regulate their use, making it unlawful to possess, use, or sell them.

Illegal drugs often have various street names that can vary by region and change over time. Their effects include immediate physical harm and long-term impacts on psychological and emotional development, especially for young people. Drugs can impair natural coping mechanisms and potential, and mixing them can result in unpredictable and severe consequences.

Additionally, drug use can impair judgment, leading users to take risks such as unsafe sex, which increases the risk of contracting hepatitis, HIV, and other sexually transmitted diseases.

Most common illegal drugs include:

  • Cannabis;
  • Cocaine;
  • Ecstasy;
  • Heroin;
  • LSD (D-Lysergic Acid Diethylamide); and
  • Methamphetamine.

In recent years, New Psychoactive Substances (NPS) have become a global phenomenon. NPS are substances of abuse not controlled under international drug conventions, but may pose public health risks. The term “new” refers to substances recently introduced to the market, not necessarily newly invented.

Known as “designer drugs,” “legal highs,” or “bath salts,” NPS often mimic the effects of illicit or prescription drugs. They are created by modifying the chemical structures of controlled substances to bypass legal restrictions.

The rapid appearance of diverse NPS on the global market poses public health risks and challenges for drug policy. Limited knowledge about their effects complicates prevention and treatment efforts, while their chemical diversity makes identification and analysis difficult. Effective monitoring, information sharing, and early warning systems are critical for addressing these challenges.

UN Action

Since its founding, the United Nations has been tackling the global drug problem in a systematic manner.

The United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) was established in 1946 by the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) through resolution 9(I). Its purpose is to assist ECOSOC in overseeing the implementation of international drug control treaties.

Three drug control conventions were adopted under the auspices of the United Nations (in 1961, 1971 and 1988). Adherence is now almost universal.

The International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) is an independent, quasi-judicial expert body established under the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs. It was formed by merging two earlier organizations: the Permanent Central Narcotics Board, created by the 1925 International Opium Convention, and the Drug Supervisory Body, established under the 1931 Convention for Limiting the Manufacture and Regulating the Distribution of Narcotic Drugs. The INCB monitors and assists governments in complying with international drug control treaties.

The World Health Organization (WHO) is a key player in the United Nations’ efforts to combat the global drug problem. Sustainable Development Goal 3, specifically Target 3.5, calls on governments to enhance prevention and treatment programs for substance abuse. WHO’s approach to addressing the global drug problem focuses on five key areas: prevention, treatment, harm reduction, access to controlled medicines, and monitoring and evaluation.

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) supports governments in implementing a balanced, health- and evidence-based approach to the world drug problem that addresses both supply and demand and is guided by human rights and the agreed international drug control framework. This approach involves: treatment, support, and rehabilitation; ensuring access to controlled substances for medical purposes; working with farmers who previously cultivated illicit drug crops to develop alternative sustainable livelihoods for them; and establishing adequate legal and institutional frameworks for drug control through using international conventions. UNODC works in all regions through balanced, evidence-based responses to address drug abuse and drug use disorders, as well as the production and trafficking of illicit drugs.

Recent Milestones

In 2009, governments adopted the Political Declaration and Plan of Action on International Cooperation Towards an Integrated and Balanced Strategy to Counter the World Drug Problem, which includes goals and targets for drug control.

Progress towards addressing the world drug problem and related issues is assessed at the United Nations General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS). All nations are encouraged to keep in mind the key principles of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and to leave no one behind. The Special Session in 2016 resulted in an outcome document, Our joint commitment to effectively addressing and countering the world drug problem.

In 2019, the Commission on Narcotic Drugs adopted the Ministerial Declaration on Strengthening actions at the national, regional and international levels to accelerate the implementation of joint commitments made to jointly address and counter the world drug problem. In the Declaration, governments reaffirmed their determination “to address and counter the world drug problem and to actively promote a society free of drug abuse in order to help ensure that all people can live in health, dignity and peace, with security and prosperity, and reaffirm our determination to address public health, safety and social problems resulting from drug abuse.” They also decided to review the progress made in implementing the policy commitments in 2029.

Global Response

National legislative frameworks govern the responses of criminal justice systems to the world drug problem. In the vast majority of countries, illicit cultivation of drug crops, diversion of precursors and drug trafficking are criminal offences, but the criminal nature of drug use or possession for use varies across countries and regions.

Drug use or possession is considered a criminal offence in about 40 per cent of the 94 countries where data are available, representing a significant proportion of the global population. Available data indicate that more punitive measures are imposed for drug use or possession in Asia compared with other regions, while the Americas and Asia are the most punitive regions for drug trafficking.

Long-term efforts to dismantle drug economies must focus on providing socioeconomic opportunities and alternatives that address the root causes of illicit crop cultivation, such as poverty, underdevelopment, and insecurity. These efforts should go beyond simply replacing illicit crops or incomes. Additionally, they must address the factors that lead to the recruitment of young people into the drug trade, as they are particularly vulnerable to synthetic drug use.

According to newly available estimates, in 2022 only about 1 in 11 people with drug use disorders received drug treatment globally. It is recommended that all individuals affected by the world drug problem, including women, who face disproportionate stigma and discrimination, are ensured their universal right to health. To achieve this, drug treatment, care, and services must be comprehensive, effective, voluntary, and accessible to everyone without discrimination. These services should be designed to uphold and preserve the dignity of all individuals, including those who use drugs, as well as their communities.

Role of Civil Society

The United Nations acknowledges the importance of fostering strong partnerships with civil society organizations to address the complex challenges of drug abuse and crime, which weaken the fabric of society. Active participation from civil society— non-governmental organizations, community groups, labour unions, indigenous groups, charitable organizations, faith-based groups, professional associations, and foundations — is crucial in supporting the UN’s efforts to fulfill its global mandates effectively.

UNODC supports NGOs participation in relevant drug-related policy discussions and meetings, particularly the CND regular and intersessional meetings and encourages the increased dialogue between NGOs, member states and UN entities, through the Vienna NGO Committee on Drugs (VNGOC).

Youth Engagement

Recognizing that youth are a vulnerable population, it is essential for the international community to address the issue of substance abuse effectively. Through the Youth Initiative, the UN provides opportunities for youth to actively participate in efforts to prevent substance use. This programme enables young people to join a community of peers committed to promoting health and well-being.

The Youth Forum is an annual event organized by the UNODC Youth Initiative as part of the broader framework of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs. It brings together young people from around the world, nominated by governments, who are actively engaged in drug use prevention, health promotion, and youth empowerment.

The forum provides a platform for participants to exchange ideas, share visions, and explore diverse perspectives on enhancing the health and well-being of their peers. Additionally, it offers an opportunity for youth to present their collective message to global policymakers, contributing their voices to international discussions and decisions.

Resources

 

Source: https://www.un.org/en/global-issues/drugs

Cultural, systemic and historical factors have converged to create the perfect storm when it comes to Black overdose deaths.

      By Liz Tung – June 14, 2024 Reporter at The Pulse

In this Jan. 23, 2018 photo, Leah Hill, a behavioral health fellow with the Baltimore City Health Department, displays a sample of Narcan nasal spray in Baltimore. The overdose-reversal drug is a critical tool to easing America’s coast-to-coast opioid epidemic. (AP Photo/Patrick Semansky)

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recent study from the Pennsylvania Department of Health has found that Black people who died from opioid overdoses were half as likely as white people to receive the life-saving drug naloxone, otherwise known as Narcan. The study also found that Black overdose deaths in Pennsylvania increased by more than 50% between 2019 and 2021, compared with no change in white overdose deaths.

In an email, a representative with the Department of Health said that similar rises in overdose deaths are being seen across the country, especially among Black, American Indian and Alaska Native populations. But researchers are still investigating what’s behind the spike.

“There does not appear to be a single reason why rates are increasing for Black populations and holding steady among white populations,” the statement reads. “The volatile and rapidly changing drug supply certainly has been a challenge as fentanyl is now found in every type of drug. Inequities in terms of treatment for substance use disorder may also play a factor as white people are more likely to have better access to the most evidence-based treatments and are more likely to stay in treatment.”

Fear of arrest

Abenaa Jones, an epidemiologist and assistant professor of human development and family studies at Penn State who was not involved in the study, has conducted similar research in Baltimore. She agreed that fentanyl-contaminated drugs — which are more common in lower-income neighborhoods — and less access to health care are likely factors in the growing number of overdose deaths among Black populations.

Jones said the criminal justice system, and its unequal treatment of Black people, also plays a role.

“We know that the intersection of criminal justice and substance use, and criminalization of drug use and how that disproportionately impacts minorities, can limit the accessibility of harm reduction services to racial-ethnic minorities for fear of harassment by police for drug paraphernalia,” Jones said, adding that even syringes obtained through needle-exchange programs can be considered illegal paraphernalia.

Fear of arrest, in turn, leads more people to using drugs in isolation.

“That may protect you from criminal legal involvement, but then in the event of an overdose, you may not have someone to help you,” Jones said. “So it could be that by the time the EMS come, it’s been too long for them to even consider administering naloxone.”

Contaminated drug supplies

An unexpected observation that Jones made in the course of her research could also be a factor in rising death rates — the fact that many of the Black people dying of opioid overdoses are older.

“For any other racial groups, overdose deaths peak around midlife — 35, 45,” she said. “For Black individuals, it’s more like 55, 64, and we were wondering what was going on with that.”

After investigating that question, Jones and her colleagues formulated a working theory.

“The running hypothesis for us is that this is a cohort effect,” she said. “Individuals who’ve been using drugs over time, particularly Black individuals back from the ‘80s and ‘90s with the cocaine epidemic, never stopped using.”

Those individuals may have remained relatively stable until fentanyl began to contaminate their drug supply without them knowing.

“So whatever harm reduction tools that you were using for so many years that’s been helping you, when fentanyl’s involved, it’s a different game,” Jones said. “You have to use less, but you have to also know that you have fentanyl in your drugs, right?

It’s a problem that Marcia Tucker, the program director of Pathways to Recovery — a partial hospitalization program focused on co-occurring substance use and mental health challenges — sees frequently among their mostly Black clients.

“If you come into treatment saying that I’m a cocaine user, or I’m a crack cocaine user, or I use marijuana, you’re not even thinking that an opioid overdose or fentanyl overdose could possibly happen to you,” Tucker said. “And it does happen.”

Fear, stigma and miseducation

In fact, Tucker said, she’s seen more of these kinds of overdoses over the past two years than in the three decades she’s spent working in addiction treatment. Despite that, there’s still a lack of education — and even stigma — surrounding both medication-assisted treatments (MATs) for opioid addiction, and the use of naloxone.

“I think sometimes culturally with the African American community, as far as MATs are concerned, there are some taboos about getting that extra help when they decide to come into treatment and get clean,” she said. “A lot of people feel like they want to do it from the muscle. They see it as another form of using.”

She said others may not know how to use naloxone, what kinds of effects it has or how to get it.

“I think a lot of folks don’t even know that they can walk into a pharmacy and get naloxone — you don’t have to have a prescription for that,” Tucker said. “And I think that information is just not always presented to communities, especially poor communities that don’t have a lot of resources.”

Other sources of hesitation are more immediate. Aaron Rice, a therapist at Pathways to Recovery, said that many of their clients fear naloxone because of its physical effects.

“I think they associate it with precipitated withdrawal at times,” Rice said, referring to the rapid-onset withdrawal that can cause symptoms including anxiety, pain, seating, nausea, vomiting and diarrhea.

“The only thing they’re thinking about is feeling better. And that feeling is going to supersede logic at that moment. It always does.”

Overcoming disparities in health care and mistrust of the system

The Department of Health acknowledged that the study only paints a partial picture, as it doesn’t include individuals whose overdoses were reversed by naloxone, and added that during the years of the study (2019–2021), naloxone was available by prescription only — a fact that likely played into the race-based disparity.

“There are recognized inequities in access to health care among persons of color, the concept of which likely extends to access to naloxone,” the Department of Health statement reads. “Historically, many public health materials and messaging more narrowly focused on persons using opioids. With people now taking two or more drugs together (whether intentionally or unintentionally), public health materials and messaging need to be more inclusive of all persons using drugs, regardless of the type.”

The study, researcher Abenaa Jones, Marcia Tucker and Aaron Rice all agreed on at least one intervention that could increase Black people’s access to naloxone — relying on trusted community leaders and institutions, like churches, to help educate residents and distribute the overdose-reversing drug.

“I just can’t stress enough how it’s a lifesaver — it’s the difference between life and death,” Tucker said. “I think people who aren’t medical professionals and find themselves in a situation where it might need to be used would probably be a little fearful — fearful about how to use it or how the person is going to react or whether it’s really going to work — just know that you’re better off with it and trying it. You don’t want to have to second guess yourself later and say, ‘I wish we had it. I wish we had gotten it,’ or, ‘I wish we had used it.’”

Source: https://whyy.org/articles/black-pennsylvanians-overdoses-naloxone-less-likely-to-receive/

Even as officials hope tech can stem the tide of solitary drug fatalities, they know deploying these warning strategies could face obstacles.

By    and   

They die alone in bedrooms, bathroom stalls and cars. Each year in the United States, tens of thousands of fatal overdoses unfold as tragedies of solitude — with no one close enough to call 911 or deliver a lifesaving antidote.

Technology new and old might save some of those lives.

Motion detectors blare alarms when someone collapses inside a bathroom at a shelter or clinic. Biosensors detect slowed breathing triggered by an overdose and one day may be capable of automatically injecting overdose reversal medication. Simpler approaches — chat apps and hotlines — keep users connected to help if drugs prove too potent.

Source: https://www.washingtonpost.com/health/2024/10/19/fatal-drug-overdoses-alarms-sensors/

Washington, D.C. – Today, White House Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) Director Dr. Rahul Gupta released the following statement on the latest provisional data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), showing drug overdose deaths decreased by 12.7% year-over-year (in the 12-months ending May 2024). This is the largest recorded reduction in overdose deaths, and the sixth consecutive month of reported decreases in predicted 12-month total numbers of drug overdose deaths.

“When President Biden and Vice President Harris took office, the number of drug overdose deaths was increasing 31% year-over-year. They immediately took action: making beating the overdose epidemic a key pillar of their Unity Agenda for the Nation and taking a comprehensive, evidence-based approach to strengthening public health and public safety. As an Administration, we have removed more barriers to treatment for substance use disorder than ever before and invested historic levels of funding to help crack down on illicit drug trafficking at the border. Life-saving opioid overdose reversal medications like naloxone are now available over-the-counter and at lower prices. We are at a critical inflection point. For the sixth month in a row, we are continuing to see a steady decline in drug overdose deaths nationwide. This new data shows there is hope, there is progress, and there is an urgent call to action for us all to continue working together across all of society to reduce drug overdose deaths and save even more lives.”

Source: https://www.whitehouse.gov/ondcp/briefing-room/2024/10/16/white-house-drug-policy-director-statement-on-latest-drug-overdose-death-data/

At a glance

  • Cherokee Nation Action Network is using culture as prevention for youth substance use in Oklahoma.
  • The leading principle is “Walking in Balance,” which emphasizes balancing traditional Cherokee culture with modern contemporary culture in their everyday lives.

Cherokee Nation Community Action Network

The Cherokee Nation Community Action Network (CAN) coalition was originally developed in 2006 and became a Drug-Free Community coalition in 2018. The CAN uses culture as a strategy to prevent and reduce substance use in Cherokee communities. They partner with Sequoyah School, a tribal school in Tahlequah that young people can attend from anywhere within the reservation. The reservation includes some very rural and isolated communities with limited resources.

To increase community connectedness, the coalition teaches a National Association for Addiction Professionals-certified curriculum based on the book Walking in Balance by Abraham Bearpaw. Bearpaw was raised in one of the Cherokee Nation communities and, after coping with alcohol use for several years, decided it was time for a change. He reconnected with his culture by prioritizing mindfulness, health, and trust and has been in recovery for 12 years. He partners with different communities to teach his curriculum to young people in hopes of reducing the likelihood of them engaging in substance use. The curriculum includes 12 weekly lessons that teach students how to reconnect with culture, manage stress, and care for themselves. The leading principle is “Walking in Balance,” which emphasizes balancing traditional Cherokee culture with modern contemporary culture in their everyday lives.

The CAN coalition initially faced challenges with young people’s willingness to return to the ceremonial grounds. Due to some forbidden traditional practices, they felt they were too far removed. However, the coalition encouraged them to attend to learn and reconnect with their roots. Of the 100 young people living in the current town they serve, 75 showed up to participate in the curriculum. The day-to-day traditional and cultural activities include the making of clay beads, ribbon skirts, corn-bead necklaces, basket weaving, and stickball. The community activities are a source of Cherokee knowledge-building, sharing, and resiliency that helps build a culture of connectedness. The instructor teaches ceremonial values of youth and elder interaction, respect for ancestors, and the importance of taking care of the land. One community member said, “Our tribe has long known that building a sense of belonging, helping youth grow a connection to community, and cultural identity helps them grow into healthy adults.” The Cherokee Nation CAN will continue to foster safe and healthy environmental conditions, providing social support, encouraging school connectedness, and creating safe and caring communities on the reservation to improve the lives of those living there.

Source: https://www.cdc.gov/overdose-prevention/php/drug-free-communities/cherokee-nation.html

Manuel Balce Ceneta/Associated Press by CARMEN PAUN – 10/27/2024 04:00 PM EDT

 

Traffickers are to blame, the candidates say. Virtually no one’s talking about treatment.

The Harris and Trump campaigns said the presidential candidates are talking about drug treatment, albeit more quietly than they are border security. |

There’s a rare point of agreement among Republican and Democratic candidates this election year: America has a drug problem and it’s fentanyl traffickers’ fault.

Republicans, including former President Donald Trump, are hammering Democrats over border policies they say have allowed fentanyl to surge into the country. Democrats, including Vice President Kamala Harris, respond that they, too, have cracked down on traffickers and want stricter border enforcement.

The consensus reflects the resonance of border control among voters — most of the country’s fentanyl comes from Mexico — and a hardening of the nation’s attitude toward addiction. Troubled by drug use, homelessness and crime, voters even in the country’s most progressive states favor cracking down. Politicians from Trump and Harris on down the ballot say they will.

“It’s one of those things that people don’t want in their community,” said Rep. Jahana Hayes, a Democrat running for a fourth term representing a district including suburbs of Hartford, Connecticut, and rural areas to their west, of illicit drugs. “They want a tough-on-crime stance on it. They want it to go away. They’re afraid for their families, they’re afraid for their children.”

That view worries public health experts and treatment advocates, who see a backsliding toward the law enforcement focus that once looked futile in the face of Americans’ insatiable appetite for drugs. They fear it bodes ill for additional efforts from Washington to expand addiction care.

“There are a lot of things that both parties can point to, as far as progress that’s been made in addressing overdoses: We’ve seen bipartisan efforts to expand access to treatment, to expand access to health services for people who use drugs, and I wish they would talk about that more,” said Maritza Perez Medina, federal affairs director at Drug Policy Action, an advocacy group that opposes the law enforcement-first approach.

Six years ago, when a bipartisan majority in Congress passed the SUPPORT Act to inject billions of dollars into treatment and recovery services, and then-President Trump signed it, the vibes in Washington around drug use were more empathetic.

President Donald Trump declared the opioid crisis a nationwide public health emergency in October 2017. | Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images But after it passed, fatal drug overdoses driven by illicit fentanyl skyrocketed, hitting a record 111,451 in the 12 months ending in August 2023 before starting to recede. Homelessness, sometimes tied to drug addiction, also spiked.

When the SUPPORT Act came up for renewal last year, Congress wasn’t as motivated. The Democratic Senate hasn’t voted on a bill, while a House-passed measure from the chamber’s GOP majority offers few new initiatives and no new money.

Attitudes are similar in the states. Oregon, where voters legalized drugs for personal use in 2020, reimposed criminal penalties this year after its largest city, Portland, was overrun with homeless drug users. Polls indicate California voters, frustrated, too, by homelessness and crime, are likely to boost penalties for drug users by ballot initiative next month.

Candidates aim to prove they share voters’ frustration.

Republicans have spent more than $11 million on TV ads in the past month attacking Democratic opponents on fentanyl trafficking, according to a tally by tracking firm AdImpact. And Democrats have spent nearly $18 million defending themselves, mostly by highlighting their efforts or plans to provide more resources and personnel to combat trafficking.

“It’s an easy shortcut in a 30-second commercial to tie a broader issue to one that has an easy explanation,” said Erika Franklin Fowler, a professor of government at Wesleyan University who directs a project analyzing political advertising.

Trump’s not talking about the SUPPORT Act, one of his most consequential legislative successes. Vice President Kamala Harris is not touting the treatment policies of the president she serves, Joe Biden, who expanded access to medications that help people addicted to fentanyl, as well as to drugs that can reverse overdoses. Some public health specialists credit increased access to the drugs with reducing overdose death rates in the past 12 months after years of grim ascent.

Trump used his first anti-Harris ad this summer to blame her for the more than 250,000 deaths from fentanyl during the Biden-Harris administration.

Vice President Kamala Harris met state attorneys general in July 2023 to discuss possible actions against fentanyl. | Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images Harris responded by touting her prosecution of drug traffickers when she was California’s attorney general and a promise to strengthen the border.

“Here’s her plan,” a deep-voiced narrator intoned in Harris’ ad: “Hire thousands more border agents, enforce the law and step up technology — and stop fentanyl smuggling.”

‘A political cudgel’

Similar attacks and responses have played out in Senate and House races across the country.

In the tight Arizona race to replace Sen. Kirsten Synema (I-Ariz.), Republican Kari Lake has accused her opponent, Democratic Rep. Ruben Gallego, of empowering drug cartels to import fentanyl by supporting Biden-Harris administration border policies.

“We’re losing an entire generation of people, and you should know better, Ruben,” Lake told Gallego in a debate earlier this month, referencing the deaths of teens who took counterfeit pills laced with fentanyl.

Gallego, who was elected to Congress in 2014 as a progressive but has shied from that label in his Senate run, responded by touting bills he’s supported or introduced to fund more technology at the border and track fentanyl money flows across Mexico and China, where chemicals to make the drug are manufactured.

A mother visit her son’s grave, who died of a fentanyl overdose at 15. | Jae C. Hong/AP In Colorado’s hotly contested 8th congressional district, which encompasses Denver suburbs and rural areas to the north, Republican state Rep. Gabe Evans has blamed the incumbent, Democrat Yadira Caraveo, for the fentanyl crisis.

“This is our reality now: a 100 percent increase in fentanyl deaths because liberals open the border, legalize fentanyl and let criminals out of jail,” says a police officer in an ad for Evans. “And Yadira Caraveo voted for it all,” Evans adds.

Caraveo defended herself in a debate with Evans earlier this month, noting the bill he’s referring to was state legislation that “tried to balance the need to punish drug dealers and cartels but not incarcerate every single person that is addicted.”

In Connecticut, the National Republican Congressional Committee attacked Hayes for voting against a bill to permanently subject fentanyl to the strictest government regulation, reserved for those drugs with high likelihood of abuse and no medical uses.

Hayes said she opposed the bill because it included mandatory minimum prison sentences for people caught with drugs and no provisions supporting prevention, treatment or harm reduction.

“I hate that this is being used as a political cudgel because we’re missing out on an opportunity to say: ‘How do we address the root causes?’” Hayes said in an interview.

Hayes said she has responded to the attacks on the campaign trail and talked to constituents about the need for treatment, despite some advice to the contrary.

“Even amongst Democrats, there were people who were like: ‘You don’t want the headache, you don’t want people to think that you’re soft on crime or soft on drugs.’ And I was like: ‘This has to be about more than optics if we truly are trying to save people’s lives,’” Hayes said. ‘If we don’t keep the momentum going’

Oregon, where voters legalized drugs for personal use in 2020, reimposed criminal penalties this year after its largest city, Portland, was overrun with homeless drug users. | Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images The lesson the Drug Policy Action’s Medina takes from the campaigns is that talking about drug treatment doesn’t sell in American politics.

“People are struggling. Social services aren’t where they need to be, health services aren’t where they need to be,” she said. “It’s easier to run a fear-based campaign rather than talking about really tough issues,” like breaking the cycle of addiction.

Ironically, the tough talk on the border comes as policymakers, for the first time in years, have evidence that the tide of fatal drug overdoses is receding.

The CDC estimates that overdose deaths, most caused by fentanyl, declined by nearly 13 percent between May 2023 and May 2024, to just under 100,000.

Harris’ running mate, Tim Walz, mentioned the dip during his debate with Trump’s vice-presidential pick, JD Vance, earlier this month.

The number is now about where it was when Biden took office, though still 50 percent higher than when Trump did in January 2017.

Expanding access to treatment, the Food and Drug Administration’s decision to make the opioid-overdose-reversal medication naloxone available over the counter last year, increased fentanyl seizures at the border, and the arrest and sanctioning of Mexican drug cartel leaders have contributed to the recent drop, Biden said last month.

Advocates for drug treatment say that’s all good cause for candidates to tout their access-to-treatment efforts and promise to expand them.

“The worst outcome for overdose prevention coming out of this election would be if we don’t keep the momentum going,” said Libby Jones, who leads the Overdose Prevention Initiative, an advocacy group.

But there’s not the groundswell of interest on Capitol Hill that there was in 2018, when Congress passed the SUPPORT Act.

Congress has continued to fund opioid treatment authorized in that law, but it mostly hasn’t taken the law’s 2023 expiration as an opportunity to increase funding or try big new ideas.

The Food and Drug Administration decision to make the opioid-overdose-reversal medication naloxone available over the counter last year has contributed to a drop in fatal overdoses over the past year, President Joe Biden said last month. | Diane Bondareff/AP The 2024 federal funding law Congress passed in March included some minor changes in the form of bipartisan legislation to require state Medicaid plans to cover medication-assisted treatment for substance use disorder. It also created a permanent state Medicaid option allowing treatment of substance use disorder at institutions that treat mental illness, in an effort to expand access to care.

But bipartisan legislation approved by the Senate committee responsible for health care to make it easier for others to gain access to methadone, a drug effective in helping fentanyl users, hasn’t gone to the floor and faces opposition from key Republicans in the House.

The Harris and Trump campaigns said the presidential candidates are talking about drug treatment, albeit more quietly than they are border security.

Vice President Harris’ campaign pointed to her web site, where she touts her prosecution of drug traffickers and the Biden-Harris administration’s investment in “lifesaving programs.”

Republican National Committee spokesperson Anna Kelly said “President Trump is uniquely able to connect with families combating addiction,” pointing to times when he’s talked about his brother’s struggles with alcohol use disorder and to his administration’s efforts to contain the opioid crisis.

But she added that the tough talk on the border is relevant: “Combating fentanyl is a public health issue and stopping it begins with securing the border.”

 

Source: https://www.politico.com/news/2024/10/27/fentanyl-drugs-elections-00185576

MEDICINAL cannabis has been the hottest of hot-button issues in medicine for some years now. It’s one the few medications where media hype and patient demand seem to have moulded – some would say muddied – the regulatory framework in a way that has troubled many clinicians.

In Australia, there are now three different pathways to legally accessing medicinal cannabis. The Category A Special Access Scheme (SAS) allows the importation of unregistered products on compassionate grounds, but requires import licences and customs clearance, while Category B SAS gives access to locally stored medicinal cannabis, but requires TGA and state review and approval. Specialists can also obtain an Authorised Prescriber status to prescribe cannabis – these will usually be either oncologists for cancer-related pain, or paediatric neurologists for the control of severe epilepsy in children.

But what is the evidence for medicinal cannabis, and is it sufficient for clinicians to feel comfortable prescribing it? These issues are explored in two articles published in the MJAone a Perspective from the Royal Australasian College of Physicians (RACP) and the other a Narrative Review on the challenges of prescribing cannabis for paediatric epilepsy, authored by researchers from the Sydney Children’s Hospital.

The RACP comes down on the side of caution. It notes that Australia, along with the rest of the world, is “navigating unchartered waters with pharmaceutical grade cannabinoids”, and that more research is needed before we can say whether or not cannabis has a place in contemporary medical practice.

In paediatric epilepsy, some of that research seems to be coming into focus. Last May, a randomised, double-blind trial of cannabidiol, a cannabis derivative that does not contain the psychoactive ingredient tetrahydrocannabinol, provided hard data for the first time that the treatment may work in children with Dravet syndrome – a severe form of childhood epilepsy with often drug-resistant seizures. This was followed by another trial, published last month in the Lancet, that showed similar efficacy of cannabidiol in Lennox–Gastaut syndrome, another form of paediatric epilepsy characterised by multiple seizure types.

Laureate Professor Ingrid Scheffer, who is Chair of Paediatric Neurology Research at The University of Melbourne and co-author of the trial of cannabadiol in Dravet syndrome, says that although her study does provide solid evidence for the drug’s efficacy, it should in no way be considered a miracle cure.

“It’s been sold as a magic bullet by the media. And you have families who are on a terrible rollercoaster, they’re vulnerable and medicinal cannabis is being cast as this drug that may save their child. And the answer is that it often does not. It may help, and in our study cannabidiol had a 43% responder rate, defined as at least a 50% reduction in the seizure frequency. But that’s exactly the same as some of the other drugs we use.”

But she says that doesn’t mean it shouldn’t be prescribed.

“Dravet syndrome is usually drug-resistant and you don’t know which drugs will work, so it could be worth trying if others have failed. But the families should be aware of its chances of success and the fact that it can have side effects.”

She says the key is more research.

“What people are accessing is very variable. They’re importing it from all over the place, they may even be getting friends to grow it in their backyard, so we do not know what they’re giving their child. What we need to do is go forward with more trials in different populations and with different formulations. If we’re going to invest in this, we need to know it works and we’re not wasting our health dollar on it.”

Professor Scheffer says that another drug currently being trialled, fenfluramine, may end up the more successful treatment. Trial results have yet to be published, but interim findings suggest that fenfluramine may have a dramatically higher responder rate of up to 70%.

Dr John Lawson, a Sydney-based paediatric neurologist and co-author of the Narrative Review on cannabis and childhood epilepsy, agrees that cannabidiol, though worth trying in some children, is no wonder drug.

“I’m not hanging my hopes on cannabidiol,” he says in an exclusive podcast for MJA Insight.

“I came in as quite a sceptic, but my attitude has changed. I now believe that it is an antiepileptic, but I’m not sure what place it has. It’s the early stages of development, and there are other compounds that haven’t been looked at.”

Dr Lawson says that he wouldn’t suggest it to a family until many other antiepileptics had already failed, and the chances of the next drug working were already low.

“I’ve come around to bringing it up in conversation because everyone knows about it, and families know I’ve prescribed it. But the biggest reason to not prescribe is cost. For a small child, it will cost over $1000 every couple of weeks to give a Therapeutics Goods Administration-approved product. Almost the only people I have prescribed it for are those who have an absolute ‘bucketload’ of money. Or I form a contract with them, and I say look, this will cost you $3000, but all the trials say you will know very quickly if it’s working or not.”

He says that in the patients who are helped by cannabidiol, the effect is still relatively modest.

“Patients are very rarely seizure-free. It may have a role in the future, once the hype has died down, but it will be a very low [on a list of preferred antiepileptics].”

 

Source:  https://www.doctorportal.com.au/mjainsight/2018/6/medicinal-cannabis-miracle-cure-or-media-hype/

In the 50 years since its establishment, the National Institute on Drug Abuse has made significant investment and strides toward improving individual and public health. Epidemiology serves as the foundation for understanding the how many, why, how, where, and who of drug use and its consequences, and effective epidemiology research and training are geared toward actionable findings that can inform real-world responses. Epidemiologic findings enhance clinicians’ ability to provide ongoing care by incorporating information about the patterns and outcomes of drug use that their patients may experience. The goal of this article is to provide a context for epidemiology of substance use as a foundation for prevention, with examples of how epidemiology can provide targets for prevention, and to set the stage for addressing the importance of prevention in clinical settings.
Source: https://psychiatryonline.org/doi/10.1176/appi.focus.20240018 
Tulsa World
Aug 25, 2024

The Cherokee Nation’s approach to substance abuse recovery is harm reduction, which has drawn criticism from some who work in addiction recovery.

“Harm reduction is a pretty controversial topic. A lot of people feel it can be enabling drug users. It can feel counterproductive and counter intuitive,” said Jennifer Steward, director of the University of Tulsa’s Behavioral Health Clinic.

In a Tulsa World interview, Steward said the controversial aspect comes from the fact that harm reduction does not encourage abstinence from drug use, which makes it different from traditional substance abuse rehabilitation programs. Harm reduction instead focuses on keeping active drug users alive, with considerations for their health and safety.

The Cherokee Nation harm reduction program utilizes a mobile unit that brings supplies to drug-users on the streets: clean needles, cotton swabs and Narcan, which can reduce cravings and combat a potentially fatal overdose.

Steward said many harm reduction programs also provide a safe, clean environment to partake in drug use, free of disease such as HIV or hepatitis C, with staff ready to assist in case of overdose.

Cherokee Nation prevention specialist Coleman Cox said that his tribe recognized the potential for addiction among the Cherokee people after being exposed to the opioid epidemic is “far reaching and the latest in a long line of injustices brought upon indigenous peoples.”

According to the Centers for Disease Control, in 2021 the highest rate of drug overdose deaths was in American Indian and Alaskan Native individuals. Data from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration indicates 5.1% of Natives have misused opioids, which can include prescribed pain-relief medications, hydrocodone, oxycodone, fentanyl and heroin.

“We bent the opioid industry to a settlement for the harm it inflicted, and we are making the opioid industry help pay for every single penny of this facility,” said Cherokee Nation Chief Chuck Hoskin Jr. in reference to their treatment facility they broke ground for Thursday morning.

The Cherokee Nation received a Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration grant last year for harm-reduction services. They now operate a storefront at 214 N. Bliss Ave. in Tahlequah. It is open not only to tribal members but also to the public, and all participants can remain anonymous.

The new facility that the tribe broke ground on this week is a $25 million dollar addiction treatment center just outside of Tahlequah.

The Cherokee Nation’s Public Health and Wellness Fund Act of 2021 dedicated $100 million in settlement funds from opioid and e-cigarette lawsuits for a variety of public health programs.

Cox said harm reduction meets people where they are at in their addiction. This means that if the user does not want to seek rehabilitative services, they do not have to. Rehabilitation services may be recommended, but they are not a requirement.

“Harm reduction is more than Narcan and clean needles. It’s treating others how they want to be treated — with dignity, respect and value, without conditions,” said Cox.

Evan White, a member of the Absentee Shawnee tribe, is the director of Native American research at Laureate Institute for Brain Research in Tulsa. He has worked with various tribal behavioral health programs through his research.

“Harm reduction is a model that has a strong evidence base for good outcomes,” he said, “especially in substance use disorders.”

White believes harm reduction could be attractive to Native communities as it values a person’s autonomy.

“I see a consistent value of a person as an individual within Native communities. Healing is an important part of the process in these cultural spaces, even though there is a lot of stigma around substance abuse in our broader society,” he said.

For Native individuals with substance abuse issues, White said participating in cultural activities may enhance self-control and mindfulness.

The Cherokee Nation’s program provides opportunities for Native people in recovery to partake in cultural activities.

“We planted a Three Sisters Garden: corn, beans and gourds,” said Cox. “Corn provides the bean a pathway for growth. Beans give back by imparting nitrogen to the soil. Gourd provides protection and covers the ground. Three different things working in harmony. Body, mind and spirit.”

Members of the program get to adopt a plant, name it and tend to it. Cox said the vegetables are not for eating, however.

“They are meant to harvest seeds for the future bounty, beyond what we can see now. Just like when our members come to us for whatever kind of help, we plant a seed that one day they will harvest a healthier life,” he said.

Cox said the harm reduction staff launched a new chapter of “wellbriety movement” that they call “recovery rez.” It’s a cultural approach to the traditional 12-step recovery plan.

“At Recovery Rez they begin with prayer and fellowship meal, then smudge and hold a talking circle guided by the passing of an eagle feather from speaker to speaker. They close out the evening with a drum circle and singing. All are welcome, and citizens don’t need to be in recovery to benefit from the cultural protective factors,” said Cox.

Steward said it can be difficult to view harm reduction as a substance abuse program because harm reduction focuses on the long-term.

“The goal is to help someone be ready to engage in rehabilitation later on, but in order to do that, they have to be alive,” she said.

According to Cherokee Nation spokeswoman Julie Hubbard, the tribe’s harm reduction program has had 3,099 encounters for service, and it has 1,049 members currently. The number of people who still inject drugs within the program is 743. The amount of lives saved at the program from Narcan distribution is 44.

TogetherWeCan_InternationalOverdoseAwarenessLogo

Perhaps we’re finally turning a corner when it comes to lowering overdose deaths. While the number of people dying as a result of an overdose remains frighteningly high, a new report signals modest progress in efforts to reduce fatalities.

Updated figures from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) found fatal drug overdoses fell 2.4% from 2022 to 2023. The toll from the overdose crisis reached 108,317 lives last year, according to data the CDC posted Aug. 4. While that’s lower than the 111,029 overdose deaths in 2022, it still represents a massive number of preventable deaths, and there’s yet more we can do to ensure that fatalities continue to decline.

That is one of the goals of International Overdose Awareness Day, observed on August 31.

In recognition of the day, the National Council has created an informative new video to help people understand how to administer naloxone. Naloxone (often known by the brand name Narcan) is a medication that reverses opioid overdoses. It is quite literally a lifesaver.

The lower number of overdose fatalities in 2023 may be related to the Food and Drug Administration’s March 2023 decision to make naloxone available over the counter, a decision we applauded. But having naloxone available doesn’t mean everyone who may need it has access to the drug. And it doesn’t mean that everyone knows how to administer naloxone.

Let’s hope the modest drop in overdose fatalities last year was an early indication that we’re finally flattening the curve of overdose deaths.

That’s exactly why we made this video.

Everyone should carry naloxone, especially those who work with the public — whether as a teacher, ambulance driver, librarian, coach or in some other capacity.

The Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) continues to promote naloxone distribution through state opioid response (SOR) grants. Naloxone distribution and saturation planning is a federal-state partnership (of sorts) to optimize naloxone distribution.

States are required to create distribution and saturation plans as part of their SOR grant; every state is required to make one. The purpose is for states to meaningfully plan and coordinate their naloxone distribution based on data and input from impacted community partners so they optimize reach, including focusing distribution efforts to those most likely to experience and/or witness an overdose.

Substance use isn’t going away anytime soon. July’s release of the 2023 National Survey on Drug Use and Health provides important new data about substance use challenges and the nature of substance use among people of all ages. For instance:

Among people aged 12 or older in 2023, 70.5 million people (24.9%) had used illicit drugs in the past year, up from 70.3 million people in 2022 and 61.2 million in 2021.

In 2023, 48.5 million people 12 or older (17.1%) had a substance use disorder in the past year, down slightly from 48.7 million in 2022.

In 2023, 8.9 million people 12 and older (3.1%) used opioids in a non-prescribed way in the past year, compared to 8.9 million in 2022 and 9.4 million in 2021.

This data shows us that no one is immune from a substance use challenge.

We can’t turn our backs on people with a substance use disorder or ignore the tragic consequences of substances, whether they’re considered illicit or socially acceptable, like alcohol. To support people with a substance use disorder or their loved ones, the Start With Hope project also recently published many new resources, including:

The Start With Hope project was started in November 2023 by The Ad Council, in partnership with the CDC, the National Council and Shatterproof to deliver a message of hope to those living with substance use disorders as well as those at risk of developing one.

Let’s hope the modest drop in overdose fatalities last year was an early indication that we’re finally flattening the curve of overdose deaths. When it comes to lives lost, we can’t be satisfied with modest improvements. Let’s ensure continued progress by spreading the word about lifesaving resources.

Check out our new video, and let us know what you’re doing in your communities to reduce overdose deaths and provide resources to those with a substance use disorder.

We can and will learn from one another on how to best support people and communities.

Author

Charles Ingoglia, MSW
(he/him/his) President and CEO
National Council for Mental Wellbeing
 
Source:  https://www.thenationalcouncil.org/lowering-overdose-deaths-naxolone-how-to/

In 2022, he found himself without a vehicle and without a home, which forced his two teenage children to move in with friends. He had burned bridges with friends and family and it took a drug-induced stint in the hospital for him to realize his cocaine addiction was going to be a “death sentence.”

Rubick, who lives in the Denver suburb of Arvada, Colorado, knew he needed help. But first he had to figure out what to do with one of the only sources of unconditional love and support he had left: his beloved German shepherd rescue, Tonks.

Most residential rehab centers in the United States don’t allow patients to bring their pets along, said Rubick, 51. So when his brother could no longer help care for the dog, Rubick thought he would have to make the excruciating decision to give up Tonks.

“It basically came down to being able to take care of my dog or being able to take care of myself,” he said.

Rubick — who has been sober for more than two years and is now an addiction recovery coach — was connected to the group PAWsitive Recovery, which fosters animals while their owners receive treatment for drug and alcohol abuse, and for people dealing with domestic violence or mental health crises.

“People that are trying to get into recovery sometimes have lost their families, their children, any kind of support system that they have had,” said Serena Saunders, the organization’s program manager. “You’re not going to compound trauma that you’ve already had by giving up the one thing that hasn’t given up on you, and that’s people’s animals.”

Saunders founded PAWsitive Recovery in Denver three years ago. Since then, it’s helped more than 180 people and their pets, and Saunders said the group has looked to expand nationally after it became a part of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals International. The organization, whose largest foster network is in Colorado but accepts applications nationwide, is one of just a few programs in the U.S. that cares for the pets of people seeking treatment for substance abuse.

Saunders’ own experience with drug and alcohol addiction has helped her tailor the program. She said she had a “pretty broken childhood,” with her mother being schizophrenic and addicted to methamphetamine and her father also struggling with addiction. She sought comfort in alcohol when she was about 12 and was using hard drugs by the time she was 14.

“Addiction just gave me trauma after trauma,” said Saunders, now 41.

Saunders was seeing a therapist for her depression and PTSD when a fortuitous session planted the seed of PAWsitive Recovery. With a background in veterinary and shelter medicine, which focuses on caring for homeless animals, she told her therapist she wanted to incorporate her love of dogs in her recovery.

“And that’s what we did,” said Saunders, who fostered Tonks for several months while Rubick was in treatment and facilitated visits between the two best friends.

“To see a broken person when we’re meeting them in a parking lot, when they have nothing left to live for but their animal. And to see how broken and how desperate they are in that moment, and then to circle back around six months later and see them completely turn their lives around is just so special. It’s amazing,” said Saunders, who has been sober for 3 1/2 years.

That sentiment is echoed by the organization’s volunteer foster families, some of whom are drawn to the program because of their own experiences with addiction.

Denver resident Ben Cochell, 41, who has been sober from alcohol for more than seven years, has two dogs of his own and has fostered several more.

“One of my favorite parts about fostering in this program is the ability to teach my kids some life lessons in how to help others and how to care for animals and be kind, be loving. And to just give of yourself,” he said. “That’s what you have. Your time and your energy. And you can give that away freely.”

If not for PAWsitive Recovery, Rubick said he probably would have ended up living on the streets with his dog and trying to figure out recovery on his own. But as it turned out, by being able to keep his rescue dog, Tonks ended up rescuing Rubick, he said.

“It’s that connection, caring for another creature and having something else care for you the way that animals do,” Rubick said. “It’s just unconditional, and sometimes that’s one of the things that people in recovery really need to be able to feel.”

Associated Press writer Colleen Slevin contributed to this report.

Source:  https://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/health/giving-up-pets-to-seek-rehab-can-worsen-trauma-a-colorado-group-intends-to-end-that/

By  Charlotte Caldwell

LIMA — The Lima Police Department recently posted on its Facebook page about an increase in overdoses in Lima over the past few weeks.

With September being National Recovery Month, where organizations try to increase public awareness about mental health and addiction recovery, local organizations and law enforcement agencies shared their experiences with addiction and overdoses and the help that is available.

The problem

Lima Fire Chief Andy Heffner said his department responded to 85 overdoses so far this year. He said the overdose numbers have risen and fallen throughout the year, with about one-week breaks in between. He believed the numbers were based on the drugs available in the area.

Project Auglaize County Addiction Response Team Project Coordinator/Peer Support Specialist Brittany Boneta spoke on the reason for the overdose spikes.

“When it comes to overdoses, one is too many,” Boneta said. “I think the number of overdoses comes in waves. There could be a really bad batch of heroin or fentanyl that gets distributed throughout the county that could lead to a spike in overdoses.”

Heffner cited the Drug Enforcement Administration’s website, which said seven out of every 10 pills seized by the DEA contain a lethal dose of fentanyl. The website also said 2 milligrams of fentanyl can be enough to kill someone.

“It only takes one time when Narcan is not available that you could lose your life. If you get clean, you will never have to worry about an overdose, and neither will the people that love you,” Heffner said.

Bath Township Fire Chief Joe Kitchen said his department used Narcan 21 times on patients from August 2023 to August 2024. The department also distributes Narcan to families just in case an overdose occurs.

“Although we have only left behind a few kits so far, I think it gives the family of a known addict some peace of mind that they could assist them in the event of an OD prior to EMS arrival,” Kitchen said.

Another problem is a tranquilizer called Xylazine is being mixed with fentanyl, which does not respond to the usual methods of reversal.

“There are always new drugs/drug combinations being introduced on the streets that make it difficult for those in the treatment world to keep up with and know how to effectively treat,” said Jamie Declercq, the vice president of clinical operations for Lighthouse Behavioral Health Solutions. “Right now, we are seeing an increase in substances (such as Xylazine) across the county which does not respond to Narcan, so that is likely one reason for the increase in overdose deaths.”

Their stories

Boneta was addicted to opiates and crack cocaine over a seven-year period, and her addiction journey started when she was prescribed Percocet by a cardiologist for a heart condition when she was 18.

“There wasn’t a drug I wouldn’t use,” Boneta said. “I was an honor roll student in high school with more trauma than almost anyone I know, and when I went off to college I wasn’t educated on the true dangers of drugs, the thirst to fit in, and all of my trauma stuffed down.”

When her doctor stopped prescribing Percocet, she bought them from drug dealers, not knowing they were laced with heroin.

“When the drug supply of the fake Percocet ran out, I was just buying actual heroin. The heroin was starting to have fentanyl added to it, and before long that was all I was consuming,” Boneta said.

Boneta was eventually sent to prison for drugs, and during that time her 6-year-old son was involved in a house fire and suffered serious injuries.

“I was transported from the prison, in my orange jumpsuit and shackles on my wrists and ankles, to say my goodbyes to my son. I think seeing him lying there in a coma covered in bandages was something so soul-shaking that I knew this was my rock bottom,” Boneta said.

“My son had countless surgeries and was getting better and stronger as the months went by, so I decided I was going to completely reset my life and work my butt off just as hard,” Boneta continued. “I completed as many recovery groups and classes as possible and started learning coping skills and tools to use when I was released from prison. I knew that I wanted to help other people like me and show them that people can understand what they are going through and not have judgment towards them.”

Diane Urban, of Delphos, the founder/president of the Association of People Against Lethal Drugs, started APALD because her youngest son died from a fentanyl overdose. Her older son is also a former addict, and her niece is in active addiction.

“He was clean for the last nine months of his life, he came to live with me, and he relapsed due to an ingrown wisdom tooth that was coming in, his face was swelling up, and because he had Medicaid, we couldn’t find him any help anywhere except for a place in Van Wert, and it was a two-week out appointment. Unfortunately, unbeknownst to me, he relapsed, and I found him dead in his bedroom from a fentanyl overdose,” Urban said.

Challenges to get help

Transportation, not enough of a variety of local recovery options available and financial barriers were all cited as issues addicts face when they decide to get help.

“For peers that are needing inpatient treatment or sober living, we have to send them to other counties for help,” Boneta said. “There is definitely a need for more substance abuse treatment in our county.”

Declercq said Allen County also has a need for inpatient or residential treatment, and people who need that care have to go to one of the major cities nearby.

Urban dealt with having to go outside the area when her son got help.

“Seven years ago when I had to get help for my son, we had to go to Columbus. There was no help to get in right away because (Coleman Health Services) was so backed up,” Urban said. “There can never be enough resources because what happens is all these resource centers and rehabilitation centers, they keep you for a period of time then they release you, and a lot of people when they get released like that, they don’t have adequate support for more of a long-term stay, more of them tend to relapse.”

Urban said her son got treatment for free with Medicaid, but in her experience, organizations prioritize people who have insurance.

Auglaize County Sheriff Mike Vorhees also mentioned a challenge with people not having a way to get to treatment.

“We don’t provide transportation yet, but that’s something that we’re working on,” Vorhees said in regard to the services Project ACART provides. “It depends on who it is. If it’s an elderly person, we can work with the Council on Aging; if it’s a veteran we go through Veterans Services.”

Financially, Declercq said Lighthouse Behavioral Health Solutions’ case managers help people apply for Medicaid, or the local mental health board has options for those who don’t qualify for Medicaid.

“One of the most frustrating barriers for seeking treatment is those with commercial insurance or Medicare, as those companies only pay for very limited services,” Declercq said. “Commercial plans typically pay for a short detox stay and limited individual/group counseling sessions, but do not pay for the intensive level of treatment that a program like Lighthouse offers.”

“Thirty days of treatment and/or 10 individual counseling sessions are not enough to truly treat a person who has been in active addiction for years,” Declercq continued. “Oftentimes even one year of intense treatment only touches the surface of the issues that someone in addiction needs to address.”

Available help

Project ACART has only been around about a year, and Boneta is working part-time and is the only employee. She has reached out to 19 people so far, and only two have denied treatment. She put together a resource guide in 2023 including mental health and substance abuse centers; residential detox treatment centers; 24/7 support services; substance use support groups; where to find Narcan; food pantries, hot meals and clothing; housing assistance and shelters; and low income and subsidized housing.

Boneta received help from peer support specialists through Coleman Health Services during her addiction. Now, as a peer support specialist, she uses a combination of her own experiences and formal training. She equated her role to being like a cheerleader. She is available to clients day and night to connect them to agencies to get help or just talk about their struggles.

“I meet people where they’re at and treat every situation differently. Some of the things I do are assessing needs and struggles, setting goals, advocating for my peers, giving resources, facilitating engagement with my peers and their families or service providers, and encouraging and uplifting them,” Boneta said.

Project ACART’s services are also free because of an Ohio grant.

“Many people in active addiction do not have housing, food, clothing, money or insurance, but they should still have the opportunity to get the help they need,” Boneta said.

Declercq said Lighthouse Behavioral Health Solutions also recently opened a peer support center in Lima for clients to have a place to go for sober activities.

“Downtime/boredom is often a trigger for people who are early in recovery, so this gives them a place to fill that time in a positive way,” Declercq said. “Our peer supporters offer a unique support system to our clients because they are people with past lived experience in addiction who are able to show them that life beyond addiction is achievable and fulfilling.”

Coleman’s seemed to be the go-to choice for law enforcement referrals, and Urban also directs people to the organization.

“My oldest son was a success story, he went to Coleman’s, got treatment, got on the MAT (medication-assisted treatment) program, Suboxone, and he’s thriving today. Owns his own house, owns his own business, married, doing absolutely wonderful. He’s like eight years clean,” Urban said.

Ohio Department of Commerce Division of Securities Recovery Within Reach program also provides a list of recovery resources and offers ways to pay for treatment.

 

Source: https://www.limaohio.com/top-stories/2024/09/06/local-organizations-share-addiction-experiences-challenges-resources/

Methods: We recruited 58 MA-dependent young adult females from a compulsory isolation drug rehabilitation center in Sichuan Province and randomly divided them into an MBRP group (n = 29) and a control group (n = 29) according to their degree of psychological craving. The MBRP group received 2 hours of MBRP training twice a week for 4 weeks, alongside routine treatment at the drug rehabilitation center. Meanwhile, the control group solely received routine treatment at the drug rehabilitation center without any additional interventions. The assessment was conducted before and immediately after the intervention, with the Compulsive Drug Use Scale (OCDUS) used to assess craving and the Five-Factor Mindfulness Scale (FFMQ) used to assess trait mindfulness. Also, a “mental feedback monitoring balance” instrument was used to assess concentration and relaxation during some training sessions. This randomized trial was conducted to evaluate the effectiveness of decreasing psychological craving and increasing trait mindfulness.

Results: At baseline, there were no significant differences in total or dimension scores for FFMQ or OCDUS between the two groups (all P > 0.05). After the intervention, the repeated measures ANOVA showed a significant time main effect on changes in observing, non-judging, and non-reacting scores (all P < 0.05), and a significant interaction effect between time and group on both FFMQ total score and OCDUS score (P < 0.01 or P < 0.05). Mental feedback monitoring indicated significant improvement in concentration and relaxation after breath meditation exercises (P < 0.05 or P < 0.001). Additionally, the MBRP group showed improved relaxation during the body scan exercise (P < 0.01).

Conclusion: MBRP training can improve the trait mindfulness of MA addicts and reduce psychological cravings effectively.

The full article can be accessed via the source link below:

Source: https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychiatry/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2024.1339517/full

Overview

In recent years, police forces in England and Wales have worked more closely with health, education and other local partners to address social issues, such as drug use, youth violence and people in mental health crisis.[1] This aims to ensure that vulnerable people are supported by the most appropriate professional, and that certain complex social issues are not automatically met with a criminal justice response.

These initiatives are sometimes referred to as public health approaches to policing.[2] They can include interventions aimed at preventing offending altogether (for example, early years school-based programmes), as well as ones covering offenders or people coming into contact with the police.[3]

In 2018, organisations representing public health bodies, health services, voluntary organisations and police forces signed an agreement to work more closely together to prevent crime and protect the most vulnerable people in England.[4] Public Health Scotland and Police Scotland announced a formal collaboration in 2021.[5] In 2019, Public Health England and the College of Policing published a discussion paper on public health approaches to policing,[6] and the Association of Police and Crime Commissioners issued guidance in 2023 to support implementation of such approaches.3

Research has found that cooperation between police and health services can help to improve social outcomes. For example:

  • a 2017 study in the USA suggested that health services and police forces have worked effectively together to improve police responses to mental health-related encounters[7]
  • research in 2017 highlighted international examples of how formal collaboration between criminal justice and public health agencies helped to reduce youth violence[8]
  • a 2022 study found that nurses and police officers could develop collaborative teamwork practices in police custody suites in England[9] [10]

There are examples of police forces working with health partners and other agencies to improve responses to vulnerable people in England and Wales:

  • Under drug diversion schemes, police refer people caught in possession of small quantities to voluntary sector treatment services, rather than prosecute for a possession offence. As of 2024, diversion schemes were operating in Thames Valley,[11] West Midlands,[12] and Durham police force areas.[13] The College of Policing and the University of Kent have received funding to evaluate these schemes, which is expected to be completed in 2025.[14]
  • The Right Care, Right Person model aims to reduce the deployment of police to incidents related to mental health and concern for welfare, and instead ensure that people receive support from the most appropriate health or social care professional. Humberside Police developed the model, which includes training for police staff and partnership agreements between police, health and social services.[15] From 2023, police forces nationally were beginning to adopt it, with support from the National Police Chiefs’ Council and the College of Policing.[16]
  • Violence Reduction Units (VRUs) bring together police, local government, health and education professionals, community groups and other stakeholders to provide a joint response to serious violence, including knife crime. The London Mayor’s Office for Policing and Crime established the first VRU in England and Wales in 2019. It states that it takes a public health approach to violence prevention,[17] including deploying youth workers in hospitals and police custody suites.[18] Between 2019 and 2022, the government funded 20 VRUs across England and Wales.[19] In 2019, the government provided funding for the Youth Endowment Fund, which funds and evaluates programmes in England and Wales that aim to prevent children and young people from becoming involved in violence.[20]

Since 2020, Scotland has seen increasing use of diversion from prosecution schemes.[21] In October 2024, the UK’s first official consumption facility for illegal drugs, including heroin and cocaine, was opened in Glasgow.[22]

Challenges and opportunities

In 2023, HM Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services noted how police forces were often the “service of last resort” doing the work of other public services, especially with regards to mental ill health.[23] For some vulnerable people, police custody may provide their only space for healthcare interventions.10 Both police forces and voluntary organisations suggest that, at a time when police capacity is under pressure, public health approaches can reduce the amount of time police officers spend dealing with people with complex health needs, who may be referred to other health, care or support services.[24],[25] However, this can also lead to demand and capacity pressures being displaced onto these services.

For example, drug diversion schemes may increase the demand on local drug treatment services, which themselves are facing significant pressures. In her independent review of drugs for the government in 2021, Dame Carol Black raised significant concerns about the capacity and resourcing of drug treatment services in England, and the impact of funding reductions.[26] The Criminal Justice Alliance has called for increased funding for local drug services, to accommodate people being diverted away from the criminal justice system.[27]

The government’s 10-year drug strategy (2021) committed to invest £533 million into local authority commissioned substance misuse treatment services in England from 2022/23 to 2024/25, as part of its aim to “rebuild local authority commissioned substance misuse treatment services in England”.[28] In 2023, the Home Affairs Committee called for all police forces in England and Wales to adopt drug diversion schemes.[29] It also expressed concern about the long-term sustainability and security of funding for the drug treatment and recovery sector.26

Similar pressures in mental health services have led to concerns about the safety of the national rollout of Right Care, Right Person. In November 2023, the Health and Social Care Committee identified urgent questions around the available funding for health services, and the lack of evaluation, in the rollout of the scheme[30] The Royal College of Psychiatrists and the Royal College of Nurses agreed that people with mental illness should be seen as quickly as possible by a mental health professional.[31],[32] However, they and other health, local government, and mental health charities, have expressed several concerns about the programme. These include: the speed and consistency of implementation, lack of funding, the potential for gaps in provision, and increased welfare risks.[33],[34],[35],[36]

Key uncertainties/unknowns

Outside the UK, some public health approaches have involved a significant shift away from enforcing drug possession for personal use through the criminal justice system.[37] For example:

  • Portugal decriminalised possession of drugs for personal use in 2001 and instead refers drug users to support and treatment.[38] Analysis of these measures from researchers and policy experts suggests decriminalisation led to reductions in problematic use, drug-related harms and criminal justice overcrowding.38,[39]
  • In the USA, Oregon trialled a policy in 2020 making drug possession a fineable offence.[40]
  • In Canada, British Columbia trialled an approach in 2023 that decriminalised possession of small amounts of certain drugs for personal use in specific non-public locations.[41]

Citing international examples, some drug policy experts have called on the government to go further in its adoption of a public health approach to drug use.37 The Home Affairs Committee stated in 2023 that the government’s drug strategy should have adopted a broader public health approach, and called for responsibility for misuse of drugs to be jointly owned by the Home Office and Department of Health and Social Care.26 In 2019, the Health and Social Care Committee recommended the government shift responsibility for drugs policy from the Home Office to the Department of Health and Social Care, and for the government to “look closely” at the Portugal model for decriminalisation of drug possession for personal use.[42]

However, Portugal’s approach has also faced criticism. For example, a research review in 2021 highlighted continued social and political resistance to some of the measures 20 years after being introduced.[43] A 2023 editorial in the Lancet highlighted how a recent rise in the use of illicit drugs in Portugal had led to renewed criticism of the policy.[44] More recently, some states in North America have reversed decriminalisation policies, reportedly due to adverse consequences of drug decriminalisation.33,[45][46]

This points to a mixed evidence base internationally for a fully public health approach to drug use. However, it may be difficult to compare international examples, given the different models of decriminalisation that have been adopted, and in a variety of social, economic, political and legal systems.[47]

Key questions for Parliament

  • Should the government do more to support the implementation of public health approaches to policing across England and Wales, considering both the police, and health, care and other local services?
  • Should the police continue to implement the Right Care, Right Person model? Do mental health services have sufficient resource and capacity to bridge the gap?
  • Should drug diversion schemes be rolled out across England and Wales? Do drug treatment services have sufficient capacity and resource to respond to increased demand on services?
  • Should the government go further in taking a public health approach to drugs by decriminalising drug possession for personal use?
  • How effective have government measures to reduce youth violence been?
  • What international comparisons are useful for implementation of public health approaches to policing?

 

Source: DOI: https://doi.org/10.58248/HS62

Dr. Robert DuPont (NIDA, USA) shifted the paradigm from demonization to treatment of users.

Key points

  • In the 1970s, people addicted to opioids were demonized, considered hopeless. Some still believe this.
  • Setting high standards and following addicted patients for five years helps doctors know what treatments work.
  • Prevention is key to success in substance abuse, and it’s important to encourage non-use among teens.
In the United States, people addicted to opioids were once demonized as hopelessly bad, and treatment was virtually nonexistent. No one may have done more to change both matters than psychiatrist Robert DuPont, M.D, who, in 1969, during an unexplained surge in crime in the nation’s capital, was working with prisoners in the District of Columbia Department of Corrections. DuPont decided to test incoming inmates for drugs and was shocked to learn that nearly half (45%) were addicted to heroin. Desperate for heroin, they turned to crime for money.

At the behest of the district’s mayor, DuPont developed a D.C.-based clinic, the Narcotics Treatment Administration. It treated more than 15,000 heroin addicts over the next three years, and the D.C. crime rate plummeted by 50%, in a direct correlation.

Helping Medical Professionals Do Better

Robert L. “Bob” DuPont, born in 1936, graduated from Emory University and Harvard Medical School and completed his psychiatric training at the National Institutes of Health. He became the first director of the newly-created National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA), where he created a first-of-its-kind comprehensive training program for doctors, nurses, and counselors working in addiction treatment programs. Drug overdose deaths began declining, from from 6,413 to 2,492 by 1980.

In 1978, DuPont left government service to create the Institute for Behavior and Health (IBH), a think tank focusing on drug policy. Dupont has published more than 400 journal articles and 15 books, most recently Chemical Slavery: Understanding Addictions and Stopping the Drug Epidemic (2018).

The IBH conducted the first national study of doctors dependent on drugs and alcohol, their treatment, and five-year outcomes. “Physicians are given a comprehensive assessment by a team of professionals and get treatment for comorbidities, but the focus is on their addictions. They typically attend a month or more of residential treatment and, as outpatients, are monitored for five years with random drug and alcohol testing. If they miss a scheduled test or test positive for any drug, including alcohol, they are taken out of their practice again, assessed, and sent back to treatment.”

DuPont points out that many doctors who entered the program were initially resentful because they didn’t think there was anything wrong with them—typical of individuals with substance use disorder from all walks of life. Yet, most physicians greatly value their medical license, and the overwhelming majority cooperated because participation and success meant they could continue to practice medicine.

His study of nearly 1,000 drug-addicted physicians closely monitored for five years showed what is possible for the rest of the population. Seventy-eight percent never tested positive for drugs or alcohol, an excellent record. In addition, of those who did have a positive or missed drug test, nearly two-thirds never had a second positive test.

A follow-up study of physicians who successfully completed treatment and monitoring contracts five or more years ago showed that more than 95% were still in recovery. Physicians rated the treatment they had received as important to their recovery but said the most valued part of their care was involvement in the 12 steps.

Lessons Learned About Substance Abuse

DuPont says many people don’t realize that it’s rarely just one drug abused by most problematic substance users. And that is particularly true of individuals who die from drug overdoses, in whom two or more drugs are often identified post-mortem.

He also notes that many drugs used today are not in their natural forms but instead are ultra-potent synthetics, like fentanyl. In 2022, about 111,000 people died, and in 2023, about 108,300 people died of drug overdose. .

Early diagnosis and treatment is key

The earlier patients are diagnosed and treated, the better their chances of achieving and sustaining recovery, says DuPont. Many people can stop using substances for some period. However, the real problem is not drug withdrawal, as many people believe, but, instead, the repeated relapses. Yet he has known many individuals with seemingly hopeless drug or alcohol issues who emerged sober and productive. He largely credits organizations like Alcoholics Anonymous and Narcotics Anonymous.

Prevention is best

Whenever possible, prevention of drug use is best, particularly among young people. Not only is adolescence a time when most addictions begin, it’s also a time when the brain is uniquely vulnerable..

DuPont now focuses on youth substance-use prevention: no alcohol, nicotine, marijuana/THC, or other drugs by those under age 21. He notes that the percentage of 12th graders who report never using in their lifetime has increased from around 26% in 2018 to 32% in 2023. The trend is also evident in younger students. DuPont emphasizes, “This trend is key to reversing decades of pain, suffering, and addictions.“

At age 88, Robert DuPont, M.D., advocates for treatment research, long-term treatment with outcome reporting, mental health treatment parity (as important as physical health), and prevention. Recovery, he insists, is possible.

About the Author

Mark S. Gold, M.D., is a pioneering researcher, professor, and chairman of psychiatry at Yale, the University of Florida, and Washington University in St Louis. His theories have changed the field, stimulated additional research, and led to new understanding and treatments for opioid use disorders, cocaine use disorders, overeating, smoking, and depression.

Source: https://www.psychologytoday.com/gb/blog/addiction-outlook/202408/a-front-row-change-agent-of-the-drug-epidemic

Tuesday, July 30, 2024

Today, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services’ (HHS) Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) released the results of the 2023 National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH), which shows how people living in United States reported their experience with mental health conditions, substance use and pursuit of treatment. The 2023 NSDUH report includes selected estimates by race, ethnicity and age group. The report is accompanied by two infographics offering visually packaged highlight data as well as visual data by race and ethnicity.

“Each year, data from the annual NSDUH provides an opportunity to identify and address unmet healthcare needs across America. We’re pleased to see that more people received mental health treatment in 2023 than the previous year,” said Miriam E. Delphin-Rittmon, Ph.D., HHS Assistant Secretary for Mental Health and Substance Use and the leader of SAMHSA. “Also, to build upon increasing accessibility to data, this year’s release features two infographic reports: one focusing on race and ethnicity and one highlighting selected overall data.”

The 2023 NSDUH Report includes the following selected key findings.

Mental Health:

  • Among adults aged 18 or older in 2023, 22.8% (or 58.7 million people) had any mental illness (AMI) in the past year.
  • 4.5 million youth (ages 12 to 17) had a major depressive episode in the past year, of which nearly 1 in 5 also had a substance use disorder.
  • Among adults aged 18 or older in 2023, 5.0% (or 12.8 million people) had serious thoughts of suicide, 1.4% (or 3.7 million people) made a suicide plan, and 0.6% (or 1.5 million people) attempted suicide in the past year.
  • Multiracial adults aged 18 or older were more likely than adults in most other racial or ethnic groups to have AMI, serious mental illness (SMI), and serious thoughts of suicide.
  • Estimates of suicidal thoughts and behaviors among adults in 2023 were comparable to 2022 and 2021.

Substance Use:

  • In 2023, 3.1% of people (8.9 million) misused opioids in the past year, which is similar to 2022 and 2021 (3.2% and 8.9 million, 3.4% and 9.4 million respectively).
  • Among the 134.7 million people aged 12 or older who currently used alcohol in 2023, 61.4 million people (or 45.6%) had engaged in binge drinking in the past month.
  • Marijuana was the most commonly used illicit drug, with 21.8% of people aged 12 or older (or 61.8 million people) using it in the past year.
  • American Indian or Alaska Native and Multiracial people were more likely than most other racial or ethnic groups to have used substances or to have had an SUD in the past year.
  • In 2023, 9.4% of people aged 12 or older vaped nicotine in the past month, up from 8.3% in 2022.
    • In the past year, more people initiated vaping (5.9 million people) compared to any other substance.
    • Nicotine vaping estimates from 2021 are not comparable with estimates from 2022 and 2023.

Services and Recovery:

  • 31.9% of adolescents aged 12 to 17 (or 8.3 million people) received mental health treatment in the past year, an increase of more than 500,000 from 2022.
  • 23.0% of adults aged 18 or older (or 59.2 million people) received mental health treatment in the past year, an increase of 3.4 million from 2022.
  • Among people aged 12 or older in 2023 who were classified as needing substance use treatment in the past year, about 1 in 4 (23.6% or 12.8 million people) received substance use treatment in the past year. People were classified as needing substance use treatment in the past year if they had a substance use disorder (SUD) or received substance use treatment in the past year.
  • 30.5 million adults aged 18 or older (or 12.0%) perceived that they ever had a substance use problem. Among these adults, 73.1% (or 22.2 million people) considered themselves to be in recovery or to have recovered.
  • 64.4 million adults aged 18 or older (or 25.3%) perceived that they ever had a mental health issue. Among these adults, 66.6% (or 42.7 million people) considered themselves to be in recovery or to have recovered.
  • There were no racial ethnic differences among adults aged 18 or older in 2023 who perceived that they ever had a substance use problem or problem with their mental health who considered themselves to be in recovery or to have recovered from their drug or alcohol use problem or mental health issue.

About the National Survey on Drug Use and Health

Conducted by the federal government since 1971, the NSDUH is a primary source of statistical information on self-reported substance use and mental health of the U.S. civilian, noninstitutionalized population 12 or older. For the 2023 NSDUH national tables and some reports, statistical testing was conducted between estimates from different years (e.g., past month alcohol use in 2023 vs. the estimate in 2022). Where testing involved 3 years of comparable data for 2021 to 2023, pairwise testing was conducted between estimates in these years (i.e., 2021 vs. 2022, 2021 vs. 2023, and 2022 vs. 2023). Statistical tests for overall trends from the baseline year to the current year will not be conducted until four comparable NSDUH data points are available. The NSDUH measures include:

  • Use of illegal drugs, prescription drugs, alcohol, and tobacco,
  • Substance use disorder and substance use treatment,
  • Major depressive episodes, suicidal thoughts and behaviors, and other symptoms of mental illness, mental health care, and
  • Recovery from substance use and mental health disorders.

Addressing the nation’s mental health crisis and drug overdose epidemic is a top priority of the Biden-Harris Administration and are core pillars of the Administration’s Unity Agenda. The President’s Unity Agenda is operationalized through the HHS Overdose Prevention Strategy, the HHS Roadmap for Behavioral Health Integration, and the National Strategy for Suicide Prevention.

If you or someone you know is struggling or in crisis, help is available. Call or text 988 or chat at 988lifeline.org. To learn how to get support for mental health, drug or alcohol issues, visit FindSupport.gov. If ready to locate a treatment facility or provider, go directly to FindTreatment.gov or call 800-662-HELP (4357).

 


The Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) is the agency within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) that leads public health efforts to advance the behavioral health of the nation. SAMHSA’s mission is to lead public health and service delivery efforts that promote mental health, prevent substance misuse, and provide treatments and supports to foster recovery while ensuring equitable access and better outcomes.

Last Updated:
Source: https://www.samhsa.gov/newsroom/press-announcements/20240730/samhsa-releases-annual-national-survey-drug-use-and-health

This page is part of the European Drug Report 2024, the EMCDDA’s annual overview of the drug situation in Europe.

Evolving drug problems pose a broader set of challenges for harm reduction

The use of illicit drugs is a recognised contributor to the global burden of disease. Interventions designed to reduce this burden include prevention activities, intended to reduce or slow the rate at which drug use may be initiated, and the offer of treatment to those who have developed drug problems. A complementary set of approaches goes under the general heading of harm reduction. Here the emphasis is on working non-judgementally with people who use drugs in order to reduce the risks associated with behaviours that are mostly associated with adverse health outcomes, and more generally to promote health and well-being. Probably the best known of these is the provision of sterile injecting equipment to people who inject drugs, with the aim of reducing the risk of contracting an infectious disease. Over time these sorts of approaches appear to have contributed to the relatively low rate, by international standards, of new HIV infections now associated with injecting drug use in Europe. Over the last decade, as patterns of drug use have changed and the characteristics of those who use drugs have also evolved, to some extent, harm reduction interventions have also needed to adapt to address a broader set of health outcomes and risk behaviours. Prominent among these are reducing the risk of drug overdose and addressing the often-considerable and complex health and social problems faced by people who use drugs in more marginalised and socially excluded populations.

A spectrum of responses is needed to reduce changing drug-related harms

Chronic and acute health problems are associated with the use of illicit drugs, and these can be compounded by factors such as the properties of the substances, the route of administration, individual vulnerability and the social context in which drugs are consumed. Chronic problems include dependence and drug-related infectious disease, while there is a range of acute harms, of which drug overdose is perhaps the best documented. Although relatively rare at the population level, the use of opioids still accounts for much of the morbidity and mortality associated with drug use. Injecting drug use also increases risks. Correspondingly, working with opioid users and those who inject drugs has been historically an important target for harm reduction interventions and also the area where service delivery models are most developed and evaluated.

Reflecting this, some harm reduction services have become increasingly integrated into the mainstream of healthcare provision for people who use drugs in Europe over the last three decades. Initially, the focus was on expanding access to opioid agonist treatment and needle and syringe programmes as a part of the response to high-risk drug use, primarily targeting injecting use of heroin and the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Recent joint EMCDDA-ECDC guidance on the prevention and control of infectious diseases among people who inject drugs recommends providing opioid agonist treatment to prevent hepatitis C and HIV, as well as to reduce injecting risk behaviours and injecting frequency, in both the community and prison settings. The guidelines also recommend the provision of sterile injecting equipment alongside opioid agonist treatment to maximise the coverage and effectiveness of the interventions among people who inject opioids.

 

To access the full report, please click on the link below:

Source: https://www.euda.europa.eu/publications/european-drug-report/2024/harm-reduction_en

The European Drug Report 2024: Trends and Developments presents the EMCDDA’s latest analysis of the drug situation in Europe. Focusing on illicit drug use, related harms and drug supply, the report provides a comprehensive set of national data across these themes, as well as on specialist drug treatment and key harm reduction interventions.

This report is based on information provided to the EMCDDA by the EU Member States, the candidate country Türkiye, and Norway, in an annual reporting process.

The purpose of the current report is to provide an overview and summary of the European drug situation up to the end of 2023. All grouping, aggregates and labels therefore reflect the situation based on the available data in 2023 in respect to the composition of the European Union and the countries participating in EMCDDA reporting exercises. However, not all data will cover the full period. Due to the time needed to compile and submit data, many of the annual national data sets included here are from the reference year January to December 2022. Analysis of trends is based only on those countries providing sufficient data to describe changes over the period specified. The reader should also be aware that monitoring patterns and trends in a hidden and stigmatised behaviour such as drug use is both practically and methodologically challenging. For this reason, multiple sources of data are used for the purposes of analysis in this report. Although considerable improvements can be noted, both nationally and in respect to what is possible to achieve in a European-level analysis, the methodological difficulties in this area must be acknowledged. Caution is therefore required in interpretation, in particular when countries are compared on any single measure. Caveats relating to the data are to be found in the online Statistical Bulletin 2024, which contains detailed information on methodology, qualifications on analysis and comments on the limitations in the information set available. Information is also available there on the methods and data used for European-level estimates, where interpolation may be used.

Content

The drug situation in Europe up to 2024

This page draws on the latest data available to provide an overview of the current situation and emerging drug issues affecting Europe, with a focus on the year up to the end of 2023. The analysis presented here highlights some developments that may have important implications for drug policy and practitioners in Europe.
Understanding Europe’s drug situation in 2024 – key developments

Drug supply, production and precursors

Analysis of the supply-related indicators for commonly used illicit drugs in the European Union suggests that availability remains high across all substance types. On this page, you can find an overview of drug supply in Europe based on the latest data, supported by the latest time trends in drug seizures and drug law offences, together with 2022 data on drug production and precursor seizures.
Drug supply, production and precursors – the current situation in Europe 

Cannabis

Cannabis remains by far the most commonly consumed illicit drug in Europe. On this page, you can find the latest analysis of the drug situation for cannabis in Europe, including prevalence of use, treatment demand, seizures, price and purity, harms and more.
Cannabis – the current situation in Europe 

Cocaine

Cocaine is, after cannabis, the second most commonly used illicit drug in Europe, although prevalence levels and patterns of use differ considerably between countries. On this page, you can find the latest analysis of the drug situation for cocaine in Europe, including prevalence of use, treatment demand, seizures, price and purity, harms and more.
Cocaine – the current situation in Europe 

Synthetic stimulants

Amphetamine, methamphetamine and, more recently, synthetic cathinones are all synthetic central nervous system stimulants available on the drug market in Europe. On this page, you can find the latest analysis of the drug situation for synthetic stimulants in Europe, including prevalence of use, treatment demand, seizures, price and purity, harms and more
Synthetic stimulants – the current situation in Europe 

MDMA

MDMA is a synthetic drug chemically related to the amphetamines, but with somewhat different effects. In Europe, MDMA use has generally been associated with episodic patterns of consumption in the context of nightlife and entertainment settings. On this page, you can find the latest analysis of the drug situation for MDMA in Europe, including prevalence of use, seizures, price and purity and more.
MDMA – the current situation in Europe 

Heroin and other opioids

Heroin remains Europe’s most commonly used illicit opioid and is responsible for a large share of the health burden attributed to illicit drug consumption. Europe’s opioid problem, however, continues to evolve in ways that are likely to have important implications for how we address issues in this area. On this page, you can find the latest analysis of the drug situation for heroin and other opioids in Europe, including prevalence of use, treatment demand, seizures, price and purity, harms and more.
Heroin and other opioids – the current situation in Europe 

New psychoactive substances

The market for new psychoactive substances is characterised by the large number of substances that have emerged, with new ones being detected each year. On this page, you can find an overview of the drug situation for new psychoactive substances in Europe, supported by information from the EU Early Warning System on seizures and substances detected for the first time in Europe. New substances covered include synthetic and semi-synthetic cannabinoids, synthetic cathinones, new synthetic opioids and nitazenes.
New psychoactive substances – the current situation in Europe 

Other drugs

Alongside the more well-known substances available on illicit drug markets, a number of other substances with hallucinogenic, anaesthetic, dissociative or depressant properties are used in Europe: these include LSD, hallucinogenic mushrooms, ketamine, GHB and nitrous oxide. On this page, you can find the latest analysis of the situation regarding these substances in Europe, including seizures, prevalence and patterns of use, treatment entry, harms and more.
Other drugs – the current situation in Europe 

Injecting drug use

Despite a continued decline in injecting drug use over the past decade in the European Union, this behaviour is still responsible for a disproportionate level of both acute and chronic health harms associated with the consumption of illicit drugs. On this page, you can find the latest analysis of injecting drug use in Europe, including key data on prevalence at national level and among clients entering specialist treatment, as well as insights from studies on syringe residue analysis and more.
Injecting drug use – the current situation in Europe 

Drug-related infectious diseases

People who inject drugs are at risk of contracting infections through the sharing of drug use paraphernalia. On this page, you can find the latest analysis of drug-related infectious diseases in Europe, including key data on infections with HIV and hepatitis B and C viruses.
Drug-related infectious diseases – the current situation in Europe 

Drug-induced deaths

Estimating the mortality attributable to drug use is critical for understanding the public health impact of drug use and how this may be changing over time. On this page, you can find the latest analysis of drug-induced deaths in Europe, including key data on overdose deaths, substances implicated and more.
Drug-induced deaths – the current situation in Europe 

Opioid agonist treatment

Opioid users represent the largest group undergoing specialised drug treatment, mainly in the form of opioid agonist treatment. On this page, you can find the latest analysis of the provision of opioid agonist treatment in Europe, including key data on coverage, the number of people in treatment, pathways to treatment and more.
Opioid agonist treatment – the current situation in Europe 

Harm reduction

Harm reduction encompasses interventions, programmes and policies that seek to reduce the health, social and economic harms of drug use to individuals, communities and societies. On this page, you can find the latest analysis of harm reduction interventions in Europe, including key data on opioid agonist treatment, naloxone programmes, drug consumption rooms and more.
Harm reduction – the current situation in Europe 

PDF version of full report

The European Drug Report 2024 was designed as a digital-first product, structured by modules, and optimised for online reading. Within each chapter, you may download a PDF version of the page. We are also making available here  a PDF version of the full report (all modules and annex tables combined). Please note that some errors may have occurred during the transformation process and that it is possible that this version does not contain all corrections made since the report was first published (please check the last updated date).

Download full PDF version of the European Drug Report 2024 (16 MB, last updated 14.06.2024)

Source: https://www.euda.europa.eu/publications/european-drug-report/2024_en

Open Access: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Open_access
The article as uploaded shows link to tables e.g.(Table X) which, for brevity, have been deleted. Please therefore ignore these links!

Summary

Background

Cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke are major contributors to morbidity and mortality in England. We aimed to assess the economic burden (including health-care, social care, and informal care costs, as well as productivity losses) of these four conditions in England in 2018, and forecast this cost to 2050 using population projections.

Methods

We used individual patient-level data from the Clinical Practice Research Datalink (CPRD) Aurum, which contains primary care electronic health records of patients from 738 general practices in England, to calculate health-care and residential and nursing home resource use, and data from the English Longitudinal Study on Ageing (ELSA) to calculate informal and formal care costs. From CPRD Aurum, we included patients registered on Jan 1, 2018, in a CPRD general practice with Hospital Episode Statistics (HES)-linked records, omitting all children younger than 1 year. From ELSA, we included data collected from wave 9 (2018–19). Aggregate English resource use data on morbidity, mortality, and health-care, social care, and informal care were obtained and apportioned, using multivariable regression analyses, to cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke.

Findings

We included 4 161 558 patients from CPRD Aurum with HES-linked data (mean age 41 years [SD 23], with 2 079 679 [50·0%] men and 2 081 879 [50·0%] women) and 8736 patients in ELSA (68 years [11], with 4882 [55·9 %] men and 3854 [44·1%] women). In 2018, the total cost was £18·9 billion (95% CI 18·4–19·4) for cancer, £12·7 billion (12·3–13·0) for coronary heart disease, £11·7 billion (9·6–12·7) for dementia, and £8·6 billion (8·2–9·0) for stroke. Using 2050 English population projections, we estimated that costs would rise by 40% (39–41) for cancer, 54% (53–55) for coronary heart disease, 100% (97–102) for dementia, and 85% (84–86) for stroke, for a total of £26·5 billion (25·7–27·3), £19·6 billion (18·9–20·2), £23·5 billion (19·3–25·3), and £16·0 billion (15·3–16·6), respectively.

Interpretation

This study provides contemporary estimates of the wide-ranging impact of the most important chronic conditions on all aspects of the economy in England. The data will help to inform evidence-based polices to reduce the impact of chronic disease, promoting care access, better health outcomes, and economic sustainability.

Introduction

Public health initiatives and the development of cardioprotective medications have led to an increase in life expectancy in the past six decades, giving rise to an ageing population.

This ageing population is suffering from a different set of medical issues than the population a century ago, with cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke being the four leading causes for mortality and morbidity in England.

In 2019, these four conditions accounted for 59% of all deaths and 5·1 million disability-adjusted life-years in England.

Research investment is essential to combat major public health challenges, facilitating the development of new treatments and interventions that can improve rates of prevention, treatment, or management of diseases, enhancing quality of life and reducing their economic burden. However, it is important that the distribution of research funding across diseases is proportionate to their respective impact on society. In 2008, a UK study (Dementia 2010) evaluated the economic costs of, and research investment into dementia, and compared these costs and investments with those for cancer, coronary heart disease, and stroke.

Such estimates are important to inform health policy and identify diseases in need of greater investment,

with successive UK Governments having placed a greater priority for research funding in dementia.

However, previous studies that quantified the costs of these four chronic conditions had several important limitations, including that care resource use for each of the four conditions was apportioned based on assumptions and estimates from the literature, with methods differing between conditions. With representative cohorts from England, we are now able to estimate the economic burden of these conditions using individual patient-level data and a consistent methodology across conditions. Therefore, we aimed to estimate the economic burden of cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke in England in 2018, and forecast this cost to 2050 using population projections.
Research in context
Evidence before this study
We conducted a systematic review of the literature to identify studies evaluating the costs of dementia. We searched MEDLINE, Embase, Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, Central Register of Controlled Trials, Database of Abstracts of Reviews of Effects, EconLit, Cost-Effectiveness Analysis Registry, Turning Research Into Practice, NHS Economic Evaluation Database, Science Citation Index, Research Papers in Economics, and OpenGrey Repository from Jan 1, 2000, to Aug 31, 2023. Search terms included “dementia”, “Alzheimer’s disease”, “cognitive impairment”, “costs”, and “resources”, among others. Except for one study conducted for the year 2008, we did not find any current study evaluating and contrasting the costs of the four chronic conditions with the highest mortality and morbidity burden in England—namely, cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke. This study found that the total costs of dementia in England were £23·4 billion, followed by cancer (£12·0 billion), coronary heart disease (£7·8 billion), and stroke (£5·0 billion). However, these estimates were not estimated concurrently, with methodologies and sources of data varying considerably across conditions, including from generally small studies, which did not capture the impact of comorbidities on the levels of care provided. Therefore, results for each of the four conditions are probably not comparable.
Added value of this study
Our study assesses the total costs of cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke, concurrently using patient-level data from two representative English cohorts: the Clinical Practice Research Datalink Aurum and the English Longitudinal Study on Ageing. We show that cancer, coronary heart disease, and dementia had similar overall health-care and social care costs, but when other costs were included, cancer had the highest overall economic burden. Using age-specific and gender-specific population projections to 2050, we found that the costs of the four conditions increased by 64% due to population ageing alone, with social care costs increasing by 104% between 2018 and 2050.
Implications of all the available evidence
Our study sheds light on the significant consequences of the four most important chronic conditions in terms of mortality and morbidity in England on various sectors of the economy. The data we present not only emphasise the magnitude of the economic burden caused by cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke but also provide valuable insights for public health decision makers. By identifying the specific areas that require targeted interventions, our findings can guide policy makers in implementing strategic measures to alleviate the economic burden of these four conditions. With a projected increase in costs of 64% by 2050, our research findings can aid in directing governmental research expenditure to areas that hold the greatest potential for advancing the prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of disease, further reducing its economic impact on England.

Methods

Analysis framework and data sources

We adopted a societal perspective for our analyses, with inclusion of the following costs: health care, social care (defined as residential and nursing home, and formal care costs), informal care, and productivity losses. We used an annual timeframe that included all costs for 2018, irrespective of the time of disease onset. We obtained England-specific aggregate resource use data on health and social care, mortality, morbidity, and prevalence of disease. To apportion aggregate data on health, and residential and nursing home resource use to each of the four conditions, we analysed individual patient-level data from the Clinical Practice Research Datalink (CPRD) Aurum linked to National Health Service Hospital Episode Statistics (HES).

CPRD Aurum is a large database of routinely recorded primary care electronic health records of patients from 738 general practices in England (10% of practices), covering 13% of the population.

The database contains information on symptoms, diagnoses, prescriptions, referrals, tests, immunisation, and medical staff. Primary care and secondary care diagnosis codes were used to identify the four conditions of interest. CPRD Aurum codes used to diagnose patients in primary care are reported in the appendix (pp 2–55). CPRD records were then linked to secondary care records contained in HES using Aurum (version 2.3) from August, 2019. In secondary care records, cancer was defined by ICD-10 category codes I00–I99, coronary heart disease by codes I20–I25, dementia by codes F00–F03 and G30, and stroke by codes I60–I69. The use of CPRD Aurum for this study was approved by the independent scientific advisory committee for CPRD research (protocol reference CPRD00120051). CPRD obtains annual research ethics approval from the UK’s Health Research Authority Research Ethics Committee (05/MRE04/87) to receive and supply patient data for public health research. No further ethical permissions were required for the analyses of these anonymised patient-level data. The analysis was based on 4 161 588 patients registered on Jan 1, 2018, in a CPRD general practice with HES-linked records, omitting all children younger than 1 year (appendix pp 56–57).

Informal and formal care information was obtained from the English Longitudinal Study on Ageing (ELSA).

ELSA collects data from people older than 50 years, with spouses from age 40 years also included, to understand all aspects of ageing in England. More than 18 000 people have taken part in the study since it started in 2002, with the same people re-interviewed every 2 years. For this study, we used information on wave 9 (2018–19; appendix pp 58–59). Access to ELSA, through the UK Data Service, was obtained as part of the UK Access Management Federation. ELSA has been approved by the National Research Ethics Service (London Multicentre Research Ethics Committee [MREC/01/2/91]).

Health-care resource costs

Primary care consisted of visits with general practitioners and practice nurses in health-care facilities or in patients’ homes. Accident and emergency care consisted of all hospital emergency visits. Outpatient care consisted of specialist consultations and treatments in outpatient wards, clinics, or patients’ homes. Hospital care consisted of hospital admissions, including day cases and inpatient stays. Pharmaceutical expenditure included the costs of all prescriptions dispensed in the community (eg, pharmacies), but excluded costs of medications administered in secondary care settings, which were included in the costs of inpatient care.
We obtained the overall total number of all-cause health-care contacts with each type of service and medication expenditure in England (table 1; appendix p 60). Patient-level data from CPRD Aurum with HES linkage were then used to apportion all-cause health-care contacts and pharmaceutical expenditure in England to cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke. All resource use was valued using relevant unit costs.

Nursing and residential care home costs

We included resources associated with living in a nursing home (requiring 24 h nursing care) or residential home (accommodation supporting people who are not able to manage everyday tasks).

Of the more than 10 million people in England aged 65 years or older in 2018, 5% were living in a nursing or residential care home.

Using patient-level data from CPRD Aurum, we apportioned the proportion of people living in a nursing or residential care home in England due to cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke (table 1; appendix pp 65–66). Nursing and residential home care home cost was valued at £837 per week,

taking into account the relative proportions of people living in nursing and residential homes,

and the local authority, not-for profit, and profit sector provision case mix.

Informal and formal care

Informal care costs were equivalent to the opportunity cost of unpaid care (ie, the time [work, leisure, or both] that carers forgo), valued in monetary terms, to provide unpaid care for relatives or friends with cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, or stroke, and based on the conservative assumption that only patients limited in daily activities received care. We valued informal care using the proxy good method, in which an hour of informal care provided was valued using the labour market price of a close market substitute

(i,e. the mean hourly wage for a home care assistant [£7·85]).

Hence, for informal care, we multiplied the age-specific and gender-specific products of age-specific and gender-specific prevalence of cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke in England;

the probability of living in the community (appendix p 66); the probability of being severely limited in daily activities as a result of each of the four conditions under study (appendix p 67); the probability of receiving informal care conditional on being limited in daily activities (appendix p 67); and the hours of informal care received, conditional on being limited in daily activities and receiving informal care (appendix p 67).

Formal care costs included the costs associated with paid care for patients living in the community, which was valued at £27·00 per h.

For formal care, we multiplied the age-specific and gender-specific products of age-specific and gender-specific prevalence of cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke in England;

the probability of living in the community (appendix p 66); the probability of receiving formal care (appendix p 68); and the hours of formal care received, conditional on receiving formal care (appendix p 68).

Given that ELSA had no participants younger than 40 years, care was only estimated for those aged 40 years or older.

Morbidity losses

Morbidity losses were determined to be the cost associated with temporary or permanent absence from work in patients with cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, or stroke.

Annual days off sick were obtained from the European Working Conditions Surveys.

To the total number of days of work due to sickness, we applied the proportion of absence that was attributable to cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke, which was obtained from the UK Department of Works and Pensions (personal communication).

To calculate permanent absence from work due to sickness or disability, information on the numbers of working-age individuals receiving incapacity or disability benefits and not being able to work was obtained, including recipients of the disability living allowance, employment support allowance (ESA), and incapacity benefit by condition.

Given that recipients of ESA can work up to 45·82% of their time, we only included the proportion of time that was not worked.

Days of absence from work due to sickness or disability were multiplied by mean daily earnings.

Furthermore, for permanent absence, we used the friction period approach because absent workers are likely to be replaced, whereby only the first 90 days of work absence were counted.

Mortality losses

We assumed an initial working age of 15 years and a maximum age of retirement of 79 years. Age-specific and gender-specific deaths due to cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke were obtained.

The number of potential working years lost was then estimated as the difference between the age at death and maximum age of retirement. Each lost year of working life was valued using average annual earnings.

However, not all of the population is economically active until age 79 years; hence, age-specific and gender-specific unemployment and activity rates

were applied to the potential foregone earnings. Following UK-recommended guidelines, future earnings lost due to mortality were discounted to present values using a 3·5% annual rate.

Statistical analysis

CPRD Aurum data analyses informed the age-specific and gender-specific health-care resource use and nursing or residential care home use associated with cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke. ELSA data analyses were used to derive the age-specific and gender-specific estimates needed to inform the calculations of informal and formal care received associated with the four conditions. To achieve this, we used regression analyses (Poisson, logistic, and generalised linear models) for each type of resource use, adjusting for history of cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, or stroke; Elixhauser comorbidity index; age; and gender. Together with data on disease prevalence, we used the derived models to estimate the total costs associated with each condition. For more details, see the appendix (pp 60–68).

Finally, we projected the costs estimated for 2018 to 2050 based on future projections of the population alone,

excluding other factors such as epidemiological trends of the four conditions under investigation, risk factor prevalence rates, and life expectancy.

For this, we applied age-specific and gender-specific rates of resource use, prevalence, mortality, and disability observed in 2018 to the predicted distribution of the population in 2050. We valued resource use in 2050 using 2018 costs. For more details, see the appendix (pp 69–71).

Total resource use estimates and costs are reported alongside 95% CIs, which were derived using 1000 bootstrap estimates of all resource use regressions undertaken in CPRD Aurum and ELSA. Given that country-wide productivity loss estimates were obtained (eg, disease-specific working days lost, disability claims, and deaths), sampling uncertainty was not required, and these cost estimates are provided as point estimates. Population projections were not provided with uncertainty levels so these are also treated as point estimates. Significance was set at a p value of less than 0·05.
All analyses were conducted in STATA (version 15, 64-bit).

Role of the funding source

The funder of the study had no role in the study design; the collection, analysis, and interpretation of data; the writing of the report; or in the decision to submit the paper for publication.

Results

The analyses to apportion total all-cause health-care and nursing and residential care home resource use in England to cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke was based on 4 161 558 patients in CPRD Aurum with linked HES data (mean age 41 years [SD 23]), with 2 079 679 (50·0%) men and 2 081 879 (50·0%) women. Of these patients, 174 942 (4·2%) had a history of cancer either in primary or secondary care records, 191 603 (4·6%) of coronary heart disease, 52 862 (1·3%) of dementia, and 61 509 (1·5%) of stroke (appendix p 56).
To estimate total hours of formal and informal care in England due to cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke, analyses were based on 8736 patients in ELSA (mean age 68 years [SD 11]), with 4882 (55·9%) men and 3854 (44·1%) women. Of these patients, 744 (8·5%) had a history of cancer, 423 (4·8%) of coronary heart disease, 211 (2·4%) of dementia, and 313 (3·6%) of stroke (appendix p 58).
Of all admissions to hospitals (including day cases and inpatient stays) in 2018, 2 164 000 (95% CI 2 083 000–2 243 000) admissions were found to be associated with patients with cancer, followed by coronary heart disease (1 081 000 [1 053 000–1 110 000]), stroke (517 000 [497 000–535 000]), and dementia (234 000 [224 000–244 000]; table 2). The condition with the highest prescribed pharmaceutical expenditure was coronary heart disease (£982 million [95% CI 968–998]), followed by cancer (£925 million [909–940]), stroke (£451 million [437–464]), and dementia (£277 million [269–285]). Overall, the health-care costs associated with these conditions in England were £8·1 billion (95% CI 8·0–8·2) for cancer, £6·7 billion (6·6–6·7) for coronary heart disease, £1·5 billion (1·5–1·6) for dementia, and £3·4 billion (3·4–3·5) for stroke.
About 133 000 (95% CI 126 000–141 000) people older than 65 years with dementia were living in residential or nursing homes in 2018. This estimate was higher than for stroke (75 000 [95% CI 70 000–80 000]), coronary heart disease (52 000 [49 000–54 000]), and cancer (33 000 [31 000–35 000]). Living in residential or nursing homes accounted for costs of £5·8 billion (95% CI 5·5–6·1) for dementia, £3·2 billion (3·1–3·4) for stroke, £2·2 billion (2·1–2·4) for coronary heart disease, and £1·4 billion (1·4–1·5) for cancer (table 2).
Overall health-care and social care costs were £9·7 billion (95% CI 9·5–9·9) for cancer, £8·9 billion (8·8–9·0) for coronary heart disease, £8·0 billion (7·3–8·6) for dementia, and £6·9 billion (6·6–7·1) for stroke (table 2). This resulted in costs of £174 (95% CI 171–178) per capita for cancer, £162 (158–164) for coronary heart disease, £144 (132–155) for dementia, and £124 (120–129) for stroke (appendix p 72). Per person with the condition, the highest health-care and social care costs were associated with stroke at £12 923 (95% CI 12 491–13 399), followed by dementia at £11 641 (10 680–12 558), cancer at £6660 (6526–6803), and coronary heart disease at £5530 (5437–5625).
Friends and family spent a total of 115 million h (95% CI 62–175) providing informal care for patients with cancer; 95 million h (46–137) for those with coronary heart disease, 461 million h (224–561) for those with dementia, and 75 million h (37–110) for those with stroke (table 2). Total informal care costs were £905 million (95% CI 486–1374) for cancer, £748 million (365–1758) for coronary heart disease, £3619 million (1758–4405) for dementia, and £587 million (291–865) for stroke.
More than 271 000 working years were lost due to cancer, 80 000 due to coronary heart disease, 3000 due to dementia, and 37 000 due to stroke, with corresponding mortality losses of £7·8 billion, £2·6 billion, £0·1 billion, and £0·8 billion, respectively (table 2). Losses due to temporary and permanent absence from work due to illness and disability for the conditions under study were £497 million for cancer, £378 million for coronary heart disease, £49 million for dementia, and £362 million for stroke. Overall, productivity losses were highest for cancer (£8·3 billion), followed by coronary heart disease (£3·0 billion), stroke (£1·2 billion), and dementia (£0·1 billion).
The overall costs in England in 2018 were £18·9 billion (95% CI 18·4–19·4) for cancer, £12·7 billion (12·3–13·0) for coronary heart disease, £11·7 billion (9·6–12·7) for dementia, and £8·6 billion (8·2–9·0) for stroke (table 2). Per case, patients with dementia had the highest costs at £17 145 (95% CI 13 998–18 604), followed by stroke at £16 224 (15 482–16 954), cancer at £13 031 (12 681–13 393), and coronary heart disease at £7857 (7599–8068; appendix p 72).
The way costs were distributed among cost categories varied considerably by condition (table 2figure 1). The proportion of total costs due to health care varied from 52% (£6·7 billion) for coronary heart disease to 13% (£1·5 billion) for dementia. Although productivity losses accounted for 44% (£8·3 billion) of the total costs for cancer, for dementia these accounted for 1% (£145 million) of total costs.
Figure 1 – Distribution of total costs in patients with cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke in England in 2018

 

The population of England, excluding those younger than 1 year, is expected to increase from 55 million in 2018 to 65 million in 2050 (18% increase), with the population aged 65 years or older projected to increase by 49% (from 10 million to 15 million).

Assuming no changes in age-specific and gender-specific prevalence rates, this population increase will increase the number of people with cancer by 39% (2·0 million), coronary heart disease by 45% (2·3 million), dementia by 81% (1·2 million), and stroke by 41% (0·8 million; appendix p 69).

These increases in the overall disease prevalence will result in cost increases between 2018 and 2050 of 40% (95% CI 39–41) to £26·5 billion (25·7–27·3) for cancer, 54% (53–55) to £19·6 billion (18·9–20·2) for coronary heart disease, 100% (97–102) to £23·5 billion (19·3–25·3) for dementia, and 85% (84–86) to £16·0 billion (15·3–16·6) for stroke (table 3). Costs with the highest increases are those related to social care, which are projected to rise between 2018 and 2050 by 88% (95% CI 86–90) to £2·9 billion (2·7–3·3) for cancer, 91% (90–92) to £4·4 billion (4·1–4·6) for coronary heart disease, 110% (109–111) to £13·5 billion (12·1–14·8) for dementia, and 109% (107–108) to £7·1 billion (6·6–7·5) for stroke (figure 2).

Figure 2 – Total costs of cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke in England in 2018 and the projected costs in 2050 due to demographic change alone

Discussion

Whereas a previous study has assessed the overall costs of chronic conditions, our study made use of individual patient-level data to generate more precise cost estimates for cancer, coronary heart disease, dementia, and stroke, using the same methodology and sources across conditions. Previously the total costs of dementia in the UK were calculated as £23·4 billion, followed by cancer (£12·0 billion), coronary heart disease (£7·8 billion), and stroke (£5·0 billion).

These estimates are not comparable with the findings in this study, possibly due to methodologies and sources of data varying considerably across conditions.

Our results show that the areas of the economy bearing these costs differed substantially by disease area. For example, health-care costs of dementia accounted for 13% (£1·5 billion) of the total, with most costs being borne by the social care system (£6·4 billion, 55% of total costs). By contrast, in cancer, the majority of costs were borne by the labour market, with £8·3 billion in lost productivity (44% of total costs). These findings are notable in that they further emphasise the need for interventions designed to prevent or screen for early-stage disease. For cancer and, to a lesser extent, coronary heart disease, with so much of the cost borne by the labour market, interventions that prevent the disease will not only increase the health of the population and reduce health-care costs, but also improve labour productivity. However, these findings also raise important questions about perceived fairness and equality.

In the UK, about 90% of hospital cases, which according to our findings is where most of the care of patients with cancer or coronary heart disease takes place, is funded by the government (data are from the Eurostat database). By contrast, for dementia and, to a lesser extent, stroke, most of the care takes place in either the social care system, of which 60% is funded by the government, or by relatives and friends through informal care (data are from the Eurostat database). Therefore, patients with dementia and stroke are substantially at higher risk of having to fund their care themselves than those with cancer or coronary heart disease.

Our study also shows the effect of the projected population ageing over the coming decades. On the basis of demographic change alone, we project that the costs of cancer will increase by 40%, those of coronary heart disease by 54%, those of dementia by 100%, and those of stroke by 85%. With the population aged 65 years or older projected to increase by 49%, the costs with the fastest projected rise will be, averaged across all four conditions, for social care, with a 104% projected increase in costs, and informal care, with a projected increase of 78%. Therefore, research funding into interventions aimed to prevent, treat, and care for disease are required as a way to help to reduce or mitigate this projected increase in costs and improve health, especially in those conditions—ie, stroke and dementia—seeing the fastest increase in costs, and that historically have received the lowest levels of research funding.

The limitations of this study should be noted. Our results are based on diagnostic coding from both primary and secondary care records, rather than on careful ascertainment of patients through multiple and overlapping methods such as in population-based cohort studies. Therefore, our results might not reflect the absolute prevalence and costs of disease. Given that there is no single and simple diagnostic test for dementia, this under-ascertainment of disease in routinely collected health data or surveys might be most prevalent in dementia.

The failure to identify these undiagnosed cases might explain the relatively low levels of health-care resource use identified in CPRD Aurum due to dementia.

For diseases affecting cognitive ability, such as dementia and stroke, supervision will be a major component of any informal care provided.

However, in ELSA, respondents were not explicitly asked for supervisory activities received, with our results likely to be an underestimate. We were unable to quantify the costs of formal and informal care in people younger than 40 years. This will, inevitably, have reduced our total estimates of costs, especially for cancer and stroke, where people younger than 40 years account for 6% (110 000) and 8% (60 000) of cases, respectively, compared with 2% (41 000) for coronary heart disease and less than 1% (5000) for dementia.

Finally, our projection of costs from 2018 to 2050 was based on future projections of the population alone, and might be considered simplistic. Our projections did not include other factors, such as epidemiological trends of the four conditions under investigation or the predicted rise in comorbidities predicted for England.

For example, analyses based on ELSA have projected the costs of dementia in the future based on current trends in cardiovascular disease incidence rates.

In addition, new treatments that prevent, slow progression, or successfully treat the four conditions under study, will undoubtedly affect the projected costs estimated in this study.

In conclusion, our study sheds light on the substantial consequences of the four most important chronic conditions in terms of mortality and morbidity in England on various sectors of the economy. These data not only emphasise the magnitude of the economic burden but also provide valuable insights for public health decision makers. By identifying the specific areas that require targeted interventions, our findings can guide policy makers in implementing strategic measures to alleviate the economic burden of these four conditions and improve patient health outcomes. With a projected increase in costs of more than 60% across the four conditions by 2050, our research findings can aid in directing governmental research expenditure in areas that hold the greatest potential for advancing the prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of disease, further reducing its economic impact.

Source: https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lanhl/article/PIIS2666-7568(24)00108-9/fulltext

Key topics

 

Overdose prevention services should be offered through HIV care

National Institute on Drug Abuse Director Nora Volkow explains the need to leverage the successes of HIV care to prevent overdose deaths. HIV and substance use are inextricably linked. An analysis of the New York City HIV surveillance registry found that in 2017, rates of overdose deaths for people with HIV were more than double overall overdose death rates for the city, but that 98% of those who died of overdose had been linked to HIV care after their HIV diagnosis and that more than three-quarters had been retained in care. This highlights an overlooked opportunity to save lives. Drug overdose claims more lives of people with HIV than HIV-related illness. Volkow says 81% of people who received an HIV diagnosis in 2019 in the U.S. were linked to HIV care within a month, 66% received care and 50% were retained in care. It is sometimes hard to reach people who use drugs with substance use treatment or harm reduction, but when people with HIV seek and receive treatment for HIV, it presents a promising opportunity to deliver addiction services. Delivering naloxone and overdose education in HIV care settings is a relatively easy way to prevent overdose deaths.

 

Hemp legalization opened the door to intoxicating products

Lawmakers who backed hemp legalization in the 2018 Farm Bill expected the plant to be used for textiles and nonintoxicating supplements. They did not realize that, with some chemistry, hemp can get you high. People anywhere in the U.S. can use hemp-derived THC without breaking federal law. Hemp and marijuana are varieties of the same plant species. Marijuana is defined by its high content of delta-9 THC. Hemp contains very little delta-9 THC but can contain a large amount of CBD, a cannabinoid that does not get you high. The Controlled Substances Act explicitly outlawed both hemp and marijuana. The Farm Bill defines hemp in a way that allows the plant and products made with it as long as they contain less than 0.3% delta-9 THC, making it seemingly legal to convert CBD into delta-8 THC as long as the process started with a plant that contained less than 0.3% delta-9 THC. The Farm Bill also appears to authorize the creation of hemp-based delta-9 THC products as long as the total delta-9 content is 0.3% or less of the product’s dry weight. The hemp-derived cannabinoid industry is now worth billions of dollars, and hemp-derived intoxicants are available at vape shops and gas stations, but they are not regulated.

 

Federal news

 

Expanded access to methadone is needed

National Institute on Drug Abuse Director Nora Volkow highlights the need to expand access to methadone. Only a fraction of people who could benefit from medications for opioid use disorder receive them, due to a combination of structural and attitudinal barriers. In 2023, the federal government eliminated the waiver requirement for buprenorphine. This year, it changed methadone regulations to make permanent the increased take-home doses of methadone established during the COVID emergency, along with other provisions aimed to broaden access. Changes implemented during COVID have not been associated with adverse outcomes, and patients reported significant benefits. Recent trials of models of methadone dispensing in settings other than methadone clinics have not supported concerns that making methadone more widely available will lead to harms. Data suggest that counseling is not essential for reducing overdoses or retaining patients in care, though it can be beneficial for some. It will also be critical to pursue other ways that methadone can safely be made more available to a wider range of patients.

 

CDC defends overdose prevention work before House committee

Several top Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) officials testified before the House Energy and Commerce Committee to defend their agency’s programs. The hearing comes after House Republicans passed a budget that would cut CDC funding by 22%. Republicans claimed the agency has failed to fulfill its responsibilities and lost the public’s trust. Republicans accused the CDC of straying from its core mission of keeping the public healthy and said the agency is spending too much time on programs some GOP lawmakers deemed unnecessary or duplicative. The CDC program directors pushed back, citing work they deemed critical to public health. They emphasized three areas of focus – improving readiness and response to disease outbreaks, improving mental health and supporting young families. Allison Arwady, director of the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, which would be eliminated under the proposed funding bill, spoke about why the center’s work on overdose prevention is necessary.

Source: CDC Defense (Politico); CDC fields GOP criticism at E&C hearing (Politico)

 

Task force releases recommendations to protect youth from social media harms

The federal Kids Online Health and Safety Task Force released a report with recommendations and best practices for safer social media and online platform use for youth. The report provides a summary of the risks and benefits of social media on the health, safety and privacy of young people; best practices for parents and caregivers; recommended practices for industry; a research agenda; and suggested future work, including for the federal government. In collaboration with the Task Force, the Center of Excellence on Social Media and Youth Mental Health is launching a variety of new web content, including best practices resources; age-based handouts for parents that pediatricians and others can distribute at well-check visits; new clinical case examples for pediatricians and other clinicians demonstrating how to integrate conversations about media use into health consultations with teens; and expanded content for teens. The report outlines 10 recommended practices for online service providers.

 

FDA allows sale of tobacco-flavored Vuse e-cigarettes

The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) authorized sales of certain tobacco-flavored Vuse Alto e-cigarette products from R.J. Reynolds. Vuse is the top-selling e-cigarette brand in the country, comprising more than 40% of the market. The marketing authorization applies to six tobacco-flavored pods, which are sealed, prefilled and nonrefillable. Last year, the FDA banned the sale of Vuse Alto menthol and fruit-flavored e-cigarettes, citing increasing popularity among kids.

 

State and local news

 

Montana plans to install harm reduction vending machines

Montana health officials are considering a new strategy to make naloxone more accessible. Drawing on a pool of behavioral health funds set aside by lawmakers in 2023, health officials have proposed installing two dozen naloxone and fentanyl test strip vending machines around the state at behavioral health drop-in centers and service locations for homeless people. The $400,000 plan to build, stock and maintain 24 vending machines for a year has not yet been approved by the governor. Different versions of the harm reduction vending machine model are being tried in at least 33 states, becoming increasingly popular especially in places with hard-to-reach populations. Some local public health groups in Montana have already begun using vending machines to distribute free naloxone, drug testing strips and other supplies, using public grants or private philanthropy, but these would be the first vending machines in Montana being directly funded by the state.

 

Iowa providing $13 million to expand addiction treatment and recovery housing

Iowa Governor Reynolds announced that the state’s opioid treatment and recovery providers can begin applying for $13 million in grants to expand or improve facilities or develop sober living housing options. The funding opportunities were announced in May as part of a larger $17.5 million investment to help address the opioid crisis. The $10 million Iowa Opioid Treatment and Recovery Infrastructure Grant will assist opioid treatment and recovery providers with physical infrastructure and capacity building. The Iowa Recovery Housing Fund includes $3 million for grants for nonprofit organizations to develop sober recovery housing. The grants leverage federal American Rescue Plan Act funds. An additional $1.5 million will be used for programs focused on prevention, including a $1 million education initiative for health care providers to support opioid-alternative pain management and $500,000 for a comprehensive multimedia opioid overdose prevention campaign. The remaining $3 million will support the completion of a residential addiction treatment center for adolescents.

 

LAPPA releases model state laws to minimize harms of incarceration

The Legislative Analysis and Public Policy Association released two pieces of model state legislation. The first would require a state department of health and human services to apply for a Medicaid Reentry Section 1115 demonstration waiver to allow a state Medicaid program to cover pre-release services for Medicaid-eligible incarcerated individuals for up to 90 days prior to release and to require the department to conduct comprehensive monitoring and evaluation of the demonstration if the waiver is approved. The second is focused on reducing collateral consequences of conviction. It would establish a process for the identification, collection and publication of collateral consequences that impact individuals convicted of crimes; establish a process by which an individual can obtain a certificate of relief from certain collateral consequences before records are eligible to be sealed or expunged; establish mechanisms for the automatic sealing and expungement, as well as a process for petitioning; prohibit certain entities from inquiring into an individual’s criminal history; etc.

 

Other news in addiction policy

 

Mobile treatment vans can help expand methadone access

Some public health experts hope that mobile treatment programs will help increase access to methadone. Addiction experts say methadone is particularly important as the strength of street fentanyl has lessened the effectiveness of other medications and approaches for some. The mobile vans were approved by the federal government in 2021, lifting a moratorium on their use that had been in place since 2007. Their goal is to reach some of the millions of Americans with opioid use disorder that methadone clinics cannot. While the vans make treatment more accessible, the cost and ongoing restrictions limit the number of people that they can help, as well. Constructing and outfitting a methadone van costs about $375,000. They have to replicate the high-security environments of clinics, with a security guard, 360-degree cameras and a safe for the medication. There are now 42 vans registered nationally, though not all are operational yet.

 

Source: https://drugfree.org/drug-and-alcohol-news/policy-news-roundup-july-25-2024/

Biden’s drug czar is in West Virginia this week.

This story was originally published by Mountain State Spotlight. Get stories like this delivered to your email inbox once a week; sign up for the free newsletter at mountainstatespotlight.org/newsletter

CHARLESTON — Dr. Rahul Gupta is back in West Virginia. The state’s former health officer has ventured west of Washington this week, hosting seven public discussions in Martinsburg and Charleston as part of his new role as White House Office of Drug Control Policy Director.

Over the last three years, Gupta and the Biden administration have taken significant steps to address the country’s devastating overdose crisis. They’ve promoted harm reduction aggressively, even finding ways to test out hard-sell, evidence-based strategies like safe injection sites.

Still, the addiction crisis continues to ravage U.S. families, especially in Gupta’s former state. Last year, about four West Virginians died of a drug overdose every day.

As the nation’s “drug czar,” Gupta is in a better position to advocate for addiction-related changes than just about anyone else.

Here are five steps the federal government could take to help abate West Virginia’s overdose crisis.

Change opioid treatment program restrictions

West Virginia has policies and regulations that restrict access to opioid addiction treatment. The state makes it difficult for some people with opioid use disorders to receive medications like methadone, which is considered a “gold standard” of treatment. Since 2007, West Virginia has limited the number of methadone clinics, the only places methadone can be prescribed to treat addiction, to nine locations.

But while that’s a state law, federal law is the reason methadone can only be prescribed for treating substance use disorder at these clinics.

People who research addiction have called on Congress to change this policy to allow doctors to prescribe methadone for addiction treatment outside of specialized clinics. Because West Virginia’s moratorium is focused on methadone clinics and not the medication itself, that type of change could make the treatment more accessible to state residents.

Last winter, when Gupta was asked in an interview about a federal bill that would accomplish parts of this goal, he stopped short of endorsing the proposed legislation. Instead, he said it’s important for Congress to “let the science and the data guide policy-making.”

Change restrictions on treatment for methamphetamine addiction

A decade ago, less than 5% of West Virginia fatal overdoses were related to methamphetamine. But that’s changed dramatically; last year, more than 50% of the state’s nearly 1,400 drug deaths involved meth.

That presents a difficult public health problem for West Virginia. Scientists have yet to develop reliable medications for treating methamphetamine addiction.

Of the available treatments, the most effective options are behavior training programs, also known as contingency management. These types of programs reward people regularly with money or other incentives for abstaining from a drug.

Dr. Philip Chan, an addiction and infectious disease researcher at Brown University, said if he could provide patients with $400 to $500 every two to three months, it would be more effective at keeping them from using meth. But the federal government caps contingency management payments at $75 a year.

Repeal the federal funding ban for syringes and needles

West Virginia has many restrictions around needle exchanges. In 2021, the Legislature passed a law that forces syringe service programs to offer a variety of other harm reduction services, and it instructs them to deny service to those who don’t have valid state IDs or return their used needles.

The additional requirements led many programs across the state to shutter. For the ones that remain, restrictions at the national level make it even more difficult to operate.

Needle exchanges are already prohibited from using federal funds to purchase clean needles and syringes. And there have been pushes, including from West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin, to extend the prohibition to safe smoking devices as well.

Nikki Dolan, the Greenbrier Health Department administrator, said this policy makes it more difficult to fund her county’s only syringe service program.

“We’ve been doing harm reduction since 2018 and have never been able to purchase needles with grant funding,” she said.

Include West Virginia in the Ending the HIV Epidemic initiative

West Virginia’s recent drug-related HIV outbreaks have been among the worst in the nation. In 2019, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention stepped in to help with a Cabell County outbreak. A couple years later, the agency returned to address cases in Kanawha County, with one top health official calling the outbreak the “most concerning in the United States.”

West Virginia HIV cases have decreased over the last two years, but many doctors and researchers worry about undetected spread, especially in rural parts of the state.

Despite the national attention, no West Virginia counties are included in the federal government’s Ending the HIV Epidemic initiative. The program is designed to direct additional funding and resources to communities heavily impacted by the infectious disease.

Gregg Gonsalves, a Yale University School of Public Health professor who studies HIV transmission, said he was surprised to learn West Virginia and its counties weren’t included in the program.

He said Gupta, using his position in the federal government, could ask Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra and CDC Director Mandy Cohen to include West Virginia or some of its counties in the initiative.

More funding for recovery residences

Even if state residents with addictions find and receive treatment, sustaining recovery can be challenging. West Virginians in recovery can struggle to find places to live where they aren’t around drugs or alcohol.

Recovery residences, also known as sober living houses, can help with that. The state and federal governments have said the housing units can help people in recovery avoid relapsing.

But in West Virginia, recovery residences often face financial barriers. A survey of state sober living homes last year found that the biggest challenge the organizations faced was financial resources, and the surveyed organizations said only 12% of their revenue comes from federal grants.

Jon Dower, the executive director of West Virginia Sober Living, said the federal government could make these grants easier for recovery residences to win, especially for people who are looking to start state-certified homes.

“If we look at what’s most needed in the recovery housing space in West Virginia, in my opinion it’s capacity,” he said.

Reach reporter Allen Siegler at allen@mountainstatespotlight.org

Source: https://www.timeswv.com/news/west_virginia/bidens-drug-czar-is-in-west-virginia-this-week-here-are-five-things-the-federal/article_43e1fe42-4b80-11ef-8ce1-6b4a5826d699.html

The number of drug overdoses in this country went down in 2023. But not enough.

Key points

  • While overdoses from fentanyl went down in 2023, overdoses from cocaine and methamphetamine went up.
  • Increased availability of Narcan, harm-reduction practices, and drug seizures likely decreased deaths.
  • The best way to save lives and end the opioid epidemic is to prevent addiction in the first place.

With this tragic news just in, there are several important things to say about the drug overdose situation in this country.

The first is this: It is important that we don’t talk about the more than 107,000 overdose deaths in the United States last year like it’s just a statistic.

These are people’s lives that ended, people like you and me. People with friends and loved ones who cared about them, and who wanted them to succeed.

Evidence of an ongoing tragedy

This is where we are with the continuing drug epidemic, according to the recently released Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) data from 2023:

  • 107,543 people died from drug overdose deaths compared to 111,029 in 2022. That is a 3 percent decline.
  • 2023 witnessed the first annual decrease in five years (since 2018).
  • Indiana, Kansas, Maine, and Nebraska each saw overdose deaths decrease by at least 15 percent. Note: We need to determine what’s working in those states, and replicate it elsewhere.
  • Alaska, Oregon, and Washington each saw overdose deaths increase by at least 27 percent. Note: We need to determine what’s not working in those states, and figure out solutions including by sharing best practices from states with lower overdose rates.)
  • While overdoses from fentanyl (the main driver of drug deaths) went down in 2023, overdoses from cocaine and methamphetamine went up.

Three developments that are helping to reduce deaths

1. Greater availability of Narcan: I’m a huge advocate for this overdose reversal drug, which is naloxone in nasal spray form. I have argued often that it should be as ubiquitous as the red-boxed automated external defibrillators (AEDs) you now see in malls, hotel lobbies, schools, airports, and workplaces.

The U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) took a big and meaningful step in that direction when it approved Narcan for over-the-counter use in March 2023. I have no doubt the increased availability of Narcan has helped bring the overdose numbers down, since Narcan targets opioids like fentanyl and heroin.

2. The stepping up of harm-reduction efforts: Harm reduction means reducing the health and safety dangers around drug use. The goal is to save lives and protect the health of people who use drugs through such measures as fentanyl test strips, overdose prevention sites, and sterilized injection equipment and services.

Harm reduction was a key plank of the White House’s 2022 National Drug Control Strategy aimed directly at the overdose epidemic. Countless harm-reduction efforts have gained traction at the local and state level as well. Again, this continued push may have helped bring down the overdose numbers last year.

3. Increased efforts around law enforcement drug seizures: Of the 107,543 people who overdosed in 2023, 74,702 (70 percent) of them did so after using the synthetic opioid fentanyl, which is many times more potent than heroin. For the first time in years, that number of deaths was lower than the year before.

Why? No doubt in part because 115 million pills containing fentanyl were seized by law enforcement in 2023. That compared to 71 million fentanyl-laced pills seized in 2022. These seizure efforts seem to be working, and they need to be stepped up even more.

Drug use prevention efforts must increase also

Ultimately, the best way to save lives, end the opioid epidemic, and halt the spread of substance use disorder is to stop people from becoming addicted in the first place.

The big news: Statistics show that drug use may be trending down among young people. Even delaying the onset of addiction can change the trajectory of the problem, says Nora Volkow, MD, director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse.

When asked recently about the lower number of overdose deaths last year, Volkow said: “Research has shown that delaying the start of substance use among young people, even by one year, can decrease substance use for the rest of their lives. We may be seeing this play out in real time [in 2023]. The trend is reassuring.”

Final thoughts on turning the tide of addiction

As the antismoking campaign that began in the 1960s showed us, massive and well-coordinated public health efforts can work.

Surgeon General warning labels, hard-hitting public service announcements, school-based programs—all of those had a cumulative effect on smoking habits in this country, especially among young people. Those efforts all targeted one thing: prevention.

We need to do much more of that in 2024 around opioids, methamphetamines, cocaine, and other lethal drugs. Lives depend on it.

Source: https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/use-your-brain/202407/a-closer-look-at-107543-lives-lost-to-drug-overdoses

July 29, 2024

This blog was also published in the American Society of Addiction Medicine (ASAM) Weekly on July 24, 2024.

Over the past several years, the increasing prevalence of fentanyl in the drug supply has created an unprecedented overdose death rate and other devastating consequences. People with an opioid use disorder (OUD) urgently need treatment not just to protect them from overdosing but also to help them achieve recovery, but highly effective medications like buprenorphine and methadone remain underused. Amid this crisis, it is critical that methadone, in particular, be made more accessible, as it may hold unique clinical advantages in the age of fentanyl.

Growing evidence suggests that methadone is as safe and effective as buprenorphine for patients who use fentanyl. In a 2020 naturalistic follow-up study, 53% of patients admitted to methadone treatment who tested positive for fentanyl at intake were still in treatment a year later, compared to 47% for patients who tested negative. Almost all (99%) of those retained in treatment achieved remission. An earlier study similarly found that 89% of patients who tested positive for fentanyl at methadone treatment intake and who remained in treatment at 6 months achieved abstinence.

Methadone may even be preferable for patients considered to be at high risk for leaving OUD treatment and overdosing on fentanyl. Comparative effectiveness evidence is emerging which shows that people with OUD in British Columbia given buprenorphine/naloxone when initiating treatment were 60% more likely to discontinue treatment than those who received methadone (1). More research is needed on optimal methadone dosing in patients with high opioid tolerance due to use of fentanyl, as well as on induction protocols for these patients. It is possible that escalation to a therapeutic dose may need to be more rapid.

It remains the case that only a fraction of people who could benefit from medication treatment for OUD (MOUD) receive it, due to a combination of structural and attitudinal barriers. A study using data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) from 2019—that is, pre-pandemic—found that only slightly more than a quarter (27.8%) of people who needed OUD treatment in the past year had received medication to treat their disorder. But a year into the pandemic, in 2021, the proportion had dropped to just 1 in 5.

Efforts have been made to expand access to MOUD. For instance, in 2021, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) advanced the most comprehensive Overdose Prevention Strategy to date. Under this strategy, in 2023, HHS eliminated the X-waiver requirement for buprenorphine. But in the fentanyl era, expanded access to methadone too is essential, although there are even greater attitudinal and structural barriers to overcome with this medication. People in methadone treatment, who must regularly visit an opioid treatment program (OTP), face stigma from their community and from providers. People in rural areas may have difficulty accessing or sticking with methadone treatment if they live far from an OTP.

SAMHSA’s changes to 42 CFR Part 8 (“Medications for the Treatment of Opioid Use Disorder”) on January 30, 2024 were another positive step taken under the HHS Overdose Prevention Strategy. The new rule makes permanent the increased take-home doses of methadone established in March 2020 during the COVID pandemic, along with other provisions aimed to broaden access like the ability to initiate methadone treatment via telehealth. Studies show that telehealth is associated with increased likelihood of receiving MOUD and that take-home doses increase treatment retention.

Those changes that were implemented during the COVID pandemic have not been associated with adverse outcomes. An analysis of CDC overdose death data from January 2019 to August 2021 found that the percentage of overdose deaths involving methadone relative to all drug overdose deaths declined from 4.5% to 3.2% in that period. Expanded methadone access also was not associated with significant changes in urine drug test results, emergency department visits, or increases in overdose deaths involving methadone. An analysis of reports to poison control centres found a small increase in intentional methadone exposures in the year following the loosening of federal methadone regulations, but no significant increases in exposure severity, hospitalizations, or deaths.

Patients themselves reported significant benefits from increased take-home methadone and other COVID-19 protocols. Patients at one California OTP in a small qualitative study reported increased autonomy and treatment engagement. Patients at three rural OTPs in Oregon reported increased self-efficacy, strengthened recovery, and reduced interpersonal conflict.

The U.S. still restricts methadone prescribing and dispensing more than most other countries, but worries over methadone’s safety and concerns about diversion have made some physicians and policymakers hesitant about policy changes that would further lower the guardrails around this medication. Methadone treatment, whether for OUD or pain, is not without risks. Some studies have found elevated rates of overdose during the induction and stabilization phase of maintenance treatment, potentially due to starting at too high a dose, escalating too rapidly, or drug interactions.

Although greatly increased prescribing of methadone to treat pain two decades ago was associated with diversion and a rise in methadone overdoses, overdoses declined after 2006, along with methadone’s use as an analgesic, even as its use for OUD increased. Most methadone overdoses are associated with diversion and, less often, prescription for chronic pain; currently, 70 percent of methadone overdoses involve other opioids (like fentanyl) or benzodiazepines.

Recent trials of models of methadone dispensing in pharmacies and models of care based in other settings than OTPs have not supported concerns that making methadone more widely available will lead to harms like overdose. In two feasibility studies, stably maintained patients from OTPs in Baltimore, Maryland and Raleigh, North Carolina who received their methadone from a local pharmacy found this model to be highly satisfactory, with no positive urine screens, adverse events, or safety issues. An older pilot study in New Mexico found that prescribing methadone in a doctor’s office and dispensing in a community pharmacy, as well as methadone treatment delivered by social workers, produced better outcomes than standard care in an OTP for a sample of stably maintained female methadone patients.

Critics of expanded access to methadone outside OTPs sometimes argue that the medication should not be offered without accompanying behavioural treatment. Data suggest that counselling is not essential. In wait-list studies, methadone treatment was effective at reducing opioid use on its own, and patients stayed in treatment. However, counselling may have benefits or even be indispensable for some patients to help them improve their psychosocial functioning and reduce other drug use. How to personalize the intensity and the level of support needed is a question that requires further investigation.

Over the past two decades, the opioid crisis has accelerated the integration of addiction care in the U.S. with mainstream medicine. Yet methadone, the oldest and still one of the most effective medications in our OUD treatment toolkit, remains siloed. In the current era of powerful synthetic opioids like fentanyl dominating the statistics on drug addiction and overdose, it is time to make this effective medication more accessible to all who could benefit. The recent rules making permanent the COVID-19 provisions are an essential step in the right direction, but it will be critical to pursue other ways that methadone can safely be made more available to a wider range of patients with OUD. Although more research would be of value, the initial evidence suggests that providing methadone outside of OTPs is feasible, acceptable, and leads to good outcomes.

Source: https://nida.nih.gov/about-nida/noras-blog/2024/07/to-address-the-fentanyl-crisis-greater-access-to-methadone-is-needed

Cannabis or more commonly known as marijuana, is one of the most frequently used drugs in the United States. In 2022, marijuana became more popular than alcohol as the preferred daily drug of use among Americans. In the same year, it was found that 30 out of every 100 high school age students reported using the drug within the past 12 months, and 3 of every 50 reported using it daily.

Marijuana is often perceived as harmless, which has influenced its increased use by a factor of 15 within the past three decades, but this substance can have severe physical and mental health effects.

This blog will share the heart-wrenching stories of Brant Clark and Shane Robinson, as told by their families, along with a recent article by Alton Northup editor-in-chief of KentWired. Their lives were tragically cut short by marijuana induced psychosis.

Brant Clark

Ann Clark shares the heartbreaking story of her 17-year-old son, Brant, who experienced cannabis-induced psychosis leading to his tragic suicide. She recounts his rapid descent into hopelessness and the devastating impact on their family to raise awareness about the dangers of marijuana use on mental health.

Ann Clark shares the heartbreaking story of her 17-year-old son, Brant, who experienced cannabis-induced psychosis leading to his tragic suicide. She recounts his rapid descent into hopelessness and the devastating impact on their family to raise awareness about the dangers of marijuana use on mental health.

Brant Clark (pictured) was a happy and bright 17-year-old who reported using marijuana socially. However, during his last high school winter break, after smoking marijuana at a party with friends, he experienced a psychotic break believed to have been triggered by smoking a large amount of potent marijuana.

After the party Brent expressed to his mother his feelings of “emptiness and hopelessness”, and deep regret, lamenting his decision to smoke marijuana. Within two days of the onset of symptoms, Brant was admitted to the ER and psychiatric care unit. Tragically, three weeks later, he ended his own life, leaving behind a note revealing his intense mental anguish and regret.

Brant’s doctor diagnosed him with Cannabis-Induced Psychosis, a condition where marijuana use leads to severe mental disturbances. Brant’s case highlights how this condition can manifest suddenly and with tragic consequences. Ann, Brant’s mother, recalls the happiness her son brought to her life, and the pain that lingers after his loss.

 Shane Robinson

In 2009, Lori Robinson’s son faced a similar fate. Shane, a vibrant 23-year-old, turned to marijuana for pain relief after a knee injury. Despite his parents’ concerns, Shane believed that the drug was a safe alternative to pain medication. However, Shane’s behavior changed drastically. He began to experience hallucinations and delusions. After being hospitalized several times and a prolonged struggle with mental health, Shane took his own life at the age of 25.

Lori, Shane’s mother, shared that the psychologists who treated her son questioned marijuana’s role in Shane’s mental illness, but neither Shane nor Brant had any prior history of mental illness, and their symptoms rapidly emerged after using marijuana.

Cannabis-Induced Psychosis would finally be added as a recognized mental health diagnosis in the year of 2013.

 

Medical and Scientific Insights

Although research still has a long way to go and should continue to examine how mental health disorders are affected by marijuana use independently, it should also focus on understanding the physiological mechanisms, as well as the effects of increased potency and contaminants in marijuana. The progress that has been made is enough to encourage the continuation of this field of research. Recent studies have shown strong associations between cannabis use disorder (CUD) and psychotic episodes. One study showed that 5 out of every 6 teenagers who sought help for a psychotic episode had used marijuana and that they were 11 times more likely to experience psychotic episodes compared to non-users of the drug. Another study showed a 30% increase in schizophrenia cases among men aged 21-30 were associated with CUD.

Dr. David Streem from the Cleveland Clinic shared with the editor of KentWired that he has observed a dramatic increase in psychosis cases over the past decade, which aligns with the increase in marijuana potency from less than 10% in the 90s to 30% or more today.

Advocating for Prevention

Ann Clark and Lori Robinson have become advocates, raising awareness about the dangers of cannabis-induced psychosis. Despite facing skepticism and opposition, they courageously continue to share their son’s stories to educate others about the potential risks of marijuana use.

As marijuana becomes widely legalized, Ann believes that “it only gives our young people a lower perception of harm, and a false sense of security and safety”. However, increased levels of THC and the building body of evidence linking marijuana to mental health conditions, call for greater public health education and regulations.

The tragic stories of Brant and Shane underscore the urgent need for awareness about cannabis-induced psychosis as the use of marijuana becomes more prevalent among younger populations.

Source: https://kentwired.com/120770/news/cannabis-induced-psychosis-cost-their-sons-their-lives-more-could-be-next/

Israel, now the largest per capita consumer of opioids, faces a rising crisis. Learn about the challenges, responses from health authorities, and the need for improved treatment and prevention.

When in 2021, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention counted the deaths of over a million Americans from overdosing with opioids – synthetic, painkilling prescription drugs including fentanyl (100 times more powerful than morphine), oxycodone, hydrocodone and many others – Israel’s Health Ministry was asked whether it could happen here. No, its spokesperson said, even though nearly every negative and positive phenomenon in North America inevitably arrives here within a couple of years.

The epidemic began about 25 years ago when drug and healthcare companies began to enthusiastically promote these very-addictive chemicals, claiming they were effective in relieving suffering and did not cause dependency.

A study published this past May by researchers at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health found that one out of every three Americans have lost someone – a relative or a friend – to an opioid or other drug overdose. The US National Institute on Drug Abuse found that more than 320,000 American children have lost parents from overdoses in the past decade, and the annual financial costs to the US of the opioid crisis is $1 trillion.

Largest consumers of opioids per capita

Incredibly, Israelis today are the largest consumers per capita in the world of opioids, and an untold number of them are addicted or have already died. No one knows the fatality figures here, as the causes of death are described as organ failures, seizures, heart attack or stroke – not listed by what really caused them.

Is this another example of a “misconception” – wishful thinking on the scale of the belief by the government, the IDF, and the security forces that Hamas would “behave” if regularly paid off with suitcases full of cash? Is Israel headed to where the US already is? Perhaps. What is clear is that our various health authorities now have to somehow clean up the opioid mess.

The scandal has been indirectly embarrassing for Israel because among the most notorious companies involved in the opioid disaster is the Sackler family, who own the Purdue Pharma company that manufactured and promoted the powerful and addictive opioid OxyContin and who are now drowning in huge lawsuits. Tel Aviv University’s Medical Faculty that was for decades known as the Sackler Faculty has deleted it from its name.

Last year, the Knesset Health Committee met to discuss the rise in opioid consumption here, with testimony from Ben-Gurion University of the Negev School of Public Health dean and leading epidemiologist Prof. Nadav Davidovitch, who is also the principal researcher and chairman of the Taub Center Health Policy Program. He stressed that inappropriate use of strong pain medications leads to addiction and other severe negative consequences and noted that while most of the rise in consumption is among patients of lower socioeconomic status, the well-off are also hooked. Davidovitch called for the launching of serious programs to treat addicted Israelis based on the experiences of other countries with the crisis.

Opioids attach themselves to opioid-receptor proteins on nerve cells in the brain, gut, spinal cord, and other parts of the body. This obstructs pain messages sent from the body through the spinal cord to the brain. While they can effectively relieve pain, they can be very addictive, especially when they are consumed for more than a few months to ease acute pain, out of habit, or from the patients’ feeling of pleasure (they make some users feel “high”). Patients who suddenly stop taking them can sometimes suffer from insomnia or jittery nerves, so it’s important to taper off before ultimately stopping to take them.

The Health Ministry was forced in 2022 to alter the labels on packaging of opioid drugs to warn about the danger of addiction after the High Court of Justice heard a petition by the Physicians for Human Rights-Israel and the patients’ rights organization Le’altar that claimed the ministry came under pressure from the pharmaceutical companies to oppose this. After ministry documents that showed doctors knew little about the addictions caused by opioids were made public by the petitioners, psychiatrist Dr. Paola Rosca – head of the ministry’s addictions department – told the court that the synthetic painkillers cause addiction. She has not denied the claim that the ministry was squeezed by the drug companies to oppose label changes.

No special prescription, no time limit, no supervision

In an interview with The Jerusalem Post, Prof. Pinhas Dannon – chief psychiatrist of the Herzog Medical Center in Jerusalem and a leading expert on opioid addiction – noted that anyone with a medical degree can prescribe synthetic painkillers to patients. “There is no special prescription, no time limit, no supervision,” he said.

“A person who undergoes surgery who might suffer from serious pain is often automatically given prescriptions for opioids – not just one but several,” Dannon revealed. “Nobody checks afterwards whether the patient took them, handed them over to others (for money or not), whether they took several kinds at once, or whether they stopped taking them. They are also prescribed by family physicians, orthopedists treating chronic back pain, urologists, and other doctors, not only by surgeons.”

Dannon, who runs a hospital clinic that tries to cure opioid addiction, said there are only about three psychiatric hospitals around the country that have small in-house departments to treat severely addicted patients. “Not all those addicted need inpatient treatment, but when we build our new psychiatry center, we would be able to provide such a service.”

Since opioids are relatively cheap and included in the basket of health services, the four public health funds that pay for and supply them have not paid much attention. Once a drug is in the basket, it isn’t removed or questioned. Only now, when threatened by lawsuits over dependency, have the health funds begun to take notice and try to promote reductions in use.

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Dannon declared that the health funds, hospitals, and pharmacies must seriously supervise opioid use by tracking and be required by the ministry to report who is taking them, how much, what ages, and for how long. Opioids are meant for acute pain, not for a long period. “The Health Ministry puts out fires but is faulty in prevention and supervision,” he said.

A Canadian research team has just conducted a study at seven hospital emergency departments in Quebec and Ontario to determine the ideal quantity of prescription opioids to control pain in discharged patients and reduce unused opioids available for misuse.

They recommended that doctors could adapt prescribing quantity to the specific condition causing pain, based on estimates to alleviate pain in 80% of patients for two weeks, with the smallest quantity for kidney or abdominal pain (eight tablets) and the highest for back pain (21 tablets) or fractures (24 tablets), and add an expiry date for them. Since half of participants consumed even smaller quantities, pharmacists could provide half this quantity to further reduce unused opioids available for misuse.

No medical instruction on the Issue

Rosca, who was born in Italy where she studied medicine and came on aliyah in 1983, has worked in the ministry since 2000; in 2006, she became head of the addictions department.

“In Italy, every psychiatrist must learn about alcohol and other drug addictions including opioids,” she said. “Here, there is no mandatory course in any medical school on the subject. We tried to persuade the Israel Medical Association and its Scientific Council, which decides on curricula and specializations, but we didn’t succeed. Maybe now, in the face of the crisis, it will change its mind. We run optional courses as continuing medical education for physicians who are interested.”

Her department wanted pharmacists to provide electronic monitoring of opioid purchases, but “the Justice Ministry opposed it on the grounds that it would violate privacy. I wasn’t asked for my opinion.”

She concedes that the ministry lacks statistics on the number of addicted people, and Arabs have been excluded from estimates until now. “We’re doing a study with Jerusalem’s Myers-JDC-Brookdale Institute to find out how many. Some say one percent, some say five percent. We hope that by December, we will get more accurate figures. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, the ministry set up a committee on what to do about opioids, but its recommendations were never published, and there was no campaign,” Rosca recalled.

In 1988, the government established the statutory Anti-Drug Authority that was located in Jerusalem’s Givat Shaul neighborhood. It was active in fighting abuse and shared research with foreign experts, but seven years ago, its name was changed to the National Authority for Community Safety and became part of the Ministry for National Security, losing much of its budgets – and, according to observers, its effectiveness as well.

The Health Ministry used to be responsible for setting up and operating clinics for drug rehabilitation, but it handed this over in 1997 to a non-profit organization called the Israel Public Health Association, which employs numerous former ministry professionals. Its director-general, lawyer Yasmin Nachum, told the Post in an interview that the IPHA is very active in fighting drug addiction.

“Israel can’t deny anymore that we are in a worrisome opioid epidemic like that in the US: We are there,” he said. “We see patients every day. Some used to take heroin and other street drugs, but with the easy access and low price, they have switched to opioids. If they are hospitalized for an operation and don’t use all the prescriptions they are given, they sell them to others. We want to have representation in every hospital to warn doctors and patients.”

Of a staff of 1,100, the IPHA has 170 professionals – narcotics experts, social workers, occupational therapists, and others working with 3,000 addicted patients every day. Its other activities include mental health, ensuring safety of food and water, and rehabilitation.

Stopping after six months

“We work in full cooperation with the ministry,” Nachum said. “Our approach is that when opioids are taken for pain for as long as six months, it’s the time to stop taking them. The doctors provide addicted patients with a drug called buprenorphine, sold under the brand name Subutex, which is used to treat opioid-use disorder, acute pain, and chronic pain.”

Buprenorphine is a mixed opioid agonist and antagonist. That means it has some of the effects of opioids but also blocks some of their effects. Before the patient can take it under direct observation, he must have moderate opioid-withdrawal symptoms. The drug relieves withdrawal symptoms from other opioids and induces some euphoria, but it also blocks the efficacy of many other opioids including heroin, to create an effect.

Buprenorphine levels in the blood stay consistent throughout the month. Nachum said the replacement drug is relatively safe, with some side effects, but fortunately, there is no danger of an overdose.

NARCAN (NALOXDONE) is another prescription drug used by some professionals to fight addiction. Not in Israel’s basket of health services, it blocks the effects of opioids by temporarily reversing them, helping the patient to breathe again and wake up from an overdose. While it has saved countless lives, new and more powerful opioids keep appearing, and first responders are finding it increasingly difficult to revive people with it.

Now, US researchers have found an approach that could extend naloxone’s lifesaving power, even in the face of continually more dangerous opioids by using potential drugs that make naloxone more potent and longer lasting. Naloxone is a lifesaver, but it’s not a miracle drug; it has limitations, the team said.

After the Nova massacre on October 7, when significant numbers of participants who were murdered were high on drugs, the IPHA received a huge number of calls. In December, Nachum decided to open a hotline run by professionals about addiction that has been called monthly by some 300 people. “We also hold lectures for pain doctors, family physicians, and others who are interested, because there has been so little awareness.”

All agree that the opioid crisis has been seriously neglected here and that if it is not dealt with seriously and in joint efforts headed by healthcare authorities, it will snowball and add to Israel’s current physical and psychological damage.

Source: https://www.jpost.com/health-and-wellness/article-811126

The overdose crisis is claiming lives across the United States, but it reaches new depths of despair in the criminal justice system. Overdose is the leading cause of death among people returning to their communities after being in jail or prison. Providing addiction treatment in these settings could change that.Roughly 60% of people who are incarcerated have a substance use disorder, in many cases an opioid use disorder. When people with addiction leave prison or jail and return to their communities, they are at very high risk of returning to drug use and overdosing. Their tolerance to drugs has diminished during incarceration, and fentanyl is pervasive in the street drug supply. Even one relapse could be fatal.It remains a common belief that simply stopping someone from taking drugs while in jail or prison is an effective approach to treatment. But that belief is inaccurate and dangerous. As scientists, we look to research to guide us. And when research shows strategies with clear benefits, they should be deployed.The Food and Drug Administration has approved three medications for opioid use disorder: methadone, buprenorphine, and naltrexone. All three are effective, safe, and lifesaving. But they are woefully underused, particularly in criminal justice settings.

2020 study in Rhode Island estimated that overdose deaths could be reduced by 30% in the state if jails and prisons made all three medications available to those who needed them. Studies also show that people who receive these medications while in jail or prison are less likely to return to substance use and more likely to continue with treatment in the community afterward.

Less than half of jails nationwide, and fewer than 10% of state prisons, offer all three medications. While 96% of jails did provide the overdose reversal drug naloxone to staff, only 1 in 3 provided naloxone and training on how to use it to decarcerated citizens during the critical period when they were returning to their communities.

Neglecting to provide access to these lifesaving treatments and harm-reduction measures creates deadly gaps for people when they leave jail or prison. The repercussions reverberate throughout communities and generations. They deepen racial inequities and overrepresentation of communities of color within the criminal justice system. They cause devastation for children and families.

Providing medications for opioid use disorder in jails and prisons benefits public health and public safety. It’s costeffective. It can help break the cycle of recidivism. It can reduce the burden on the wider health care system, including emergency departments.

Programs across the country are underway to offer naloxone and medications for opioid use disorder in jails and prisons, paired with instruction, training, and social support. Federal agencies have launched programs to help people manage withdrawal in jails and provide financial health care support for people who are about to reenter the community. A recently published revised methadone rule now allows any jail or prison registered as a hospital or clinic to dispense medications for opioid use disorder in certain circumstances.

Law enforcement leaders are starting to see how addiction treatment increases safety for everyone. Chris Donelan, the sheriff of Franklin County, Mass., has partnered with researchers to study what happens when jails offer all three FDA-approved opioid use disorder medications. His jail became one of the few in the nation to be licensed as an opioid treatment program.

“When someone is booked into our facility, often we are the first treatment provider the person has seen in years,” Donelan told his University of Massachusetts research partners. “These treatments save lives and help people enter into recovery. Treatment makes the work of our facility much easier. We have less fights, less contraband, and a much safer facility.”

Since 2019, the National Institutes of Health has funded partnerships across the country to figure out how to link people with addiction to care during and after their time in the corrections system. These researchers are poised to share new evidence as it emerges that will help other communities make data-driven changes so they can implement what is most efficient in justice settings.

There is still a long way to go. A dangerous supply of street drugs, fragmented treatment systems, lack of funding, lack of training, pervasive stigma, and complex logistics all work against people with substance use disorders as they work to rebuild their lives after incarceration. Support in recovery and continuity of care are essential during this vulnerable time.

Fundamentally, an individual’s best or only option to receive addiction treatment should not have to be during incarceration. In an ideal world, treatment and prevention systems in the U.S. would proactively address social drivers of health and mental health needs to stop the cycle between addiction and incarceration. Moving away from criminalization of substance use disorders toward a public-health approach would remove a key structural practice that perpetuates inequalities. It would improve lives for people and their families.

The Authors

Nora D. Volkow, M.D., is a psychiatrist, scientist, and director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse, which is part of the National Institutes of Health.

 

Tisha Wiley, Ph.D., is a social psychologist, associate director for justice systems at NIDA, and leads the NIH Justice Community Opioid Innovation Network initiative, which studies approaches to increase high-quality care for people in justice settings with opioid misuse or opioid use disorder.

Source: https://www.statnews.com/2024/07/09/providing-addiction-treatment-prisons-jails/

Simantik Dowerah – First Post India June 26, 2024

Social stigma and low awareness about available treatment options significantly impact treatment-seeking behaviours, professor at the Department of Psychiatry at NIMHANS Bangalore, Dr Prabhat Chand tells Firstpost
(File) Students take part in an awareness march to mark the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, in Patna. PTI

The International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, observed every year on 26 June, serves as a global reminder of the urgent need to combat the menace of drug abuse and illicit trafficking. This day aims to raise awareness about the severe impact of drug addiction on individuals, families and communities worldwide. It also emphasises the importance of prevention, treatment and rehabilitation efforts to address this complex issue.

Governments, organisations and individuals come together on this day to advocate for policies and actions that promote a drug-free world, supporting those affected by addiction and working towards sustainable development and peace. The day calls for solidarity and collective action to safeguard public health and build healthier, safer societies for all.

On the occasion of the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, Firstpost interviewed Dr Prabhat Chand, professor at the Department of Psychiatry, Centre for Addiction Medicine & NIMHANS Digital Academy VKN ECHO, Bangalore to gain insights into drug abuse trends in India and its broader societal implications.

How grave is drug abuse in India and how have their usage patterns changed over time?

Drug abuse in India is a significant public health challenge affecting diverse populations across the nation. The most abused substances after alcohol are cannabis and opioids. According to national surveys, the prevalence of cannabis users is 3.1 crore and about 72 Lakh are problem users. The opioid use increased significantly from 0.7 per cent to 2.1 per cent (i.e., 2.3 crore) during the same period. Other substances such as sedatives (1.08 per cent), inhalants (0.7 per cent), cocaine (0.10 per cent), amphetamines (0.18 per cent), and hallucinogens (0.12 per cent) also contribute significantly to the drug abuse landscape. The International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking on June 26th, 2024, with the theme ‘The evidence is clear: invest in prevention,’ underscores the urgency of this issue.

How do socio-economic factors influence vulnerability to substance abuse in India? What are the demographics mostly affected and at high risk?

Socio-economic factors such as peer influence, societal pressures, difficult childhood and lack of access to supportive environments significantly influence vulnerability to substance abuse in India. The demographics mostly affected and at high risk include young male adults aged 18-25, people from low socio-economic backgrounds and those with lower educational attainment. Over the years, the age of onset for first substance use has been decreasing consistently.

What are the primary challenges in accessing addiction treatment facilities across different tiers of cities in India?

Access to treatment facilities varies significantly across different regions and city tiers. The treatment gap for addictive disorders is as high as 75 per cent, as per various national surveys. It means 75 out of 100 people with addictive disorders do not have access to care. The challenge is twofold – 1. Accessibility of care 2. Quality of care. For example, for opioid use disorder, Opioid against treatment (OAT) is evidence-based care across the world. But in India, the supply of OAT is available in very few places. That means people have to travel far to access the care. It is well known that addiction is a chronic brain condition and needs good aftercare. These are compounded by strong social stigma and low awareness. This emphasises the need for significant investments to enhance treatment options and optimise resource allocation based on national survey evidence.

How does stigma impact treatment-seeking behaviours in rural areas compared to urban centres?

Social stigma and low awareness about available treatment options significantly impact treatment-seeking behaviours. This leads people with addictive disorders to seek treatment at the later stage of the addiction cycle. Also, the studies show that more than 50 per cent of patients likely have comorbid psychiatric disorders, which also makes care more challenging. Bridging this gap requires tailored health service information campaigns to inform users and the general population about the available treatment services.

What strategies are recommended to bridge the treatment gaps between urban and rural areas, especially in smaller pockets and villages?

To bridge the treatment gaps – 1. Increase access to care 2. Making knowledge the effective interventions to the health care providers 3. Early identification by physicians, nurses or healthcare providers 4. Identification of high-risk youth and provider of holistic support 5. Integrate common substance use along with routine care like hypertension or diabetes.

Integrated care models and effective coordination between drug supply control and entities focused on demand reduction and harm reduction are crucial. Additionally, targeted outreach and education programmes can help prevent substance abuse and identify people in need of treatment at an earlier stage.

Why is it crucial to address gender disparities in treatment-seeking behaviours?

Addressing gender disparities in treatment-seeking behaviours is crucial because men predominantly access services compared to women. Tailored health service information campaigns are necessary to engage women and marginalised communities effectively, ensuring equitable access to treatment and support services. By promoting inclusivity in treatment access, India can foster a supportive societal framework that empowers people affected by substance abuse.

How can integrated care models improve outcomes for people with co-occurring substance abuse and mental health disorders?

Integrated care models can improve outcomes by providing comprehensive services that address both substance abuse and co-occurring mental health disorders. This necessitates significant investments to enhance treatment options and ensure effective coordination between drug supply control, demand reduction, and harm reduction entities. Such models are essential for addressing the multifaceted nature of substance abuse and its associated mental health issues.

What role do government policies, healthcare providers, NGOs and communities play in tackling the drug abuse crisis in India and how can collaboration be enhanced to achieve better outcomes?

Government policies, healthcare providers, NGOs and communities play a crucial role in tackling the drug abuse crisis in India. Collaboration among these entities can be enhanced by fostering coordination between drug supply control and demand reduction efforts, expanding treatment accessibility, promoting inclusivity in treatment access, and implementing targeted outreach and education programmes. By prioritising evidence-based strategies and fostering a supportive societal framework, India can empower people affected by substance abuse to reclaim their lives and contribute meaningfully to society. Sustained efforts in prevention, treatment infrastructure expansion and effective policy formulation are essential to achieving better outcomes and paving the way towards a healthier, drug-free future for Indian citizens.

Healthcare providers like doctors can use the ‘Addiction Rx mobile app’ as a guidance tool for screening, assessment and intervention in addictive disorders. This app is developed as a part of the standard treatment guidelines by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare DDAP Addiction Rx app: iOS and Android.

The doctors, counsellors and nurses can discuss the cases and enrol in certificate courses at the NIMHANS Digital Academy ECHO weekly tele-platform to learn best practices.

Source: https://www.firstpost.com/india/international-day-against-drug-abuse-a-significant-public-health-challenge-affecting-india-13786238.html

By Leah Kuntz

Psychiatric Times Vol 41, Issue 6
Review tapering challenges and strategies for benzodiazepines in this Special Report article.

SPECIAL REPORT: ADVANCES IN PSYCHIATRY

Benzodiazepines, a controversial treatment widely prescribed for patients with anxiety and insomnia, carry a considerable risk of abuse. The poster “Mood Over Matter: Literature Review on Benzodiazepine Tapering, Current Practices and Updates on Adjunct Mood Stabilizers,” which was presented at the 2024 APA Annual Meeting, summarized a literature review of current benzodiazepine tapering practices, outpatient detoxification challenges, and potential barriers to discontinuation. The poster presenters also prioritized reviewing literature that highlighted mood stabilizer adjunct use.

Research demonstrates why clinicians should use caution when prescribing benzodiazepines. Results of a recent study revealed that between 2014 and 2016 an estimated 25.3 million (10.4%) adults in the United States reported using benzodiazepines, and approximately 17.2% of these individuals admitted to misuse.

Similarly, the National Institute on Drug Abuse documented that benzodiazepines were implicated in more than 14% of opioid overdose deaths in 2021. Furthermore, a report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention pinpointed benzodiazepines as a factor in nearly 7000 overdose deaths across 23 states from January 2019 to June 2020, constituting 17% of all drug overdose deaths. This time frame saw a staggering 520% surge in deaths related to illicit benzodiazepines, and fatalities from prescribed benzodiazepines rose by 22%.

The poster presenters stated that psychiatric and addiction- focused clinicians play an integral role in preventing benzodiazepine misuse and addiction.

To help patients taper benzodiazepines to discontinuation, clinicians must be up-to-date on practices; if clinicians mismanage tapering, sudden withdrawal can prove fatal. Challenges to tapering patients with chronic benzodiazepine use can be found in the Table.

Table. Challenges to Tapering Chronic Benzodiazepine Use

As for tapering strategies, the presenters suggested adjunct mood stabilizers such as carbamazepine and oxcarbazepine. Carbamazepine, when used as an adjunct or prophylactically, can help reduce intense withdrawal symptoms and thus keep patients on track for discontinuation. However, carbamazepine has received criticism regarding its efficacy, and it is well documented to have a series of concerning adverse effects such as skin reactions, agranulocytosis, leukopenia, and significant drug-drug interactions by nature of its metabolism. This makes some clinicians wonder: Are the risks worth the benefit?

Oxcarbazepine has also been proposed as an alternative. Results of some small-scale clinical trials noted moderate efficacy for oxcarbazepine in helping patients with detoxification, and it has fewer adverse effect concerns. The presenters suggested that other mood stabilizers, particularly those with antiepileptic effects, require further research for their potential help with benzodiazepine addiction.

“Through a more current literature review, we hope to increase the tools available to psychiatrists for more success in discontinuation and maintaining sobriety for patients,” the presenters wrote.

In a previous Psychiatric Times article, Steve Adelman, MD, of the University of Massachusetts Medical School in Boston, suggested 8 universal precautions adapted from Gourlay et al for use by psychiatrists who must decide whether to initiate or continue pharmacotherapy with benzodiazepines. They include making a diagnosis with an appropriate differential and creating and ratifying a treatment agreement. However, other clinicians, such as Daniel Morehead, MD, a Psychiatric Times columnist and featured cover author in this issue, suggest that although benzodiazepines carry risks, those risks are exaggerated by government officials, critics, and the public at large.

Source: https://www.psychiatrictimes.com/view/how-to-safely-and-effectively-taper-benzodiazepines

By Carole Tanzer Miller HealthDay Reporter

MONDAY, June 10, 2024 (HealthDay News) — Though overdose deaths continue to surge, there is no approved medication to treat methamphetamine use disorder.

Now, an experimental two-drug therapy has yielded promising results, UCLA researchers report.

“These findings have important implications for pharmacological treatment for methamphetamine use disorder,” said researcher Dr. Michael Li, an assistant professor-in-residence of family medicine at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA, adding that methamphetamine-involved overdoses have surged.

His team published its findings June 10 in the journal Addiction.

In urine tests for methamphetamine, drug-free results rose 27% among participants who received a combination of injectable naltrexone plus extended-release oral buproprion. Negative tests rose only 11%, meanwhile, in a control group.

Methamphetamine abuse is a growing problem around the world, with an estimated 34 million users in 2020 compared to 33 million 10 years earlier. In the United States alone, overdose deaths rose fivefold between 2012 and 2018.

The National Institute on Drug Abuse Clinical Trials Network has supported various trials, including this one, to evaluate different treatments for methamphetamine use disorder.

This trial, known as ADAPT-2, ran from May 2017 to July 2019 at eight sites. More than 400 participants were included, including 109 who received the experimental drug therapy in the first phase. That demonstrated that the combo worked at six weeks.

The new findings are from the trial’s second phase, which looked at a longer period. Partipants were drug-tested at weeks seven and 12 and again, after treatment, at 13 and 16 weeks.

While their results were encouraging, researchers said further study is needed to find out if the treatment lasts longer than 12 weeks and leads to further reductions in drug use.

“Prior stimulant use disorder treatment trials suggest that change in use is gradual [consistent with our findings], unlikely to result in sustained abstinence in a typical 12-week trial, and dependent on treatment duration,” the researchers said in a UCLA news release. “This warrants future clinical trials to quantify changes in [methamphetamine] use beyond 12 weeks and to identify the optimal duration of treatment with this medication.”

Source: https://www.medicinenet.com/two_drug_treatment_could_curb_meth_addiction/news.htm

 

Cultural, systemic and historical factors have converged to create the perfect storm when it comes to Black overdose deaths.

By Liz Tung – June 14, 2024

Reporter at The Pulse

WHYY (PBS) 14th June 2024

recent study from the Pennsylvania Department of Health has found that Black people who died from opioid overdoses were half as likely as white people to receive the life-saving drug naloxone, otherwise known as Narcan. The study also found that Black overdose deaths in Pennsylvania increased by more than 50% between 2019 and 2021, compared with no change in white overdose deaths.

In an email, a representative with the Department of Health said that similar rises in overdose deaths are being seen across the country, especially among Black, American Indian and Alaska Native populations. But researchers are still investigating what’s behind the spike.

“There does not appear to be a single reason why rates are increasing for Black populations and holding steady among white populations,” the statement reads. “The volatile and rapidly changing drug supply certainly has been a challenge as fentanyl is now found in every type of drug. Inequities in terms of treatment for substance use disorder may also play a factor as white people are more likely to have better access to the most evidence-based treatments and are more likely to stay in treatment.”

Fear of arrest

Abenaa Jones, an epidemiologist and assistant professor of human development and family studies at Penn State who was not involved in the study, has conducted similar research in Baltimore. She agreed that fentanyl-contaminated drugs — which are more common in lower-income neighborhoods — and less access to health care are likely factors in the growing number of overdose deaths among Black populations.

Jones said the criminal justice system, and its unequal treatment of Black people, also plays a role.

“We know that the intersection of criminal justice and substance use, and criminalization of drug use and how that disproportionately impacts minorities, can limit the accessibility of harm reduction services to racial-ethnic minorities for fear of harassment by police for drug paraphernalia,” Jones said, adding that even syringes obtained through needle-exchange programs can be considered illegal paraphernalia.

Fear of arrest, in turn, leads more people to using drugs in isolation.

“That may protect you from criminal legal involvement, but then in the event of an overdose, you may not have someone to help you,” Jones said. “So it could be that by the time the EMS come, it’s been too long for them to even consider administering naloxone.”

Contaminated drug supplies

An unexpected observation that Jones made in the course of her research could also be a factor in rising death rates — the fact that many of the Black people dying of opioid overdoses are older.

“For any other racial groups, overdose deaths peak around midlife — 35, 45,” she said. “For Black individuals, it’s more like 55, 64, and we were wondering what was going on with that.”

After investigating that question, Jones and her colleagues formulated a working theory.

“The running hypothesis for us is that this is a cohort effect,” she said. “Individuals who’ve been using drugs over time, particularly Black individuals back from the ‘80s and ‘90s with the cocaine epidemic, never stopped using.”

Those individuals may have remained relatively stable until fentanyl began to contaminate their drug supply without them knowing.

“So whatever harm reduction tools that you were using for so many years that’s been helping you, when fentanyl’s involved, it’s a different game,” Jones said. “You have to use less, but you have to also know that you have fentanyl in your drugs, right?

It’s a problem that Marcia Tucker, the program director of Pathways to Recovery — a partial hospitalization program focused on co-occurring substance use and mental health challenges — sees frequently among their mostly Black clients.

“If you come into treatment saying that I’m a cocaine user, or I’m a crack cocaine user, or I use marijuana, you’re not even thinking that an opioid overdose or fentanyl overdose could possibly happen to you,” Tucker said. “And it does happen.”

Fear, stigma and miseducation

In fact, Tucker said, she’s seen more of these kinds of overdoses over the past two years than in the three decades she’s spent working in addiction treatment. Despite that, there’s still a lack of education — and even stigma — surrounding both medication-assisted treatments (MATs) for opioid addiction, and the use of naloxone.

“I think sometimes culturally with the African American community, as far as MATs are concerned, there are some taboos about getting that extra help when they decide to come into treatment and get clean,” she said. “A lot of people feel like they want to do it from the muscle. They see it as another form of using.”

She said others may not know how to use naloxone, what kinds of effects it has or how to get it.

“I think a lot of folks don’t even know that they can walk into a pharmacy and get naloxone — you don’t have to have a prescription for that,” Tucker said. “And I think that information is just not always presented to communities, especially poor communities that don’t have a lot of resources.”

Other sources of hesitation are more immediate. Aaron Rice, a therapist at Pathways to Recovery, said that many of their clients fear naloxone because of its physical effects.

“I think they associate it with precipitated withdrawal at times,” Rice said, referring to the rapid-onset withdrawal that can cause symptoms including anxiety, pain, seating, nausea, vomiting and diarrhea.

“The only thing they’re thinking about is feeling better. And that feeling is going to supersede logic at that moment. It always does.”

Overcoming disparities in health care and mistrust of the system

The Department of Health acknowledged that the study only paints a partial picture, as it doesn’t include individuals whose overdoses were reversed by naloxone, and added that during the years of the study (2019–2021), naloxone was available by prescription only — a fact that likely played into the race-based disparity.

“There are recognized inequities in access to health care among persons of color, the concept of which likely extends to access to naloxone,” the Department of Health statement reads. “Historically, many public health materials and messaging more narrowly focused on persons using opioids. With people now taking two or more drugs together (whether intentionally or unintentionally), public health materials and messaging need to be more inclusive of all persons using drugs, regardless of the type.”

The study, researcher Abenaa Jones, Marcia Tucker and Aaron Rice all agreed on at least one intervention that could increase Black people’s access to naloxone — relying on trusted community leaders and institutions, like churches, to help educate residents and distribute the overdose-reversing drug.

“I just can’t stress enough how it’s a lifesaver — it’s the difference between life and death,” Tucker said. “I think people who aren’t medical professionals and find themselves in a situation where it might need to be used would probably be a little fearful — fearful about how to use it or how the person is going to react or whether it’s really going to work — just know that you’re better off with it and trying it. You don’t want to have to second guess yourself later and say, ‘I wish we had it. I wish we had gotten it,’ or, ‘I wish we had used it.’”

 

Source: https://whyy.org/articles/black-pennsylvanians-overdoses-naloxone-less-likely-to-receive/

Barry Ewing JUNE 23RD, 2024

A friend called me today and informed me the federal Minister for Mental Health and addictions stated the “minister believes fear and stigma are driving criticism of the government’s decision to support prescribing pharmaceuticals to drug users to combat the country’s overdose crisis…”

After reading the article I realized there will be no hope of taking control of this drug crisis while the Liberals are in power, or any other government that supports harm reduction.

The feds have allowed B.C. to experiment with Canadian lives in that province, pushing experimental policies on the population which have failed, increasing fatal overdoses, not reducing them. How many more thousands of people must die before you admit your policies are a failure?

In 2003, due to overdoses from heroin, Vancouver introduced the first safe injection site on the continent, but after 20 years the evidence is clear that harm reduction practices only magnify the issues. Instead of admitting failure, they have blamed many other factors  for why fatal overdoses, the numbers of addicts, mental health issues, crime and homelessness continue to increase. Instead of dramatically increasing mental health and addiction treatment, they pump billions of taxpayer and donor dollars into programs that encourage and enable addicts, and even their safe consumption sites now fail to offer any assistance for treatment. They have decriminalized small amounts of drugs, and hand out prescribed safe supply illegal drugs now made in B.C., such as cocaine, morphine, MDMA (ecstasy) and heroin, and the interview process for these exempted controlled drugs includes minors. 

Minors do not need parental consent and parents will not be informed. This is how insane the federal government has become, allowing B.C. to progress into the abyss with these wild experiments that have taken thousands of lives, with no end in sight as fatal overdoses increase every year.

B.C. has over 32 safe consumption sites (SCS), and with all the radical programs they have been allowed to employ, they still have more fatal overdoses per capita than Alberta, Saskatchewan or Manitoba.

Barry Ewing – Lethbridge Herald

Source: https://lethbridgeherald.com/commentary/letters-to-the-editor/2024/02/28/theres-no-hope-of-fixing-drug-crisis-through-harm-reduction/

 

MURRAY, Ky. — Around 200 people gathered Tuesday in Wrather Hall on the campus of Murray State University for a roundtable discussion about the drug epidemic locally and across the country.

The event was sponsored by the School of Nursing and Health Professions, and featured speakers from the law enforcement, legal, political, and healthcare communities

Jim Carroll is the former director of the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy — informally known as the U.S. Drug Czar — and said the three biggest factors in dealing with the drug epidemic locally and nationally is enforcement, treatment, and prevention.

“It’s the only way to really tackle this issue is one, reducing the availability of drugs in our community, recognizing that there are people who are suffering from addiction and that recovery is possible that if we can get them in to help, that they can recover,” Carroll said. “It’s important to do all three; it’s possible to reduce the number of fatalities.”

Carroll said the issue is getting worse, with the number of fentanyl deaths going up 50% in the last four years, up to around 115,000 from around 70,000 in 2019.

Uttam Dhillon is the former acting director of the Drug Enforcement Agency, and said that the reason the drug epidemic has become such a serious issue is because of the crisis at the southern border.

“The two biggest cartels are the Sinaloa cartel and the…CJNG, and they fight for territory and the ability to bring precursor chemicals in from China to make methamphetamine and fentanyl, and then transport those drugs into the United States,” Dhillon said. “The battle between the cartels is actually escalated and they are now actually using landmines in Mexico… so this is a brutal war in Mexico between the cartels.”

Dhillon said the reason the stakes are so high in Mexico is because the demand for illicit drugs in the United States is so large.

“Basically every state in the union has activity from the drug cartels in Mexico in them, and that’s really important to understand, because that’s why we are being flooded by drugs,” Dhillon said. “We never declared Mexico a narco state during the Trump Administration, but as I stand here today, I would say in my opinion, Mexico is a narco state.”

In terms of dealing with the nation’s drug epidemic, Dhillon said we first have to start by enforcing the law, which in part begins at the southern border.

Increased enforcement at the border, however, does not fully solve America’s drug epidemic. That is where the panel said local partners in prevention and recovery come in.

Kaitlyn Krolikowski is the director of administrative services at the Purchase District Health Department and said that prevention and treatment is about more than keeping people out of jail.

In January and February, there have been four overdoses in west Kentucky, according to the McCracken County coroner.

“Dead people don’t recover,” Krolikowski said. “We are here to help people recover and to help our community.  For our community to prosper, we need healthy community members and the way that we’re going to get that is by offering them treatment, saving lives, and giving them the resources that they need to be members of our community that we’re proud of.”

While many members of the audience were police officers, non-nursing students, and community leaders, the event was designed to help give clinicians more context about the world they will practice in after graduation.

Dina Byers is the dean of the School of Nursing and Health Professions at MSU, and said that its important to hear what is going on at the national, state, and local level when it comes to illicit drugs.

“It was important that they hear what’s going on,” Byers said. “And that was the purpose of this event was to provide a collaborative effort, a collaborative panel discussion around many topics today.”

If you or someone you know is struggling with addiction, you can call the police without fear of being arrested, or call your local health department to get resources that can help saves lives.

Why Do People Relapse? Understanding and Overcoming Relapse in Substance Abuse Recovery: Embarking on the journey of addiction recovery is a tough, but worthwhile goal. However, it is not uncommon for you to face setbacks in the form of relapse during your recovery journey.

In this blog post, we will explore the reasons why people relapse in drug addiction, explore the various stages of relapse, and discuss effective strategies for preventing relapse. Understanding these aspects is crucial for you, your family members, and addiction treatment programs to help you best achieve recovery.

Why Relapse Occurs During Drug Abuse Recovery

The biggest stumbling block people face on the path of recovery is when they slip up. Knowing why relapse happens is critical for those working on getting clean and those helping them out. Let’s dive into the four big causes of going back to drugs during recovery – how mental health problems, ineffective ways of dealing with stress or emotions, intense withdrawal symptoms, and not setting solid limits work together to trip people up.

Mental Health Issues Combined With Substance Addiction

Mental health challenges often coexist with substance abuse. Attending a dual diagnosis treatment program, which addresses both mental health issues and substance use disorder, can significantly increase the effectiveness of your recovery efforts.

Your dual diagnosis treatment team understands how substance use disorders are a chronic disease and will work to give you the tools you need to successfully tackle recovery and lay the groundwork for a sober life.

Poor Coping Skills

Many individuals turn to drugs or alcohol as a coping strategy to deal with negative emotions, stress, conflict in relationships, and peer pressure. As the Marlatt and Gordon model establishes, the seeds of relapse are planted in a high-risk scenario and nurtured by unhealthy coping skills.

If you are facing elevated stress levels, coupled with poor coping skills, you are at a much greater risk for addiction relapse. Negative emotions like anger, depression, anxiety, and boredom can also increase your risk for returning to drug and alcohol use for comfort.

Simply put, without effective coping skills, relapse rates drastically increase.

Uncomfortable Withdrawal Symptoms During Detox

The physical discomfort experienced during withdrawal can be overwhelming, leading your to turn to substance use to alleviate these symptoms. All will to stay sober can easily vanish in the face of intense cravings and physical pain, even if you are fully aware of the consequences.

The vulnerability during the withdrawal phase, coupled with the desire to avoid physical and mental distress, underscores the importance of comprehensive support and coping strategies to navigate this critical stage of the recovery journey successfully.

Lack of Healthy Boundaries

A strong contributor to relapse is your social environment- the people you surround yourself with. Having friends or family members who engage in drug abuse and significantly challenge your recovery and your resolve to stay sober. Even just being around them can trigger intense cravings, heightening your risk of relapse.

Establishing and maintaining well-defined boundaries is crucial for preventing relapse. Without clear boundaries, individuals may find themselves in situations that trigger drug use.

The Stages of A Relapse

A relapse can happen in many ways. What is commonly seen as a “traditional” relapse happens when you consciously decide to consume alcohol or use drugs. This might involve choosing to smoke marijuana to reduce stress after a substantial period of sobriety or having a glass of wine with friends, believing you can handle it without spiraling into excessive use.

On the flip side, a “freelapse” is the informal term for an accidental relapse, which occurs when you unintentionally use drugs or alcohol.

This could occur if you mistakenly consume alcohol, thinking it is a non-alcoholic drink at a party.

At times, the path toward a relapse unfolds without you even realizing it, manifesting in actions taken weeks or months before using drugs or alcohol. Specific thoughts, emotions, and events can act as triggers, sparking cravings and urges for drug use. If not effectively addressed, these triggers can significantly elevate the risk of relapse, which is why it is extremely important to proactively manage these risk factors in the recovery process.

Emotional Relapse Stage

The onset of the emotional relapse stage before actually picking up a drug or sipping a drink. In this phase, you may find yourself struggling to manage your negative emotions in a healthy manner. Rather than addressing your feelings openly, there might be a tendency to bottle them up, withdraw from social interactions, deny the existence of problems, and overlook self-care.

Although the thought of drug and alcohol use may not be at the forefront of your mind during this stage, the avoidance of confronting emotional pain and challenging situations sets the stage for potential relapse in the future. Recognizing and addressing these early signs becomes crucial in preventing future relapse and fostering a healthier recovery journey.

Mental Relapse Stage

In the mental relapse phase, you may struggle with conflicting emotions surrounding sobriety. Within this stage, there is an internal struggle: one side strives to remain sober, while the other wrestles with cravings, harboring secret thoughts about a potential relapse.

Mental relapse goes beyond mere internal conflict; it includes romanticizing past drug use, downplaying the negative feelings and consequences, and actively seeking opportunities for using drugs or alcohol. This intricate mental struggle highlights the delicate balance you have to maintain between your substance addiction and your will to recover.

Physical Relapse Stage

The physical relapse stage is where the actual addiction relapse occurs. What starts out as an initial slip, perhaps with just a few sips of a drink or or hit of a drug, can quickly escalate into a full-blown relapse, characterized by a complete loss of control over your actions and total drug dependence.

The importance of recognizing early warning signs and implementing effective strategies to prevent progression towards physical relapse in the ongoing journey of drug recovery.

What To Do If You Relapse

Whether you have relapsed before or not, knowing what to do if you slip back into the throws of drug abuse is critical for getting back on track and preventing future relapse. No relapse is insurmountable and there’s always an opportunity for recovery.
If you have experienced a relapse, quickly follow these proactive steps to minimize the negative effects of drug use and prevent further substance use.

1. Ask for help. Seeking assistance from family members, friends, and other addicts in the recovery process can significantly help you navigate the challenges of relapse. Create a sober support system and immerse yourself in it. The worst thing you can do in early recovery is suffer in silence.

2. Find support groups near you. Both traditional twelve-step support groups like Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) and Narcotics Anonymous (NA), as well as science-based alternatives like SMART Recovery, offer nonjudgmental spaces for you to discuss substance abuse relapses openly. With meetings available on a daily basis, you can quickly find a support group that’s right for you, allowing you to talk about your relapse experiences within 24 hours of it happening.

3. Avoid triggers at all costs. Being around people, places, situations, etc… that are triggering to you, in the aftermath, of a relapse can be detrimental to your recovery, and actually intensify your cravings. By putting distance between yourself and your triggers helps to create an environment ripe for addiction recovery.

4. Establish healthy boundaries. In all stages of substance abuse recovery, but especially shortly after a relapse, it’s vital to set boundaries to protect yourself from threats against your sobriety. A key component to maintaining firm personal boundaries is steering clear of people who are not completely onboard with your choice to be sober. These people will only try to pressure you back into a lifestyle of using drugs or alcohol, so surrounding yourself with your sober support system is the only way to remain sober after a relapse.

5. Prioritize your self-care. Both your mental and physical well-being should be taken care of, especially in the wake of a relapse, and is one of the key components of recovery, and it gives you a way to relieve tension and reduce stress.

6. Self-reflect about why the relapse happened. Rather than seeing a relapse as a setback, you can see it as a learning tool. Dedicate time to reflect on the circumstances leading to the relapse. Explore the events that unfolded before the relapse occurred. Did you try out any other coping mechanisms prior to resorting to substance use? Think about potential alternatives to using or drinking that you could have used.

Asking yourself these questions offers insights into what you can do differently, encouraging a constructive approach to managing challenges that arise along your path to substance use disorder recovery.

7. Come up with a relapse prevention plan. This is a guide designed to be a steadfast companion to help you maintain sobriety. It should be as detailed as possible, and easy to follow when needed.

Acting promptly after a relapse significantly increases your chances of a quick recovery with minimal negative consequences. It is important to remember that recovery is not linear or bound by time constraints. It is never too late to regain control after a relapse.

If early recovery seems too overwhelming, seek drug addiction treatment to help manage the task. Some treatment centers offer an inpatient program with medical detox and behavioral therapies to help you regain your footing and relapse prevention classes to help you assimilate back into your daily life with the help of addiction specialists.

How to Prevent Relapse After Drug Addiction Treatment

Preventing relapse in addiction recovery involves a complex approach that addresses both the physical and psychological aspects of your substance use.

To start off, recognizing the specific situations or emotions that may lead to relapse and developing effective coping strategies, whether through therapy, mindfulness, or healthy activities, is paramount in navigating through moments of weakness. Building and maintaining a strong support system, made up of supportive friends, family, and possibly support groups, provides a crucial safety net.

Additionally, the creation of a personalized relapse prevention plan, including detailed strategies for recognizing and managing triggers, is vital to staying sober. Regular self-reflection and adjustments to the plan over time ensure its continued effectiveness, empowering you to maintain lifelong sobriety.

Compose a Relapse Prevention Plan

Creating a personalized plan to prevent addiction relapse is a crucial component of substance abuse recovery. This plan should include strategies for recognizing triggers and coping with cravings. It should also outline your specific triggers for drug use, as well as at least 3 positive coping skills that work for you.

Additionally, your relapse prevention plan should list specific people who are in your sober support system, with their phone numbers, who you can call for help when you are feeling the urge to use. You should also compile a list of local addiction support groups that can be there for you in your time of need.

Regularly consulting and revising this plan is instrumental, making sure it stay relevant to your evolving life experiences and fortifying your commitment to a sober life.

Build a Supportive, Nurturing Environment

Building a strong support system and fostering a supportive environment are key factors in maintaining long-term sobriety. Creating a nurturing atmosphere involves not only external factors but also the changes you make within yourself.

Most addicts relapse because they do not change both the people they hang around with, as well as the way they approach situations in life after completing an addiction treatment program and in the early stages of recovery. By attending a local support group meeting, you can meet and befriend people who are going through the same things you are and you can be pillars of strength for each other.

Further, you may find it helpful to make a list of fun activities that do not involve drinking alcohol or using drugs. This list may be helpful when you are experiencing cravings and need to divert your attention.

Maintain a Positive Mindset

Cultivating a positive mindset not only enhances your motivation and resilience during challenging times but also reinforces your belief in yourself and your capacity for personal growth and living a fulfilling, sober life. Your positive outlook serves as a powerful ally in overcoming obstacles, nurturing a sustainable foundation for lasting recovery.

Make Your Self Care a Priority

Prioritizing self-care, including healthy habits and activities, contributes to overall well-being and reduces the risk of relapse. Self-care encompasses a range of activities that bring you pleasure without causing harm, including but not limited to yoga, meditation, exercise, reading, journaling, and eating healthy foods.

Why Do People Relapse During the Recovery Process?

Recovery from drug addiction is a complex journey that requires dedication, resilience, and ongoing support. By understanding the reasons behind relapse, implementing effective treatment programs, and adopting preventative strategies, you can increase your chances of achieving and maintaining long-term sobriety.

Remember, relapse does not signify failure but rather serves as an opportunity for growth and reinforcement of your commitment to recovery.

Source:  https://www.hippocraticpost.com/addiction/understanding-and-overcoming-substance-abuse-relapse/

Foreword
The National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) is pleased to publish in its Research Monograph series the proceedings of the 48th Annual Scientific Meeting of the Committee on Problems of Drug Dependence, Inc. (CPDD). This meeting was held at Tahoe City, Nevada, in June 1986.

The scientific community working in the drug abuse area was saddened by the untimely death of one of its very productive and active leaders: Joseph Cochin, M.D., Ph.D. Joe was a talented scientist who was greatly admired by his students and colleagues. For the past five years, Joe had served as the Executive Secretary of the CPDD. This monograph includes papers from a symposium on “Mechanisms of Opioid Tolerance and Dependence,” dedicated to his memory. These papers were presented by many of his friends and colleagues, who took the opportunity to express their high esteem for Joe.
The CPDD is an independent organization of internationally recognized experts in a variety of disciplines related to drug addiction. NIDA and the CPDD share many interests and concerns in developing knowledge that will reduce the destructive effects of abused drugs on the individual and society. The CPDD is unique in bringing together annually at a single scientific meeting an outstanding group of basic and clinical investigators working in the field of drug dependence. This year, as usual, the monograph presents an excellent collection of papers. It also contains progress reports of the abuse liability testing program funded by NIDA and carried out in conjunction with the CPDD. 

This program continues to represent an example of a highly successful government/private sector cooperative effort. I am sure that members of the scientific community and other interested readers will find this volume to be a valuable “state-of-the art” summary of the latest research into the biological, behavioral, and chemical bases of drug abuse.

Charles R. Schuster, Ph.D.
Director
National Institute on Drug Abuse

For the full contents, please go to: 

Source: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=ien.35557000188076&seq=11 This version September 2023

US DRUG CZAR EXPLAINS CAUSES AND RSDT TOOL TO PREVENT TEEN DRUG USE AND OVERDOSE DEATH INTERVIEW WITH U.S. DRUG CZAR JOHN WALTERS

Introduction:  In response to recent news of a huge increase in drug overdose deaths and arrests for drug trafficking among Fairfax County youths, Fox News TV5 reporter Sherri Ly interviewed U.S. Drug Czar John Walters for his expert views on the cause and potential cure for these horrific family tragedies.  Following is a transcript of that half-hour interview with minor editing for clarity and emphasis added.  The full original interview is available through the 11/26/08 Fox5 News broadcast video available at link:

WALTERS:  Well, as this case shows, while we’ve had overall drug use go down, we still have too many young people losing their lives to drugs, either through overdoses, or addiction getting their lives off track.  So there’s a danger.  We’ve made progress, and we have tools in place that can help us make more progress, but we have to use them

Q 1:  You meet with some of these parents whose children have overdosed.  What do they tell you, and what do you tell them?

WALTERS:  It’s the hardest part of my job; meeting with parents who’ve lost a child.  Obviously they would give anything to go back, and have a chance to pull that child back from the dangerous path they were on.  There are no words that can ease their grief.  That’s something you just pray that God can give them comfort.  But the most striking thing they say to me though is they want other parents to know, to actAnd I think this is a common thing that these terrible lessons should teach us.

Many times, unfortunately, parents see signs: a change in friends, sometimes they find drugs; sometimes they see their child must be intoxicated in some way or the other.  Because it’s so frightening, because sometimes they’re ashamed – they hope it’s a phase, they hope it goes away – they try to take some half measures.  Sometimes they confront their child, and their child tells them – as believably as they ever can – that it’s the first time.  I think what we need help with is to tell people; one, it’s never the first time.  The probability is low that parents would actually recognize these signs – even when it gets visible enough to them – because children that get involved in drugs do everything they can to hide it.  It’s never the first time.  It’s never the second time.  Parents need to act, and they need to act quickly.  And the sorrow of these grieving parents is, if anything, most frequently focused on telling other parents, “Don’t wait: do anything to get your child back from the drugs.”

Secondly, I think it’s important to remember that one of the forces that are at play here is that it’s their friends.  It’s not some dark, off-putting stranger – it’s boyfriends, girlfriends.  I think that was probably a factor in this case.  And it’s also the power and addictive properties of the drug.  So your love is now being tested, and the things you’ve given your child to live by are being pulled away from them on the basis of young love and some of the most addictive substances on earth.  That’s why you have to act more strongly.  You can’t count on the old forces to bring them back to safety and health.

Q 2:  When we talk about heroin – which is what we saw in this Fairfax County drug ring, alleged drug ring – what are the risks, as far as heroin’s concerned?  I understand it can be more lethal, because a lot of people don’t know what they’re dealing with?

WALTERS:  Well it’s also more lethal because one, the drug obviously can produce cardiac and respiratory arrest.  It’s a toxic substance that is very dangerous.  It’s also the case that narcotics, like heroin – even painkillers like OxyContin, hydrocodone, which have also been a problem – are something that the human body gets used to.  So what you can frequently get on the street is a purity that is really blended for people who are addicted and have been long time addicted.  So a person who is a new user or a naïve user can more easily be overdosed, because the quantities are made for people whose bodies have adjusted to higher purities, and are seeking that effect that only the higher purity will give them in this circumstance.  So it’s particularly dangerous for new users.  But we also have to remember, it almost never starts with heroin.  Heroin is the culmination here.  I think some of the – and I’ve only seen press stories on this — some of these young people may have gotten involved as early as middle school.

We have tools so that we don’t have to lose another young woman like this– or young men.  We now have the ability to use Random Student Drug Testing (RSDT) because the Supreme Court has, in the last five years, made a decision that says it can’t be used to punish.  It’s used confidentially with parents.  We have thousands of schools now doing it since the president announced the federal government’s willingness to fund these programs in 2004.  And many schools are doing it on their own.  Random testing can do for our children what it’s done in the military, what it’s done in the transportation safety industry– significantly reduce drug use.

First, it is a powerful reason not to start.  “I get tested, I don’t have to start.”  We have to remember, it’s for prevention and not a “gotcha!”  But it’s a powerful reason for kids to say, even when a boyfriend or girlfriend says come and do this with me, “I can’t do it, I get tested.  I still like you, I still want to be your friend; I still want you to like me, but I just can’t do this,” which is very, very powerful and important.  And second, if drug use is detected the child can be referred to treatment if needed.

Q 3:  Is the peer pressure just that much that without having an excuse, that kids are using drugs and getting hooked?

WALTERS:  Well one of the other unpleasant parts of my job is I visit a lot of young people in treatment; teenagers, sometimes as young as 14, 15, but also 16, 17, 18.  It is not uncommon for me to hear from them, “I came from a good family.  My parents and my school made clear what the dangers were of drugs.  I was stupid.  I was with my boyfriend (or girlfriend) and somebody said hey, let’s go do this.  And I started, and before I knew it, I was more susceptible.

We have to also understand the science, which has told us that adolescents continue to have brain development up through age 20-25.  And their brains are more susceptible to changes that we can now image from these drugs.  So it’s not like they’re mini-adults.  They’re not mini-adults.  They’re the particularly fragile and susceptible age group, because they don’t have either the experience or the mental development of adults.  That’s why they get into trouble, that’s why it happens so fast to them, that’s why it’s so hard for them to see the ramifications.

So what does RSDT do?  It finds kids early–­ if prevention fails.  And it allows us to intervene, and it doesn’t make the parent alone in the process.  Sometimes parents don’t confront kids because kids blackmail them and say “I’m going to do it anyway, I’m going to run away from home.”  The testing brings the community together and says we’re not going to lose another child.  We’re going to do the testing in high school – if necessary, in middle school.  We’re going to wrap our community arms around that family, and get those children help.  We’re going to keep them in school, not wait for them to drop out.  And we’re certainly not going to allow this to progress until they die.

Q 4:  And in a sense, if you catch somebody early, since you’re saying the way teenagers seem to get into drug use is a friend introduces it to a friend, and then next thing you know, you have a whole circle of friends doing it.  Are you essentially drying that up at the beginning, before it gets out of hand?

WALTERS:  That is the very critical point.  It’s not only helping every child that gets tested be safer, it means that the number of young people in the peer group, in the school, in the community that can transfer this dangerous behavior to their friends shrinks.  This is communicated like a disease, except it’s not a germ or a bacillus.  It’s one child who’s doing this giving it behaviorally to their friends, and using their friendship as the poison carrier here.  It’s like they’re the apple and the poison is inside the apple.  And they trade on their friendship to get them to use.  They trade on the fact that people want acceptance, especially at the age of adolescence.  So what you do is you break that down, and you make those relationships less prone to have the poison of drugs or even underage drinking linked to them.  And of course we also lose a lot of kids because of impaired driving.

Q 5:  And how does the drug testing program work, then, in schools– the schools that do have it.  Is it completely confidential?  Are you going to call the police the minute you find a student who’s tested positive for heroin or marijuana or any other illicit drug?

WALTERS:  That’s what is great about having a Supreme Court decision.  It is settled – random testing programs cannot be used to punish, to call law enforcement; they have to be confidential.  So we have a uniform law across the land.  And what the schools that are doing RSDT are seeing is that it’s an enormous benefit to schools for a relatively small cost.  Depending on where you are in the country, the screening test is $10-40.  It’s less than what you’re going to pay for music downloads in one month for most teenage kids in most parents’ lives.  And it protects them from some of the worst things that can happen to them during adolescence.  Not only dying behind the wheel, but overdose death and addiction.

 Schools that have done RSDT have faced some controversy; so you have to sit down and talk to people; parents, the media, young people.  You have to engage the community resources.  You’re going to find some kids and families that do have treatment needs.  But with RSDT you bring the needed treatment to the kids.

I tell, a lot of times, community leaders – mayors and superintendents, school board members – that if you want to send less kids into the criminal justice system and the juvenile justice system, drug test — whether you’re in a suburban area or in an urban area.

What does the testing do?  It takes away what we know is an accelerant to self-destructive behavior: crime, fighting in school, bringing a weapon, joining a gang.  We have all kinds of irrefutable evidence now – multiple studies showing drugs and drinking at a young age accelerate those things, make them worse, make them more violent, as well as increasing their risks of overdose deaths and driving under the influence.  So drug testing makes all those things get better.  And it’s a small investment to make everything else we do work better.

Again, drug testing is not a substitute for drug education or good parenting or paying attention to healthy options for your kid.  It just makes all those things work better.

Q 6:  And I know you’ve heard this argument before, but isn’t that big brother?  Aren’t there parents out there who say to you, “I’m the parent: why are you going to test my child for drugs in school; that’s my job?” 

WALTERS:  I think that is the critical misunderstanding that we are slowly beginning to change by the science that tells us substance abuse is a disease.  It’s a disease that gets started by using the drug, and then it becomes a thing that rewires our brain and makes us dependent.  So instead of thinking of this as something that is a moral failing, we have to understand that this is a disease that we can use the kind of tools for public health – screening and interventions – to help reduce it.

Look, let me give you the counter example.  It’s really not big brother.  It’s more like tuberculosis.  Schools in our area require children to be tested for tuberculosis before they come to school.  Why do they do that?  Because we know one, they will get sicker if they have tuberculosis and it’s not treated.  And we can treat them, and we want to treat them.  And two, they will spread that disease to other children because of the nature of the contact they will have with them and spreading the infectious agent.  The same thing happens with substance abuse.  Young people get sicker if they continue to use.  And they spread this to their peers.  They’re not secretive among their peers about it; they encourage them to use them with them.  Again, it’s not spread by a bacillus, but it’s spread by behavior.

If we take seriously the fact that this is a disease and stop thinking of it as something big brother does because it’s a moral decision that somebody else is making, we can save more lives.  And I think the science is slowly telling us that we need to be able to treat this in our families, for adults and young people.  We have public health tools that we’ve used for other diseases that are very powerful here, like screening – and that’s really what the random testing is.  We’re trying to get more screening in the health care system.  So when you get a check up, when you bring your child to a pediatrician, we screen for substance abuse and underage drinking.  Because we know we can treat this, and we know that we can make the whole problem smaller when we do. 

Q 7:  You have said there were about 4,000 schools across the country now that are doing this random drug testing.  What can we see in the numbers since the Supreme Court ruling in 2002, as far as drug use in those schools, and drug use in the general population?

WALTERS:  Well, what a number of those schools have had is of course a look at the harm from student drug and alcohol use.  Some of them have put screening into place, random testing, because they’ve had a terrible accident; an overdose death; death behind the wheel.  What’s great is when school districts do this, or individual schools do this, without having to have a tragedy that triggers it.  But if you have a tragedy, I like to tell people, you don’t have to have another one.  The horrible thing about a tragic event is that most people realize those are not the only kids that are at risk.

There are more kids at risk, obviously, in our communities in the Washington, DC area where this young woman died.  We know there’s obviously more children who are at risk of using in middle school and high school.  The fact is those children don’t have to die.  We cannot bring this young lady back.  Everybody knows that.  But we can make sure others don’t follow her.  And the way we can do that is to find, through screening, who’s really using.  And then let’s get them to stop – let’s work with their families, and let’s make sure we don’t start another generation of death.  So what you see in these areas is an opportunity to really change the dynamic for the better.

Q 8:  Now, although nationally drug use among our youth is going down – what does it say to you – when I look at the numbers specific to Virginia, the most recent that I could find tells me that 3% of 12th graders, over their lifetime, have used a drug like heroin?  What does it say to you?  To me, that sounds like a lot.

WALTERS:  Yeah, and it’s absolutely true.  I think the problem here is that when you tell people we are taking efforts that are making progress nationwide, they jump to the conclusion that that means that we don’t have a problem anymore.  We need to continue to make this disease smaller.  It afflicts our young people.  It obviously also afflicts adults, but this is a problem that starts during adolescence — and pre-adolescence in some cases — in the United States.  We can make this smaller.  We not only have the tools of better prevention but also better awareness and more recognition of addiction as a disease.  We need to make that still broader.  We need to use random testing.  If we want to continue to make this smaller, and make it smaller in a permanent way, random testing is the most powerful tool we can use in schools.

We want screening in the health care system.  We have more of that going on through both insurance company reimbursement and public reimbursement through Medicare and Medicaid for those who come into the public pay system.  That needs to grow.  It needs to grow into Virginia, it’s already being looked at in DC; it needs to grow into Maryland and the other states that don’t have it.  We are pushing that, and it’s relatively new, but it’s consistent with what we’re seeing – the science and the power of screening across the board.

We need to continue to look at this problem in terms of also continuing to push on supply.  We’re working to reduce the poisons coming into our communities, which is not the opposite of demand; that we have to choose one or the other.  They work together.  Keeping kids away from drugs and keeping drugs away from kids work together.  And where we see that working more effectively, we’ll save more lives.  So again, we’ve seen that a balanced approached works, real efforts work, but we need to follow through.  And the fact that you still have too many kids at risk is an urgent need.  Today, you have kids that could be, again, victims that you have to unfortunately tell about on tonight’s news, that we can save.  It’s not a matter we don’t know how to do this.  It’s a matter of we need to take what we know and make it reality as rapidly as possible.

Q 9:  Where are these drugs coming from?  Where’s the heroin that these kids allegedly got coming from?

WALTERS:  We do testing about the drugs to figure out sources for drugs like heroin.  Principally, the heroin in the United States today has come from two sources.  Less of it’s coming out of Colombia.  Colombia used to be a source of supply on the East Coast, but the Colombian government, as a part of our engagement with them on drugs, has radically reduced the cultivation of poppy and the output of heroin.  There still is some, but it’s dramatically down from what it was even about five years ago.  Most of the rest of the heroin in the United States comes from Mexico.  And the Mexican government, of course, is engaged in a historic effort to attack the cartels.  You see this in the violence the cartels have had as a reaction.  So we have promising signs.  There are dangerous and difficult tasks ahead, but we can follow through on that as well.

Most of the heroin in the world comes from Afghanistan; 90% of it.  And we are working there, of course, as a part of our effort against the Taliban and the forces of terror and Al Qaeda, to shrink that.  The good news is that last year we had a 20% decline in cultivation and a 30% decline in output there.  Most of that does not come here, fortunately.  But it has been funding the terrorists.  It’s been drained out of most of the north and the east of the country.  It’s focused on the area where we have the greatest violence today, in the southwest.  We’re working now – you see Secretary Gates talking to the NATO allies about bringing the counter-insurgency effort together with the counter-narcotics effort to attack both of these cancers in Afghanistan.  We have a chance to change heroin availability in the world in a durable way by being successful in Afghanistan.  We’ve started that path in a positive way.  Again, it’s a matter of following through as rapidly as possible.

Q 10:  Greg Lannes, the father of the girl in Fairfax County who died, told me that one of his main efforts, as you imagined, was to let people know that those drugs, they’re coming from where it is produced, outside our country; that they’re getting all the way down to the street level and into our neighborhoods– something that people don’t realize.  So when you hear that they busted a ring of essentially teenagers who have been dealing, using and buying heroin, what does that say to you as the man in charge of combating drugs in our country?

WALTERS:  Well again, we have tools that can make this smaller.  But we have to use those tools.  And we have multiple participants here.  Yes we need to educate.  And we need to make sure that parents know they need to talk to their children, even when their children look healthy and have come from a great home.  Drugs – we’ve learned, I think, over the last 25 years or more, drugs affect everybody; rich or poor, middle class, lower class or upper class.  Every family’s been touched by this, in my experience, by alcohol or drugs.  They know that reality– we don’t need to teach them that.

What we need to teach them is the tools that we have that they can help accelerate use of.  Again, I think – there is no question in my mind that had this young woman been in a school, middle school or high school that had random testing – since that’s where this apparently started, based on the information I’ve seen in the press – she would not be dead today.  So again, we can’t go back and bring her to life.  But we can put into place the kind of screening that makes the good will and obvious love that she got from her parents, the obvious good intentions that I can’t help but believe were a part of what happened in the school, the opportunities that the community has to have a lot of resources that she didn’t get when she needed them.  And now she’s dead.  Again, we can stop this: we just have to make sure we implement that knowledge in the reality of more of our kids as fast as possible.

Q 11:  Should anyone be surprised by this case?  And that such a hardcore drug like heroin is being used by young people?

WALTERS:  We should never stop being surprised when a young person dies.  They shouldn’t die.  They shouldn’t die at that young age, and we should always demand of ourselves, even while we know that’s sometimes going to happen today, that every death is a death too many.  I think that it is very important not to say we’re going to accept a certain level.  Never accept this.  Never!  That’s my attitude, and I know that’s the president’s  attitude as well here.  Never accept that heroin’s going to get into the lives of our teenagers.  Never accept that our children are going to be able to use and not be protected.  It’s our job to protect themThey have a role, also, obviously in helping to protect themselves.  But we need to give them the tools that will help protect them.

When I talk to children and young adults in high school or college, they know what’s going on among their peers.  And in some ways, when you get them alone and they feel they can talk candidly, they tell us they don’t understand why we, as adults who say this is serious, don’t act.  They know that we see children who are intoxicated; they know that we must see signs of this, because as kid’s lives get more out of control, they show signs of it.  They want to know why we don’t act.

We can use the tools of screening, and we can use the occasion of a horrible event like this to bring the community together and say it’s time for us to use the shock and the sorrow for something positive in the future.  I haven’t met a parent of a child who’s been lost who doesn’t say I just want to use this now for something positive.  And that’s understandable, and I think we ought to honor that wish.

Q 12:  Well, I guess I’m not asking should we accept that this is in our schools, but is it naïve for people not to understand or realize that these hardcore drugs are in our schools, and in our communities, and in our neighborhoods. 

WALTERS:  Yeah.  Where it is naïve, I think, is to not recognize the extent and access that young people have to drugs and alcohol.  I think we sometimes think that because they come from a home where this isn’t a part of their lives now, that it’s not ever going to be part of their lives.  Look, your viewers should go on the computer.  Type marijuana into the Google search engine and see how many sites encourage them to use marijuana, how to get marijuana, how to grow marijuana, the great fun of marijuana.  Go on YouTube and type in marijuana, and see how many videos come up using marijuana, joking around about marijuana.  And then when you start showing one, of course the system is designed to show you similar things.  Type in heroin.  See what kind of sites come up, and see what kind of videos come up on these sites.  Young people spend more time on these sites than they do, frequently, watching television.  Remember, there is somebody telling your children things about drugs.  And if it’s not you, the chances are they’re telling them things that are false and dangerous.  So there is a kind of naiveté about what the young peoples’ world, as it presents itself to them, tells them about these substances.  It minimizes the danger, it suggests that it’s something that you can do to be more independent, not be a kid anymore. 

We, from my generation — because I’m a baby boomer — unfortunately have had an association of growing up in America with the rebellion that’s been associated with drug use.  That’s been very dangerous, and we’ve lost a lot of lives.  We have to remember that it’s alive and well, and has become part of the technological sources of information that young people have.  I also see young people in treatment centers who got in a chat room and somebody offered them drugs or offered them to come and buy them alcohol and flattered them, and got them involved in incredibly self-destructive behavior.  The computer brings every predator and every dangerous influence into your own child’s home – into their bedroom in some cases, if that’s where that computer exists.  You wouldn’t let your kids go out and play in the park with drug dealers.  If you have a computer and it’s not supervised, those drug dealers are in that computer.  Remember that.  And they’re only a couple of keystrokes away from your child.

Q 13:  And you talk about the YouTube and the computers and all those things.  What about just the overall societal image?  Because we have this whole image with heroin, of heroin chic.  How much does that contribute to the drug use, and how difficult does it make your job, when a drug is being made out to be cool in society by famous people?

WALTERS:  There are still some elements of that.  It was more prominent a number of years ago.  I would say you see less of that now glamorized in the entertainment industry, or among people who are celebrities in and out of entertainment.  You see more cases of real harm.  But it’s still out there.  The one place that I think is replacing that, just to get people ahead of the game here, is prescription pharmaceuticals.  Those have been marketed to kids on the internet as a safe high.  They falsely suggest that you can overcome the danger of an overdose because you can predict precisely the dosage of OxyContin, hydrocodone, Vicodin.  And there are sites that suggest what combination of drugs to use.  We’ve seen prescription drug use as the one counter example of a category of drug use going up among teens.  We’re trying to work on that as well, but that’s something that’s in your own home, because many people get these substances for legitimate medical care.  Young people are going to the medicine cabinet of family or friends, taking a few pills out and using those.  And those are as powerful as heroin, they’re synthetic opioids, and they have been a source of overdose deaths. 

So let’s not forget – while this Fairfax example reminds us of the issues of heroin chic and of the heroin that’s in our communities, the new large problem today is a similar dangerous substance in pill form in our own medicine cabinets.  Barrier to access is zero.  They don’t have to find a drug dealer; they just go find the medicine cabinet.  They don’t have to pay a dime for it because they just take it and they share that with their friends.  We need to remember, that’s another dimension here.  Keep these substances out of reach – under our control when we have them in our home.  Throw them away when we’re done with them.  Make sure we talk to kids about pills.  Because people, again, are telling them that’s the place to go to avoid overdose death, is to take a pill.

Q 14:  When you see a lot of these celebrities checking in and out of rehab, does it sort of glamorize it for kids?  And teach them hey, you can use, you can check into rehab, you can come back, you can – you know.  Is there a mixed message there?

WALTERS:  There is.  Some young people interpret it the way you describe; of it’s something you do and you can get away with it by going into rehab.  We do a lot of research on young people’s attitudes for purposes of helping shape prevention programs in the media, as well as in schools and for parents.  We do a lot with providing material to parents.  I would say that compared to where we’ve been in the last 15 or 20 years, there’s less glamorization today.

I think we should also remember the positive, because we reinforce that.  A lot of young people – obviously not all or we wouldn’t have this death – believe that taking drugs makes you a loser.  They’ve seen that a lot of those celebrities are showing their careers going down the toilet because they can’t get away from the pills and the drugs and the alcohol.  And I think they see that even among some of their peers.  That’s a good thing.  We should reinforce that as parents: teaching our kids that drug and alcohol use may be falsely presented to you as something you do that would make you popular, make you seem like you should have more status in society generally.  But actually, look at a lot of these people; they’ve had enormous opportunities, enormous gifts, and they can’t stop themselves from throwing them away.  And they may not stop themselves from throwing away their lives. 

I think you could use these events as a teachable moment.  It can go two ways.  Help your child understand what the truth is here.  And I tell young people – and I think parents have to start this more directly – this is the way this is going to come to you:  Somebody you really, really want to like you; somebody you really, really like; someone you may even love — or think you love — they’re going to say come and do this with me.  If you can’t find any other reason to not do this with them, say, “Before we do this, let’s go to a treatment center.  Let’s go talk to people who stood where we stood and said it’s not going to happen to me.”  If everybody, when they got the chance to start, thought of an addict or somebody who was dead, they wouldn’t start.  The fact is that does not enter their mind. 

Many people in treatment centers understand that part of the task of recovery is helping other people avoid this.  So they’re willing to talk about it.  In fact, that’s part of their path of staying clean and sober, which not many kids are going to be able to do on their own.  But it makes them think that what presents itself as something overwhelmingly attractive has behind it a horrible dimension, for their friends as well as for themselves.  And more and more, I think kids understand this.

We can use the science of this as a disease, and the experience of many families.  Remember, uncle Joe didn’t used to be like this.  Especially Thanksgiving, when we have families getting together and all of a sudden mom’s going to get loaded and become ugly in the corner.  We also have to remember we have an obligation to reach out to those people, and to get them help.  We can treat them.  Nobody gets sober, in my experience, by themselves.  They have to take responsibility.  But you have to overcome the pushback, and addiction and alcoholism have, as a part of the disease, denial.  When you tell somebody they have a problem, they get angry with you.  They don’t say hey thanks, I want your help.  They don’t hit bottom and become nice.  That’s a myth.  They need to be grabbed and encouraged and pushed.  Almost everybody in treatment is coerced – by a family member, by an employer, sometimes by the criminal justice system.

So remember that, when you find your child using and they want to lie to you up down and sideways saying, “It’s the first time I’ve ever done it.”  No, no, no, no, no, that’s the drugs talking.  That shows you, if anything, you have a bigger problem than you realized and you need to reach out, get some professional help.  But don’t wait!

Source:    National Institute of Citizen Anti-drug Policy (NICAP)

DeForest Rathbone, Chairman, Great Falls, Virginia, 703-759-2215, DZR@prodigy.net

More than 39 million adults with a substance use disorder did not receive treatment in 2022, according to the latest data from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration.

Nearly 95% of those not receiving treatment didn’t believe they needed help—but for 1.8 million adults who thought they did, barriers to treatment left them unwilling or unable to get support. Counseling Schools analyzed findings from the 2022 National Survey on Drug Use and Health (the most recent data available), compiled by SAMHSA, to highlight the most common barriers to care for adults seeking substance abuse treatment. Among these obstacles are stigma, a lack of access, various socioeconomic factors and inequities, and a person believing they could handle their disorder on their own.

A substance use disorder is caused by shifts in brain structure and function due to a pattern of substance use (including alcohol) that renders further use compulsive. These chronic conditions range in severity from mild to severe while impacting cognitive, behavioral, and physiological systems and making treatment notoriously difficult. SUDs have enormous potential to cause long-term negative impacts on people’s health, relationships, home lives, careers, and education. Changes in brain chemistry may cause some with SUDs to act out of character by lying, stealing, or showing aggression—actions that can further alienate individuals from loved ones while reinforcing stigmas around substance abuse.

In 2022, the 18- to 25-year-old age group represented the largest percentage of adults who reported having a SUD in the last year, with more than a quarter of people participating in the SAMHSA survey making that claim.

Treating substance use is among the most expensive health issues in the United States. The Biden administration in 2022 budgeted $9.7 billion for SAMHSA—up $3.7 billion the year prior—with $6.6 billion earmarked for substance use prevention and treatment. In 2023, the total budgeted for SAMSHA reached $10.7 billion. Cumulative spending for mental health and SUD treatment from public and private sources was an estimated $280.5 billion in 2020.

The constellation of care options for SUDs can be complicated to navigate, as successful treatment options are often multi-pronged and specific to an individual. Care may include inpatient and outpatient services, medications, individual and group counseling, case management with a social worker, and more.

Research into substance use science and treatment has afforded the medical community a better appreciation for addressing the full breadth of a patient’s needs, such as putting a focus on mental health care and tailoring specific treatment plans and therapy.

A multidisciplinary approach to care is paramount to tackling the complex symptoms of SUDs, while coordination between caregivers ensures any prescribed medications are complementary (especially if comorbidities such as anxiety or depression are present in a patient) and that the care provided by clinical social workers, psychiatrists, and other professionals works together holistically.

Keep reading to learn more about barriers to care for individuals living with SUDs.

Bar chart showing top 4 reasons for not receiving substance-use disorder treatment.

Counseling Schools

78% of adults with SUDs who didn’t get care thought they should handle it on their own

Analysis of the SAMSHA survey shows that more than three-quarters of adults who did not get treatment for SUDs in 2022 thought they should be able to manage their disease without seeking help. Not being ready to start treatment accounted for 61.3% of the top reasons, and 52.9% weren’t prepared to stop or decrease their useThe SAMHSA survey allowed for multiple answers.

People living with SUDs may be unwilling to seek treatment at a detox center or rehab program if they think their SUD isn’t “bad enough” to warrant it or if they think they can manage their disorder themselves.

The cost of care dissuaded about 48% of respondents. The average cost of drug rehabilitation is $13,475 per person, according to the National Center for Drug Abuse Statistics.

Bar chart showing stigma reasons for not receiving substance-use disorder treatment.

Counseling Schools

Stigma remains a major barrier to treatment

Discrimination against and stigmatization of people living with SUDs are still commonplace despite the relaxation of punitive drug policies in the U.S. Forty-six percent of those surveyed by SAMSHA said they did not pursue treatment out of worry over what others might think or say.

People’s attitudes around the cause and controllability of SUDs play into stigmatization, according to an empirical investigation published in 2010 in the Journal of Drug Issues.

How people label the behaviors of those with SUDS—or characterize the individuals themselves—can impact others’ understanding and have a domino effect on a larger scale. Public perception affects how policymakers allocate resources, the willingness of some providers to screen and address SUDs, and the desire for people living with SUDs to seek or accept treatment themselves.

Fear and shame around breaches of confidentiality are also of major concern for people with SUDs who didn’t get treatment: 38% thought that if people knew they were receiving care, negative repercussions would occur up to and including the loss of their job, home, or children. Thirty-five percent were deterred by the idea that people would find out their private information about their SUD treatment.

Stigmas also play heavily into racial inequities when it comes to treatment. Drug policies in the U.S.—such as the War on Drugs in the ’70s and the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986—have historically criminalized Black Americans with substance use, deterring them from getting needed treatment.

Racial bias in the health care system further contributes to treatment gaps. In a study released in 2023 by researchers at Dartmouth’s Geisel School of Medicine and the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, white patients with opium use disorders who experienced an infection, overdose, or other high-risk event received and filled prescriptions as much as 80% more frequently than Black patients and 25% more than Hispanic patients, among Medicare beneficiaries with active OUD symptoms and disability.

The study’s authors concluded: “These disparities are unlikely to close without the structural barriers and structural racism obstructing equitable access to medications for OUD, such as stigma and geographic maldistribution of relevant providers, being addressed.”

Bar chart showing cost and lack of access reasons for not receiving substance-use disorder treatment.

Counseling Schools

For those seeking treatment, access to care is crucial

Those who do want to seek treatment may face a range of barriers inhibiting access to services, including a lack of capacity to meet demand—or, for 42% of adults living with SUDS, insufficient health insurance to cover it. Nearly 38% of respondents said their health insurance wouldn’t cover enough of the costs to make it feasible.

Treatment can also be logistically unpractical and time-intensive. People needing time off work might experience anxiety over losing their jobs and affording health care, childcare, or housing. Care may also be geographically far—even hours—away, particularly for people living rurally with large service areas. Long distances require even more logistics around transportation, time, and accommodations.

Barriers to receiving care in the U.S. can be high—but so can the toll on those not receiving vital treatment. Emergency department visits for alcohol use disorders and SUDs rose by 30% on average between 2014-2018 in the U.S. while SUDS-related hospitalizations climbed by 57%, according to a study published in the Journal of General Internal Medicine.

At the same time, experts are understanding more about gender- and race-based inequities when it comes to treatment due to a growing body of research that leverages an intersectional approach to the study of SUD treatment. Additional research like this, along with the dismantling of stigmas and increased access to essential care, can begin to remove some of the most common barriers to SUD treatment.

Story editing by Nicole Caldwell. Copy editing by Kristen Wegrzyn.

This story originally appeared on Counseling Schools and was produced and distributed in partnership with Stacker Studio.

Source: https://seattlemedium.com/why-most-americans-who-need-substance-use-disorder-treatment-dont-get-it/

A CONVERSATION WITH … Dr. Nora Volkow, who leads the National Institutes of Drug Abuse, would like the public to know things are getting better. Mostly. Volkov says:  “People don’t really realize that among young people, particularly teenagers, the rate of drug use is at the lowest risk that we have seen in decades,” 

NYTimes    April 6, 2024

Historically speaking, it’s not a bad time to be the liver of a teenager. Or the lungs.

Regular use of alcohol, tobacco and drugs among high school students has been on a long downward trend.

In 2023, 46 percent of seniors said that they’d had a drink in the year before being interviewed; that is a precipitous drop from 88 percent in 1979, when the behavior peaked, according to the annual Monitoring the Future survey, a closely watched national poll of youth substance use. A similar downward trend was observed among eighth and 10th graders, and for those three age groups when it came to cigarette smoking. In 2023, just 15 percent of seniors said that they had smoked a cigarette in their life, down from a peak of 76 percent in 1977.

Illicit drug use among teens has remained low and fairly steady for the past three decades, with some notable declines during the Covid-19 pandemic.

In 2023, 29 percent of high school seniors reported using marijuana in the previous year — down from 37 percent in 2017, and from a peak of 51 percent in 1979.

Dr. Nora Volkow has devoted her career to studying use of drugs and alcohol. She has been the director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse since 2003. She sat down with The New York Times to discuss changing patterns and the reasons behind shifting drug-use trends.

What’s the big picture on teens and drug use?

People don’t really realize that among young people, particularly teenagers, the rate of drug use is at the lowest risk that we have seen in decades. And that’s worth saying, too, for legal alcohol and tobacco.

What do you credit for the change?

One major factor is education and prevention campaigns. Certainly, the prevention campaign for cigarette smoking has been one of the most effective we’ve ever seen.

Some of the policies that were implemented also significantly helped, not just making the legal age for alcohol and tobacco 21 years, but enforcing those laws. Then you stop the progression from drugs that are more accessible, like tobacco and alcohol, to the illicit ones. And teenagers don’t get exposed to advertisements of legal drugs like they did in the past. All of these policies and interventions have had a downstream impact on the use of illicit drugs.

Does social media use among teens play a role?

Absolutely. Social media has shifted the opportunity of being in the physical space with other teenagers. That reduces the likelihood that they will take drugs. And this became dramatically evident when they closed schools because of Covid-19. You saw a big jump downward in the prevalence of use of many substances during the pandemic. That might be because teenagers could not be with one another.

The issue that’s interesting is that despite the fact schools are back, the prevalence of substance use has not gone up to the prepandemic period. It has remained stable or continued to go down. It was a big jump downward, a shift, and some drug use trends continue to slowly go down.

Is there any thought that the stimulation that comes from using a digital device may satisfy some of the same neurochemical experiences of drugs, or provide some of the escapism?

Yes, that’s possible. There has been a shift in the types of reinforcers available to teenagers. It’s not just social media, it’s video gaming, for example. Video gaming can be very reinforcing, and you can produce patterns of compulsive use. So, you are shifting one reinforcer, one way of escaping, with another one. That may be another factor.

Is it too simplistic to see the decline in drug use as a good news story?

If you look at it in an objective way, yes, it’s very good news. Why? Because we know that the earlier you are using these drugs, the greater the risk of becoming addicted to them. It lowers the risk these drugs will interfere with your mental health, your general health, your ability to complete an education and your future job opportunities. That is absolutely good news.

But we don’t want to become complacent.

The supply of drugs is more dangerous, leading to an increase in overdose deaths. We’re not exaggerating. I mean, taking one of these drugs can kill you.

What about vaping? It has been falling, but use is still considerably higher than for cigarettes: In 2021, about a quarter of high school seniors said that they had vaped nicotine in the preceding year. Why would teens resist cigarettes and flock to vaping?

Most of the toxicity associated with tobacco has been ascribed to the burning of the leaf. The burning of that tobacco was responsible for cancer and for most of the other adverse effects, even though nicotine is the addictive element.

What we’ve come to understand is that nicotine vaping has harms of its own, but this has not been as well understood as was the case with tobacco. The other aspect that made vaping so appealing to teenagers was that it was associated with all sorts of flavors — candy flavors. It was not until the F.D.A. made those flavors illegal that vaping became less accessible.

My argument would be there’s no reason we should be exposing teenagers to nicotine. Because nicotine is very, very addictive.

We also have all of this interest in cannabis and psychedelic drugs. And there’s a lot of interest in the idea that psychedelic drugs may have therapeutic benefits. To prevent these new trends in drug use among teens requires different strategies than those we’ve used for alcohol or nicotine.

For example, we can say that if you take drugs like alcohol or nicotine, that can lead to addiction. That’s supported by extensive research. But warning about addiction for drugs like cannabis and psychedelics may not be as effective.

While cannabis can also be addictive, it’s perhaps less so than nicotine or alcohol, and more research is needed in this area, especially on newer, higher-potency products. Psychedelics don’t usually lead to addiction, but they can produce adverse mental experiences that can put you at risk of psychosis.

Matt Richtel is a health and science reporter for The Times, based in Boulder, Colo. More about Matt Richtel

In 2020 Oregon voters approved Measure 110, the nation’s first law decriminalizing possession of small amounts of drugs, including fentanyl, heroin and methamphetamines. Under Measure 110, people cited for drug possession had the option of paying a $100 fine or calling a hotline for treatment. Oregon committed marijuana tax revenue to addiction and recovery services, but in the first year after decriminalization, only 136 people in the state chose to enter treatment. Instead, the state saw a proliferation of open-air drug markets and a rise in crime, homelessness and overdoses.

A public backlash ensued, and last summer a poll of 1,000 registered voters found that two-thirds wanted a major change in the law. A campaign to “fix and improve” Measure 110 has proposed to recriminalize the possession of fentanyl, methamphetamine and cocaine, prohibit the use of these drugs in public, and make drug treatment mandatory.

Popular opinion holds that an addict cannot be helped until he or she wants to quit, and there is overwhelming agreement among experts that it is preferable for people to choose to enter care rather than be forced into it. But research has borne out the conclusion of a 1990 Institute of Medicine report that “criminal justice pressure does not seem to vitiate treatment effectiveness, and it probably improves retention.”

Most people who are addicted do not want to enter a treatment program. Data from the federal Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration show that in 2022, a staggering 94.8% of people with a drug or alcohol use disorder within the past year “did not seek treatment and did not think they should get treatment.” Those who do voluntarily enter treatment usually don’t complete it. About one-third of voluntary patients drop out of treatment before completion, according to government data. Other studies show that up to 80% leave by the end of the first year. Among dropouts, relapse within a year is the rule.

One of the earliest demonstrations of the value of compelled treatment comes from the California Civil Addict program, established in the 1960s for both criminal and non-criminal drug addicts. The program included an average of 18 months in residential treatment. Patients received drug treatment, job training and education with transition services. Upon release, they were to spend up to five additional years being closely monitored and undergoing weekly urine toxicology tests. During the program’s first two years, however, judges and other officials mistakenly released about half the patients from mandatory treatment after only minimal exposure to the initial, residential part of the program.

A natural experiment was born, allowing researchers to compare people who finished treatment with those who were inadvertently released. After reviewing records and interviewing almost 1,000 “out of control” heroin-addicted participants, the researchers found that, seven years after admission to the program, participants who were prematurely released went back to using heroin at more than twice the rate of those who completed 18 months of compulsory residential care.

Today the U.S. has about 4,000 drug courts that offer an alternative to incarceration for addicts who commit nonviolent crimes. Defendants who choose drug court remain in treatment for one to two years under close supervision, including routine urine testing. Once participants complete the treatment program, their record is expunged—a big dangling carrot. A 2002 study in the Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency looked at 235 arrestees in Baltimore who were randomly assigned to either drug court or typical community supervision, which might include regular meetings with probation officers and referral to drug treatment services. The study found that those in drug court were one-third as likely to be rearrested after a year.

These and other studies show that people who are mandated to undergo addiction treatment fare at least as well as those who volunteer. In the 2000s, a group of Stanford researchers compared a group of patients required by a court attend drug treatment with others who entered care voluntarily. At one year and five years following enrollment, the mandated and voluntary patients made similar improvements in areas such as drug use, criminal activity and employment status. Notably, the groups were equally satisfied with their treatment experience.

Compulsory treatment offers a chance to rescue people earlier in their “careers” of drug addiction, when intervention can produce greater lifetime benefits. And mandated care can ensure that people remain in treatment and don’t drop out, which is consistently shown to be one of the best predictors of a successful outcome. The longer participants stay in care, the more likely they are to internalize the values and goals of recovery.

Some critics say that compelling treatment for addiction is unethical because addiction is a disease. But it is not a classic, involuntary illness; it is a behavior that entails choice and responds to consequences. An approach known as “contingency management” offers people undergoing drug treatment a positive incentive by offering small rewards for meeting expectations; for instance, a negative drug test might earn movie tickets or a gift cards.

As for negative incentives, almost everyone who enrolls in Dr. Satel’s methadone clinic arrives under pressure, whether from a fed-up spouse, an angry boss or a probation officer. And mandatory treatment is far less restrictive than jail, where many addicts end up when they commit drug-related crimes such as theft, child neglect or threatening public safety.

For people who are so chronically intoxicated that they can’t meet their own basic needs, there is also the alternative of civil commitment. In October, California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a law reforming the state’s conservatorship system to make it easier to compel treatment for people suffering from mental illness or drug addiction.

 PHOTO: MARY HUDETZ/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Workers clear syringes and other drug paraphernalia from a vacant lot in Albuquerque, N.M.,August 2019. Mandatory treatment programs can offer accountability when drug users threaten public safety.

Critics are correct, however, to point to the inconsistent quality of addiction treatment programs. Until relatively recently, many drug courts were reluctant to allow participants to use proven medications such as methadone or buprenorphine for opioid addiction. In Oregon, the effort to expand treatment under Measure 110 failed in part because the infrastructure was not put in place quickly enough. If mandated treatment becomes more common nationwide, services will need to ramp up quickly.

Oregon may no longer incarcerate people solely for possessing a small amount of drugs, but there is still a need for accountability when someone with a substance use disorder threatens public safety. By mandating high-quality treatment programs for offenders, and providing care for those who can’t otherwise maintain their own safety, the state could turn its failed experiment into a valuable lesson.

Dr. Sally Satel is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and medical director of a methadone clinic in Washington, D.C. Kevin Sabet, Ph.D., is a former White House adviser and President and CEO of the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions.

Source:  https://www.wsj.com/health/healthcare/addiction-treatment-can-work-even-when-its-not-voluntary-a81f86ac

As with any addiction, alcoholism is closely connected with stress. And while plenty of people first started drinking as a way to cope with stress or even just wind down after a long day, developing an alcohol use disorder can end up causing significant stresses of its own. If you’re thinking about pursuing alcohol use disorder treatment for yourself or for a loved one, it can be helpful to understand how alcohol is connected to stress.

Present Stress That Can Lead to Alcohol Use

While stresses from your past can certainly contribute to alcoholism, plenty of people also start to develop alcohol use disorder as they struggle to cope with current stress. Often, people end up turning to alcohol in order to try to manage the stresses of day-to-day life. These can include pressure at work or at school, marriage, and divorce, moving, and financial issues.

Minority stress is also an important consideration. If you’re a minority (either in terms of race/ethnicity or sexual orientation), you face unique stresses. You might stress about being passed over for a promotion at work, and you also might fear harassment or becoming the victim of a hate crime.

It’s important to note that stress alone typically does not cause a substance use disorder. However, significant stresses may place you at higher risk of developing one, and high stress levels in sobriety can also make relapse more likely. High stress is a risk factor for alcoholism, along with the following:

Past Stress That Can Lead to Alcohol Use

Unfortunately, it isn’t just current stressful events that can predispose you to drink more. Stresses and traumas from your past can also play a role in alcoholism. Several studies point to childhood abuse and neglect as being a significant factor in the development of an alcohol use disorder. One study found that emotional abuse and neglect were most commonly seen in men and women seeking help for alcoholism. The severity of their alcoholism correlated with the severity of the abuse.

Past traumas, even if they were not experienced in childhood, may also make someone more likely to experience alcoholism. Many people with an alcohol use disorder also have PTSD. As with other mental health diagnoses, the relationship between alcoholism and PTSD becomes a vicious cycle. Alcohol use makes PTSD symptoms worse, and the PTSD symptoms make alcoholism worse.

If you have experienced trauma and are also struggling with alcohol use disorder, it’s easy to feel as though there is no hope. But at Granite Recovery Centers, we offer evidence-based therapies including trauma therapy. In therapy for trauma and PTSD, you will be able to process your trauma and develop healthier coping strategies to help you avoid self-destructive behaviors. With these therapies, you’ll be able to break the cycle of worsening symptoms and experience a greater quality of life.

How Can Alcohol Use Cause Stress?

While it might seem logical that alcohol use can cause stress, there’s also a good bit of biochemical evidence to explain, at least in part, how alcohol shapes your stress response. Even in the short term, alcohol consumption increases levels of cortisol. Cortisol is known as the stress hormone, and your body also releases it during periods of intense anxiety or fear. In the short term, a cortisol release can be helpful — it increases alertness and focus, which was helpful evolutionarily because it helped humans and animals get themselves out of dangerous situations.

However, having elevated cortisol over a long period of time can be detrimental, exhausting, and even dangerous. And in chronic heavy drinkers and those with alcohol use disorder, cortisol isn’t just elevated during intoxication — it stays elevated through withdrawal. In fact, one study even found that cortisol increased as intoxicated people started moving toward withdrawals. If you’ve ever experienced intense anxiety when withdrawing from alcohol, you’ve felt this cortisol surge firsthand.

Because most people with an alcohol use disorder go through a near-constant cycle of intoxication and withdrawal, cortisol can remain elevated for years on end. Chronically elevated cortisol can cause a number of ill health effects:

  • Slow healing (of wounds, broken bones, etc.)
  • Acne
  • Thinning skin
  • Weight gain
  • Extreme fatigue
  • Irritability
  • Trouble focusing
  • Muscle weakness
  • Headaches
  • Elevated blood pressure

Chronically elevated cortisol may cause other health problems as well, but more research is needed to determine exactly what these effects are. Of course, the physical stresses of elevated cortisol combined with chronic heavy drinking can mean your body is put through a lot of physical stress as well as emotional stress.

You already know that plenty of people use alcohol to alleviate stress, but over time, alcohol can cause its own significant stresses. As mentioned above, the elevated cortisol you experience while intoxicated and in withdrawal can cause significant emotional distress. When your body is under stress, and elevated cortisol is effectively causing a constant stress response, it becomes significantly more difficult to handle even everyday stresses.

And in some cases (like when you are intoxicated enough to experience blackouts or respiratory suppression), being intoxicated can be a stressful experience in itself. And for many people with an alcohol use disorder, that stressful experience is something they experience on a daily or near-daily basis. Some of the physical effects of heavy drinking — including dizziness, nausea, headaches, and dehydration — can compound the emotional stress you’re already feeling.

Many people also consciously or unconsciously use alcohol to self-medicate psychiatric disorders, including depression and bipolar disorder. However, in many cases, alcohol use worsens the symptoms of mental health issues, which can cause considerably more emotional distress on a daily basis. In some cases, heavy alcohol use can even contribute to the development of new mental health diagnoses.

If you’ve been using alcohol to help manage a mental health diagnosis (or to help manage a mental health issue that has not yet been diagnosed), Granite Recovery Centers’ dual diagnosis treatment program can help you. With this approach, medical and recovery professionals work with you to find better treatments and coping mechanisms for your mental health diagnosis while also helping you manage your alcohol use disorder. In many cases, this treatment approach will greatly improve your quality of life, as you’ll be much better equipped to manage both diagnoses.

Regardless of whether you have a mental health diagnosis or not, heavy alcohol use can begin to cause stress as it starts to affect the rest of your life. For example, you may constantly worry whether someone will smell alcohol on your breath at work, or you may worry about when you can take another drink. For many people with an alcohol use disorder, it can start to feel like leading a double life, which becomes exhausting and highly stressful over time. And as a person starts to drink more, they often become more socially isolated. Feeling isolated can increase stress, and the person may then continue drinking heavily to cope with that stress.

If you struggle with an alcohol use disorder or other substance use disorder, you already know just how stressful day-to-day life can become. If you have to drink to get rid of withdrawal symptoms and can’t control your drinking once you start, it’s easy to feel trapped, which is, of course, a major stress in itself. If you feel this way, you aren’t alone — taking the first steps to get help can free you from the seemingly unending cycle of alcohol use.

How Do I Know If I’ve Developed an Alcohol Use Disorder?

If you have started using alcohol as a way to cope with stress, it can be difficult to tell whether you have developed an alcohol use disorder or if you are beginning to develop one. While you’ll need to consult a medical professional if you’re looking for a definite diagnosis, you can look for some of the common signs:

  • Spending a lot of time both drinking and recovering from drinking
  • Not being able to control how much you drink once you start
  • Continuing to drink even when you experience negative consequences
  • Giving up on hobbies or responsibilities in order to drink
  • Developing an alcohol tolerance
  • Craving alcohol or becoming preoccupied with drinking when you can’t drink
  • Experiencing withdrawal symptoms when you don’t drink (or drinking to ensure you avoid these symptoms)
  • Using alcohol when it is dangerous to do so (like when you’re driving)

Binge drinking can also be a sign of a developing alcohol use disorder. Binge drinking is defined as consuming five or more standard drinks in two hours for men and consuming four or more standard drinks in two hours for women. On its own, binge drinking doesn’t necessarily indicate an alcohol use disorder, but it could be a sign that one is starting to develop.

It’s important to keep in mind that alcohol use disorders are on a spectrum. Milder cases tend to have fewer symptoms present, while more severe cases have more. Even if you think you only have a mild case, you can still benefit tremendously from treatment. Most cases of alcohol use disorder become progressively worse over time.

How Can Treatment Help?

If you’re unfamiliar with substance use disorder treatment, you may think residential treatment’s only benefit is preventing you from accessing your substance of choice. This couldn’t be further from the truth. A good residential treatment program takes a holistic approach to help you improve your life.

In most cases (and definitely in severe cases), a stay at a residential treatment center begins with a medical detox program. In medical detox, you’ll be supervised by a doctor and likely given medication to prevent seizures and other complications of alcohol withdrawal. Withdrawing from alcohol on your own can be very dangerous, and inpatient detox can ensure that you’re safe. Granite Recovery Centers provides medical detoxification for people who do not need immediate medical intervention, are not a danger to themselves, and are capable of self-evacuation in the event of an emergency.

Once you’re in treatment, you’ll work with counselors and medical professionals to help you identify issues that make you want to drink. These professionals will help you develop healthier coping mechanisms to deal with stress so you’ll be less likely to turn to alcohol in the future. You may get to participate in cognitive behavioral therapy and dialectical behavioral therapy, as well as trauma therapy if needed.

Nutritional deficiencies developed while drinking heavily can add to stress and feeling generally unwell, so residential rehabilitation includes healthy food and ample exercise opportunities. And if you have a co-occurring mental health condition, on-site professionals will help you develop an effective treatment plan.

Ready to Take the Next Step?

Alcohol is an easy answer to stress for many people. But if you have an alcohol use disorder, chances are good that alcohol only causes more stress and worsens the stress you already have. And if the prospect of quitting by yourself seems like too much, don’t worry—the professionals working with Granite Recovery Centers will be helping you every step of the way. If you’re ready to change your life, give us a call at 855-712-7784 today!

Source: https://www.graniterecoverycenters.com/resources/the-connection-between-stress-and-alcoholism/ April 2021

The study by Sadananda et al published in the current issue of the IJMR highlights the neurophysiological basis of altered cognition in subjects with opioid addiction. The study demonstrated aberrant network activity between the default mode network (DMN) and fronto-parietal attentional network (FAN) as a major cause for working memory deficits in drug addiction. Working memory is an important to retain the cognitive information essential for goal directed behaviours. Human beings are endowed with an efficient cognitive faculty of working memory, essential for efficient functioning of the executive network system of the brain. As working memory is the key to carry out any cognitive process involving attention, volition, planning, goal directed behaviour, etc., consciousness is linked largely to working memory processing. The importance of integrating neuroscience knowledge especially the executive functions of human brain in leadership has been taught in neuro-leadership programs as a mean to maximize the human capabilities, productivity, creativity, leadership, wellness, positive attitude.

Aberrant network activities and structural deficits in brain areas of executive functioning impede most of our intellect including mental flexibility, novel problem solving, behavioural inhibition, memory, learning, planning, judgement, emotion regulation, self-control and other social functioning. Deficits in working memory and attention owing to reduced fronto-parietal network (FPN) activity is reported in schizophrenia, autism, attention deficit hyperactive disorder (ADHD) and anxiety disorders. Opioid addiction is reported to impede such dynamicity of the executive system leading to a wide range of deficits in cognition. Opioid addiction alters the network integrity between DMN and FPN networks and weakens the cognitive information processing in cognitively challenging paradigms. Dysfunctional dynamics of DMN activity is believed to contribute to impaired self-awareness, negative emotions and addiction related ruminations. Aberrant DMN activity and reduced medial prefrontal cortical functions are common neural phenotypes of cognitive deficits in conditions like mental illness, drug addiction, sleep deprivation and neurodegenerative disorders. People with substance use disorders develop mental illnesses as a serious comorbidity that in turn, leads to severe behavioural impairments at the social, emotional and cognitive domains. Chronic sleep deprivation associated with drug addiction and substance abuse is another predisposing factor that worsen the behavioural impairments. Over all, drug addiction, substance abuse and the subsequent maladaptive behaviours including mental illness and sleep deprivation trigger a complex set of network instability in the domains of cognition and affect. The euphoria and hallucinating experience of drugs of abuse would soon lead to psychological distress and to cognitive and emotional behavioural impairments due to the disruption of various top down and bottom-up network dynamics.

Substance use disorders are an imminent socio-economic burden and have become a major public health concern worldwide. Despite knowing the harmful effects and consequences of drug use, reports say that the youth especially the adolescents have a tendency to continue the habit. There is a need to have effective measures in place such as educational programmes to improve the self-efficacy of parents and family members to help their children to develop the right behavioural attitude, enhance the capacity building in teachers to strengthen the self-esteem and wellness of students to organize substance use control awareness programmes in coordination with NGOs at educational institutions, involvement of television and other visual and social media platforms to organise substance abuse control programmes and for interactive opportunity for children/youth with educators, researchers and professionals, organization of knowledge dissemination programmes to the public/schools/colleges to highlight the adverse effects of drug abuse on mental health and cognition. Introduction to such knowledge sharing platforms such as the Virtual Knowledge Network (VKN) at NIMHANS, Bengaluru, provide interactive skill building opportunities to safeguard them from substance abuse and addiction. People should have easy access to such services and rehabilitation centers. Various behavioural intervention strategies such as cognitive retraining, psychotherapy, yoga therapy, mindfulness-based intervention programmes etc. are reported to improve cognitive abilities, regulation of negative emotions and restoration of motivational behaviours. A study on single night exposure to olfactory aversive conditioning during sleep helped to quit addiction to cigarette smoking temporarily. Such studies highlight the possibility of learning new behaviours during sleep and its positive impact on wake associated behaviours. Such approaches are quite useful, easily testable and cost-effective. Thanks to the incredible phenomenon of adult brain plasticity, it is possible to re-establish social intelligence, prosocial motivation among people with substance abuse.

Source: Drug addiction – How it hijacks our cognition & consciousness – PMC (nih.gov) October 2021

Opioids have become a full-blown national crisis of epidemic proportions, killing 130 people each day. Drug overdose is now the number-one cause of death for Americans under 50. One doctor at the top of her game—who knew the risks better than anyone—almost became another statistic.

Alison ran around her palatial six-bedroom house in Georgia on a crisp January night in 2016, preparing to depart the next day for a family ski trip in Colorado. She washed dishes, tidied counters, put in several loads of laundry, and crossed items off her packing list. Whenever she found a moment alone—every 45 minutes or so—she retrieved the syringe containing sufentanil she’d tucked inside the Ugg boots she wore around her house, pulled a makeshift tourniquet out of her hooded sweatshirt, found a usable vein, and plunged the needle into her arm, delivering one tenth of a milliliter of the most powerful opioid available for use in humans.

That night, as Alison hustled her house into order, she shot up in her 13-year-old daughter’s closet (she once used her ballet-shoe laces as a tourniquet), her oldest son’s bathroom (he was away at college), the kitchen pantry (she sometimes kept vials inside boxes of dry pasta), the laundry room (her favorite place to use), the bathroom (her least favorite), and the stairway leading up to the second floor, where she could gauge if family members were getting close.

By the end of the night, she had polished off two milliliters, an amount that could kill an average-size adult if given in a single dose. Sufentanil is an opioid painkiller five to seven times more potent than fentanyl—another powerful opioid—at the time of peak effect and 4,521 times more powerful than morphine, but Alison wasn’t intimidated. As an anesthesiologist, she’d spent her entire professional life delivering such substances to patients during surgery.

What Alison didn’t know then was that in just over two months, her whole world would come crashing down. She had no idea that three nurses would grow wise to the ways she was stealing drugs from the hospital. Or that she’d spend 90 days at an in-treatment center, followed by a five-year monitoring program for physicians. All she was thinking about that night was that her drugs of choice, sufentanil and fentanyl, made her happy at a time when her work demands were overwhelming and her second marriage was falling apart. “It was immediate; everything just chilled out. For me, it felt like when you have a really good glass of wine and you’re like, ‘Ahhh,’ ” says Alison, now 46. “During that time, that was the only thing I looked forward to. That was really the only thing that was good in a day of life for me.”

Before she started abusing opioids six months earlier, Alison had never used a drug recreationally other than a puff of marijuana during high school. (She didn’t like it.) She enjoyed a glass of red wine with dinner once or twice a month but hadn’t ever thought of using the substances she injected into patients all day, every day. “I’d been in anesthesia for 18 years, and it never even tempted me,” she says. “I never wondered what it felt like. It did not enter my mind.”

Alison was raised in a small town in Tennessee, the third youngest of seven children born to strict, conservative Christian parents. Her father is a physicist who liked to pose math questions at the dinner table (“In a group of 27 kids, there are 13 more girls than boys. How many girls and boys are there? Go!”), and her mother is a stay-at-home mom. For vacation, “we didn’t go to the beach or Disney World; we went to a place with a telescope or a planetarium,” says Alison, recalling one trip in which they piled in a station wagon and drove to South Dakota to watch an eclipse.

Today, three siblings are physicians, one worked for the CIA, and another chaired a university department. Alison likes to joke that she’s the underachiever in the family, and though she deserves no such title, the lifelong pressure she felt to outperform her siblings took a toll. “I was raised in a family where the lowest thing that was allowed was perfection,” she says. “I felt like I needed to do more, always. That was a big thing that came up in treatment—that my ‘good enough’ wasn’t good enough.” She had an eating disorder as a young teen and remembers dropping 30 pounds from her petite frame one summer by consuming only iceberg lettuce and fat-free French dressing. She says she felt like a failure because a younger sister weighed 15 pounds less.

One of Alison’s older brothers taught her square roots when she was two years old. (“It was like his little dog and pony trick to show me off to his friends,” says Alison, laughing.) She took up the violin at age four and started piano lessons when she was six. She skipped first and seventh grades and completed high school in three years, graduating days after she turned 16. She finished college in three years too and enrolled in medical school in California at 19. A wunderkind, yes, but she wonders now about the damage racing through her youth caused. “Perfectionism is horrible,” Alison says. “I know that I didn’t develop good coping mechanisms. Some of my treatment team thinks I got stunted.”

Medical school was the first time Alison had to study in her life. She chose to specialize in anesthesia because of how tangible it was. “I liked how when someone’s blood pressure is high, you give them medicine and it goes down,” she says. “That immediate gratification.” She married a man she met while she was in medical school when she was 22 and had her first son one month before graduation. (Her second son was born during her residency.)

Three years of her medical schooling were paid for by the Navy (“With my dad being a teacher and me being one of seven kids, there was no money,” she explains), so after finishing her residency, she paid the military back with three years of service, during which she was stationed at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center in Bethesda, Maryland. True to form, Alison was not just any anesthesiologist in the Navy, she was the one asked to do the anesthesia for a president (“A huge honor,” she says) and a high-ranking senator. (She was called in from maternity leave after giving birth to her daughter at the surgeon’s request.)

Alison left the Navy in 2003 and moved to Georgia, about an hour from where she grew up. She and her husband wanted to raise their kids in the South, and she was eager for a slower pace. The years of schooling and success with three young children had been hard on her marriage. “I fell in love with my kids immediately, and I let the marriage slip,” Alison explains. “I put my kids before my husband.”

Source: An Opioid Addict Who Was Also a Top Doctor Shares Her Story of Recovery | Marie Claire February 2019

Substance use has often been described as “bad learning” linked with impairments in reward processing and decision-making, but there is little substantial research to support this idea. A recent study by Byrne et al. suggests that substance misuse not only promotes harmful habit formation, which might undermine survival, but also makes it difficult to stop using.

Model-free vs. Model-based Learning

The “Dual Systems” theory of reinforcement learning defines two distinct systems:

  1. The model-based, or goal-directed system, where actions are planned and purposeful, and we learn about the connection between actions and outcomes, and how to modify our behavior to achieve the desired outcome. This system requires more cognitive processing and is more flexible and controlled.

  2. The model-free, or habit-based system, where learning is informed by reflexive responses to stimuli – like compulsive substance use and cravings. This system of learning is less flexible and is more controlled by automatic processing.

The differences between the two systems of learning have been highlighted by researchers in relation to harmful habitual behaviors such as substance use. One school of thought suggests that learning informed by the model-free system, with more of a focus on instinctual response to stimuli and less of a focus on conscious and informed decision-making, sets a person up to be more likely to engage in detrimental behaviors like substance use.

There is evidence that progressing from first use to misuse and addiction is paralleled by a shift from planned, purposeful, and goal-directed behavior to behavior that is habitual and reflexive. This progression and subsequent loss of control has been discussed by National Institutes on Drug Abuse Director Dr. Nora Volkow in her keynote speech at the APA and in her blog about free will. Model-free, conditioned learning means it is harder for a person to engage their frontal lobes, the part of the brain that helps us prioritize healthy, long-term and rational decisions. Repeated problematic substance use initiates a process where humans begin to respond more instinctually to the substance, wanting more and more of it over time. Use begets use, which leads to maladaptive behaviors centered around obtaining and using the substance to trigger the very same dopamine response that drives and reinforces model-free, habitual learning.

Substance Use and Reward Devaluation

Reward devaluation is a process that occurs in the brain where the value of a desirable outcome, like singing in a band, mentoring, or maintaining sobriety is reduced significantly. This process plays into why improving treatment outcomes can be so hard – treatment for addiction is not as “reinforcing” in the brain as substance use. Compulsive drug use is considered “highly pleasurable” by the parts of the brain that control decision-making when people are heavily addicted and feel as though they need the substance to survive. But treatment? not so much — long-term treatment is difficult to complete without continual support and a long-term treatment plan. Many patients stop attending treatment and/or support groups, and taking prescribed medications unless they are compelled to follow a set treatment plan and have adequate supports in place to help keep them on track.

Addiction is correlated to a considerable decrease in a person’s ability to devalue or disengage from habits learned through the model-free system. This means that problematic substance use affects our ability to make decisions and as the disorder progresses, we begin to put less value on long-term rewards and more value on immediately satisfying a need. Gradually, short term needs, like substance use, override long-term needs, like maintaining employment or investing in personal relationships.

Goals of Study

  1. To examine the associations between model-based and model-free learning with a wide array of substance use behaviors. The process used to determine this was measuring individual variations in eye-blink rate, an indirect proxy for dopamine functioning, a key neural process related to model-free learning.

  2. To assess whether problematic substance use predicted reward disengagement.

Why is This Important?

Patients with substance use disorders are driven to use despite harmful consequences, and although addiction is understood more and more as an acquired brain disease, many are still mystified as to why those suffering can’t manage to break their “habit.” This study helps foster a greater understanding of the mechanisms that explain why. Use may be thought of as “recreational” by the user, but it poses a challenge to the brain, reinforcement systems, and reward hierarchies, which can change a person quickly and in a way that is hard for those around them to understand. Once reward-outcome associations are well established— i.e., taking drugs makes a person “feel good”— individuals with substance use disorders have changed the most basic mechanisms in their brain, and will have more difficulty disengaging from the habitual tendencies. It is not clear how individual experiences, genetics, trauma, and other factors change the speed of these changes. That said, the results of this study are consistent with previous data depicting how alcohol dependence indicates a greater likelihood that a person has habit-based learning strategies over goal-directed strategies. The results do not, however, provide us with more information about whether biological recovery is possible, and how we could make recovery more likely and sustainable for patients.

Authors state that current findings highlight how problems with substance use go beyond the realms of habit formation: they also influence the process of disengaging or “breaking” habits by making it more difficult for individuals with substance use disorders to stop using substances. A better understanding of the mechanisms in the brain that take over once substance use becomes problematic may help us create more effective prevention campaigns and treatments once substance use progresses to a harmful habit.

Source: Why are habits so hard to break? (addictionpolicy.org) May 2019, updated October 2022

Abstract

Opioid use disorder is a highly disabling psychiatric disorder, and is associated with both significant functional disruption and risk for negative health outcomes such as infectious disease and fatal overdose. Even among those who receive evidence-based pharmacotherapy for opioid use disorder, many drop out of treatment or relapse, highlighting the importance of novel treatment strategies for this population. Over 60% of those with opioid use disorder also meet diagnostic criteria for an anxiety disorder; however, efficacious treatments for this common co-occurrence have not be established. This manuscript describes the rationale and methods for a behavioral treatment development study designed to develop and test an integrated cognitive-behavioral therapy for those with co-occurring opioid use disorder and anxiety disorders.

The aims of the study are (1) to develop and pilot test a new manualized cognitive behavioral therapy for co-occurring opioid use disorder and anxiety disorders, (2) to test the efficacy of this treatment relative to an active comparison treatment that targets opioid use disorder alone, and (3) to investigate the role of stress reactivity in both prognosis and recovery from opioid use disorder and anxiety disorders. Our overarching aim is to investigate whether this new treatment improves both anxiety and opioid use disorder outcomes relative to standard treatment. Identifying optimal treatment strategies for this population are needed to improve outcomes among those with this highly disabling and life-threatening disorder.

Source: Development of an integrated cognitive behavioral therapy for anxiety and opioid use disorder: Study protocol and methods – PubMed (nih.gov) July 2017

Abstract

Among individuals with substance use disorders (SUDs), comorbidity with other psychiatric disorders is common and often noted as the rule rather than the exception. Standard care that provides integrated treatment for comorbid diagnoses simultaneously has been shown to be effective. Technology-based interventions (TBIs) have the potential to provide a cost-effective platform for, and greater accessibility to, integrated treatments. For the purposes of this review, we defined TBIs as interventions in which the primary targeted aim was delivered by automated computer, Internet, or mobile system with minimal to no live therapist involvement. A search of the literature identified nine distinct TBIs for SUDs and comorbid disorders. An examination of this limited research showed promise, particularly for TBIs that address problematic alcohol use, depression, or anxiety. Additional randomized, controlled trials of TBIs for comorbid SUDs and for anxiety and depression are needed, as is future research developing TBIs that address SUDs and comorbid eating disorders and psychotic disorders. Ways of leveraging the full capabilities of what technology can offer should also be further explored.

Source: Technology-Based Interventions for Substance Use and Comorbid Disorders: An Examination of the Emerging Literature – PubMed (nih.gov) May/June 2017

Abstract

Importance  Opioid-dependent patients often use the emergency department (ED) for medical care.

Objective  To test the efficacy of 3 interventions for opioid dependence: (1) screening and referral to treatment (referral); (2) screening, brief intervention, and facilitated referral to community-based treatment services (brief intervention); and (3) screening, brief intervention, ED-initiated treatment with buprenorphine/naloxone, and referral to primary care for 10-week follow-up (buprenorphine).

Design, Setting, and Participants  A randomized clinical trial involving 329 opioid-dependent patients who were treated at an urban teaching hospital ED from April 7, 2009, through June 25, 2013.

Interventions  After screening, 104 patients were randomized to the referral group, 111 to the brief intervention group, and 114 to the buprenorphine treatment group.

Main Outcomes and Measures  Enrollment in and receiving addiction treatment 30 days after randomization was the primary outcome. Self-reported days of illicit opioid use, urine testing for illicit opioids, human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) risk, and use of addiction treatment services were the secondary outcomes.

Results  Seventy-eight percent of patients in the buprenorphine group (89 of 114 [95% CI, 70%-85%]) vs 37% in the referral group (38 of 102 [95% CI, 28%-47%]) and 45% in the brief intervention group (50 of 111 [95% CI, 36%-54%]) were engaged in addiction treatment on the 30th day after randomization (P < .001). The buprenorphine group reduced the number of days of illicit opioid use per week from 5.4 days (95% CI, 5.1-5.7) to 0.9 days (95% CI, 0.5-1.3) vs a reduction from 5.4 days (95% CI, 5.1-5.7) to 2.3 days (95% CI, 1.7-3.0) in the referral group and from 5.6 days (95% CI, 5.3-5.9) to 2.4 days (95% CI, 1.8-3.0) in the brief intervention group (P < .001 for both time and intervention effects; P = .02 for the interaction effect). The rates of urine samples that tested negative for opioids did not differ statistically across groups, with 53.8% (95% CI, 42%-65%) in the referral group, 42.9% (95% CI, 31%-55%) in the brief intervention group, and 57.6% (95% CI, 47%-68%) in the buprenorphine group (P = .17). There were no statistically significant differences in HIV risk across groups (P = .66). Eleven percent of patients in the buprenorphine group (95% CI, 6%-19%) used inpatient addiction treatment services, whereas 37% in the referral group (95% CI, 27%-48%) and 35% in the brief intervention group (95% CI, 25%-37%) used inpatient addiction treatment services (P < .001).

Conclusions and Relevance  Among opioid-dependent patients, ED-initiated buprenorphine treatment vs brief intervention and referral significantly increased engagement in addiction treatment, reduced self-reported illicit opioid use, and decreased use of inpatient addiction treatment services but did not significantly decrease the rates of urine samples that tested positive for opioids or of HIV risk. These findings require replication in other centers before widespread adoption.

Trial Registration  clinicaltrials.gov Identifier: NCT00913770

Source: Emergency Department–Initiated Buprenorphine/Naloxone Treatment for Opioid Dependence: A Randomized Clinical Trial | Emergency Medicine | JAMA | JAMA Network April 2015

A life-threatening heart infection afflicts a growing number of people who inject opioids or meth. Costly surgery can fix it, but the addiction often goes unaddressed.

Dr. Thomas Pollard, a cardiothoracic surgeon in Knoxville, Tenn., and his team working to replace heart valves that had been damaged from endocarditis, an infection the patient developed from injecting drugs. Shawn Poynter for The New York Times

OAK RIDGE, Tenn. — Jerika Whitefield’s memories of the infection that almost killed her are muddled, except for a few. Her young children peering at her in the hospital bed. Her stepfather wrapping her limp arms around the baby. Her whispered appeal to a skeptical nurse: “Please don’t let me die. I promise, I won’t ever do it again.”

Ms. Whitefield, 28, had developed endocarditis, an infection of the heart valves caused by bacteria that entered her blood when she injected methamphetamine one morning in 2016. Doctors saved her life with open-heart surgery, but before operating, they gave her a jolting warning: If she continued shooting up and got reinfected, they would not operate again.

With meth resurgent and the opioid crisis showing no sign of abating, a growing number of people are getting endocarditis from injecting the drugs — sometimes repeatedly if they continue shooting up. Many are uninsured, and the care they need is expensive, intensive and often lasts months. All of this has doctors grappling with an ethically fraught question: Is a heart ever not worth fixing?

“We’ve literally had some continue using drugs while in the hospital,” said Dr. Thomas Pollard, a veteran cardiothoracic surgeon in Knoxville, Tenn. “That’s like trying to do a liver transplant on someone who’s drinking a fifth of vodka on the stretcher.”

The problem has consumed Dr. Pollard, a calm Texan who got his Tennessee medical license in 1996, just after the widely abused opioid painkiller OxyContin hit the market. He has seen an explosion of endocarditis cases, particularly among poor, young drug users whose hearts can usually be salvaged, but whose addiction goes unaddressed by a medical system that rarely takes responsibility for treating it.

Certain cases haunt him. A little over a year ago, he replaced a heart valve in a 25-year-old man who had injected drugs, only to see him return a few months later. Now two valves, including the new one, were badly infected, and his urine tested positive for illicit drugs. Dr. Pollard declined to operate a second time, and the patient died at a hospice.

“It was one of the hardest things I’ve ever had to do,” he said.

The Treatment Gap

As cases have multiplied around the country, doctors who used to only occasionally encounter endocarditis in patients who injected drugs are hungry for guidance. A recent study found that at two Boston hospitals, only 7 percent of endocarditis patients who were IV drug users survived for a decade without reinfection or other complications, compared with 41 percent of patients who were not IV drug users. Those hospitals are among a small but growing group trying to be more proactive.

Dr. Pollard has been lobbying hospital systems in Knoxville to provide addiction treatment for willing endocarditis patients, at least on a trial basis, after their surgery. If the hospitals offered it, he reasons, doctors would have more justification for turning away patients who refused and in the long run, hospitals would save money.

Addiction has long afflicted rural east Tennessee, where the rolling hills and mountains are woven with small towns suffering from poverty and poor health. Prescribing rates for opioids are still strikingly high, and the overdose death rate in Roane County, where Ms. Whitefield lives, is three times the national average. Jobs go unfilled here because, employers say, applicants often cannot pass a drug test.

Across Tennessee, some 163,000 poor adults remain uninsured after state lawmakers refused to expand Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act. For them, and even for many covered by Medicaid, as Ms. Whitefield is, evidence-based opioid addiction treatment remains meager. More common are cash-only clinics, or abstinence-based programs that bank on willpower instead of the addiction medications that have proved more effective.

Treatment for endocarditis usually involves up to six weeks of intravenous antibiotics, often in the hospital because doctors are wary of sending addicted patients home with IV lines for fear they would use them to inject illicit drugs. Many, like Ms. Whitefield, also need intricate surgery to repair or replace damaged heart valves. The cost can easily top $150,000, Dr. Pollard said.

Advice from specialty groups, like the American Association for Thoracic Surgery and the American College of Cardiology, about when to operate remains vague. For now, “it’s just a lot of anecdote — surgeons talking to each other, trying to determine when we should and when we shouldn’t,” said Dr. Carlo Martinez, who is one of Dr. Pollard’s partners and who operated on Ms. Whitefield at Methodist Medical Center of Oak Ridge.

Their practice, owned by Covenant Health, will almost always operate on someone with a first-time case of endocarditis from injecting drugs, Dr. Pollard said. But repeat infections, when the damage can be more extensive and harder to fix, make it a tougher call. Dr. Mark Browne, Covenant’s senior vice president and chief medical officer, said, “Each patient is evaluated individually and decisions regarding the appropriate course of care are determined by their attending physician.”

In the nearly two years since she got sick, Ms. Whitefield has felt physically diminished and been prone to illness. She also feels harshly judged by a medical system that saved her life but often treats her with suspicion and disdain.

Over the same stretch of time, Dr. Pollard has grown increasingly disillusioned with hospitals that consider addiction treatment beyond their purview, and haunted by the likelihood that many of his drug-addicted patients will die young whether they get heart surgery or not. He set up a task force in 2016 to address the problem but has faced obstacles, especially concerning cost and, he believes, a societal reluctance to spend money on people who abuse drugs.

“Everybody has sympathy for babies and children,” he said. “No one wants to help the adult drug addict because the thought is they did this to themselves.”

Dr. Pollard has been consumed by the problem of endocarditis among drug users whose addiction goes unaddressed. “We’ve literally had some continue using drugs while in the hospital,” he said. Joe Buglewicz for The New York Times

____

Ms. Whitefield, a talkative young woman with brooding eyes, goes by the nickname Shae. She started on opioid painkillers as a teenager suffering from endometriosis, a disorder of the uterine tissue, and interstitial cystitis, a painful bladder condition. She got the opioids from doctors for years, and eventually from friends.

She and her high school boyfriend, Chris Bunch, had three children by the time she was 26. She trained to become a licensed practical nurse but dropped out of the program when her oldest son, Jayden, got seriously ill as a baby. The family lives in a tiny town that Mr. Bunch, now Ms. Whitefield’s husband, described as “country, country, country.”

In 2015, after their daughter, Kyzia, was born, Ms. Whitefield sank into postpartum depression. She was obsessively worried about shielding Kyzia from sexual abuse and other traumas she had experienced as a child. She started injecting crushed opioid pills and occasionally meth, savoring the needle’s sting — she had an old habit of cutting herself to provide relief from emotional pain — at least as much as the high.

After sharing a needle with one of her brothers that day in June 2016, Ms. Whitefield started shivering and sweating. A fever soon followed, and she lay for almost a week on the couch, thinking she had a kidney infection. She was delirious by the time Jayden, then 8, woke her stepfather one morning and told him to call 911.

She arrived at Methodist Medical Center of Oak Ridge with full-blown sepsis, floating in and out of consciousness. Her organs had started to shut down.

At home, she had stared at a picture on the wall of her grandmother faintly smiling, a source of reassurance, for days. When the first nurse leaned over her in the emergency room, she thought she smelled her grandmother’s perfume.

Her stepfather, Brian Mignogna, remembers being stunned when a doctor who initially assessed her said that if it were up to him, he would not go to great lengths to save her.

“He said once someone’s been shooting up, you go through all this money and surgery and they go right back to shooting up again, so it’s not worth it,” Mr. Mignogna recalled. “I was just dumbfounded.”

Dr. Martinez was the on-call heart surgeon a few days later, though, and felt strongly about taking Ms. Whitefield’s case. Her children and stepfather had been constants at her bedside, and unlike some patients he had seen, she had readily admitted to her drug use. He believed her when she said she had not been injecting for long and wanted to stop.

“She was a young mother and her family was involved; her father was there,” he said. “To me, it seemed she had that social support that patients need once they recover from this.”

Ms. Whitefield also had health coverage through Medicaid, the government insurance program for the poor, because she has young children. It paid for her care, whereas if she were uninsured, the hospital would have had to cover the cost.

Antibiotics cleared the infection that initially led her to the hospital, but she ended up needing surgery two months later. Her mitral valve was so damaged that she had begun showing signs of heart failure. Dr. Martinez was compassionate, but he stressed that the surgery would be “a one-time deal,” Mr. Mignogna recalled.

“The way he put it was, ‘You relapse and end up with another infection, we won’t treat you again,’” Mr. Mignogna said.

Dr. Martinez repaired Ms. Whitehead’s mitral valve in a three-hour operation. It involved sawing open her breastbone, connecting her to a bypass machine to keep blood flowing through her body, and then stopping her heart and fixing the valve. He reinforced it with a small plastic ring before restarting her heart and closing her up.

She had written a note to each of her children — wise Jayden, kind Elijah, strong-willed Kyzia — in case she never woke up. Two weeks later, she was well enough to go home. She soon began seeing a counselor at a clinic unaffiliated with the hospital system and taking buprenorphine, a medication that diminishes opioid cravings and has been found to reduce the risk of relapse and fatal overdose.

Ms. Whitefield has had occasional cravings since the surgery but says she has not used drugs again, traumatized by the memory of her ordeal.

“I know next time God might not save me,” she said quietly. “They will not treat me for a second time if I have track marks or anything like that.”

As she recuperated, Ms. Whitefield started thinking about returning to school, aspiring to become a drug and alcohol counselor or real estate agent, or both.

She has also started serving as an advocate of sorts for others in her community who get endocarditis or other infections from injecting, driving them to the emergency room or sharing every detail of the protocol that saved her. She smarts at the thought of providing only “comfort care” — antibiotics but no surgery — even if a patient refuses addiction treatment.

“When do you stop wanting to save a life?” she asked. “If you have that ability, who’s to say you shouldn’t use it? I see it from their standpoint — not wanting to repeat the same game. But it’s hard, you know? This isn’t an easy disease to break away from.”

____

Dr. Pollard, a quietly driven high school valedictorian, used to have no empathy for drug-addicted patients.

“I was like everyone else: ‘They do it to themselves, they deserve what they get,’” he said. “But then when you see their children, and hear about friends my kids went to school with who have died, it’s closer to home.”

When he became president of the Knoxville Academy of Medicine in 2015, he came up with the idea of the city’s hospital systems teaming up to offer addiction treatment to endocarditis patients. He had the perfect platform to push for it, he thought.

So the following year, he set up a task force that included people from each hospital system — his own, Covenant Health; the University of Tennessee Medical Center; and Tennova Healthcare — as well as from two drug treatment centers and some community groups.

At a task force meeting last August, about a year after Ms. Whitefield’s surgery, Dr. Pollard clicked through a PowerPoint presentation full of data a research nurse had compiled. From 2014 through 2016, the three hospital systems in Knoxville had provided valve surgery to 117 patients diagnosed with endocarditis from injecting drugs. Ten had received a second surgery after becoming reinfected; of those, two had received a third.

Just over half the patients were uninsured, and only 1 percent had private coverage. From the data, it was impossible to know if anyone had been reinfected but turned away by doctors. But at least 21 people — 18 percent — had died since their heart surgery, typically from sepsis or respiratory failure, which Dr. Pollard said indicated reinfection.

The group discussed Dr. Pollard’s proposal for Cornerstone of Recovery, an addiction treatment center here, to admit a handful of endocarditis patients as soon as they were cleared for discharge. Cornerstone would provide several months of inpatient treatment and up to a year’s worth of Vivitrol, a monthly $1,000 shot that blocks cravings and helps prevent relapse.

Buprenorphine, the medication Ms. Whitefield takes, is less expensive. But Cornerstone does not provide it because it is an opioid itself and “is trading one for the other,” said Webster Bailey, its executive director of marketing. Many addiction experts have called that view “grossly inaccurate.” They say it is weaker than drugs like oxycodone and heroin, activating the brain’s opioid receptors enough to ease cravings but not enough to provide a high in people who are already dependent on opioids.

Patients would sign an agreement stating that if they returned to abusing drugs after addiction treatment, they might not be considered a candidate for future heart surgery. The total cost per patient: perhaps $55,000, which Dr. Pollard hopes that government and private funding would help cover if the program expanded.

“This should be part of the treatment, just like antibiotics are,” he told the group.

A surgeon from Tennova dryly pointed out: “Not everybody in that group is going to say, ‘This is for me, I’m going to do it.’”

Still, the group decided Dr. Pollard should take the next step, pitching the pilot plan to each system’s top executives.

“We are competing systems, but this is a common enemy that unites us all,” he said afterward. “We need a united policy.”

Source: https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/29/health/drugs-opioids-addiction-heart-endocarditis.html April 2018

As in many other jurisdictions, there are no regulations in B.C. for addictions treatment centres, no standards for addictions services and no requirement for outcomes to be reported or monitored.

They operate under the same legislation that regulates daycares and homes for the elderly, which means that only the facilities are inspected, not the programs or services within them.

B.C. recovery homes don’t have to be licensed, although they are required to be registered if they offer three or more beds. Some treatment facilities are accredited by third-party organizations. But, here’s the kicker: “Most homes are often short-lived business operations in rented housing,” according to last week’s report by the Death Review Panel set up to investigate British Columbia’s epidemic of illicit-drug overdoses.

The total amount British Columbia spends on treatment isn’t clear, although it spends $90 million alone on methadone and other pharmaceutical replacement therapies for addicts each year. Beyond what the government spends, hundreds of thousands (if not millions) are spent by individuals, insurance companies or employers at private facilities that charge upwards of $30,000 to $40,000 a month for residential care. (The famous Betty Ford Center costs US$3,300 a week.)

In an interview, the death panel’s chair Michael Egilson said, “Some supportive recovery homes, somebody may have just decided to set up on their own. The exact number and how they are dealing with treatment is hard to say.”

The panel recommends that by September 2019, British Columbia develop or revise regulations for all treatment facilities and services and set standards so that these facilities can be systematically evaluated and monitored.

Egilson contends that what drove this recommendation is “an acute awareness that opioid-abuse disorders best practise is certainly different from some traditional abstinence models … Abstinence is not a desirable treatment. If a person relapses after a quick detox, there’s a greater potential for overdose death.”

This is a harm-reduction model of replacing an illicit drug with a pharmaceutical one such as methadone, suboxone or even prescription heroin — “opioid agonist therapies.”

Egilson referred specifically to Brandon Jansen, a 20-year-old who overdosed on a fentanyl-laced cocktail of illicit drugs in 2016 at the Sunshine Coast Health Centre in Powell River. At the coroner’s inquest, where Egilson presided, evidence indicated that within the past three years, Jansen had spent time “at a minimum of 11 detoxification centres, recovery homes and treatment centres.”

The fact that he relapsed was hardly unique — 40 to 60 per cent of people receiving treatment do, according to the U.S. National Institute on Drug Abuse.

The unspoken suggestion in the death panel’s recommendation is that the government — along with individuals, their families, insurers and employers — is likely throwing money away because most addiction programs are based on Alcoholics Anonymous’s 70-year-old, 12-step program.

But the point is that we don’t know. We don’t have good data because its collection is not required. We don’t even know what kind of snake oil some of these centres are selling because none of them is properly monitored.

You can’t help wonder why something as basic as ensuring that desperate people hoping to finally kick there habit are getting the help they need has been ignored.

This is, after all, a city and a province that for nearly 20 years has been at the forefront of harm-reduction with needle exchange programs, safe injection sites, methadone and suboxone treatment programs, a prescription heroin program and, more recently, free naloxone kits, free-standing naloxone stations and training for first-responders and even teachers in how to use it as an antidote for fentanyl overdoses.

We’ve gone from crisis to crisis, each one sucking up incredible resources. Currently, a quarter of a million dollars a day goes into the Downtown Eastside alone for methadone treatment. This year, the B.C. government expects the number of British Columbians receiving replacement drug therapy to rise to 30,000 and then nearly double to 58,000 by 2020-21.

In 2006 when Vancouver updated its four pillars approach, it noted that there were 8,319 British Columbians being treated with methadone.

By 2020-21, the province also expects to be supplying 55,000 “free” take-home naloxone kits, up from 45,000 this year.

We keep hearing about an overdose crisis, but what we have is an addictions crisis. Solving it will require a lot more than simply reducing harm. The more intractable problems of poverty, homelessness and abuse that are often brought on by depression, despair and other untreated mental health issues need to be addressed.

So, by all means, let’s do what we can to stop the overdoses. Let’s ensure that there is evidence-based treatment available.

But let’s quit pretending that until we deal with the root causes of addictions, harm reduction is little more than an increasingly expensive bandage.

Source: Daphne Bramham: Harm reduction not enough to end B.C. overdose crisis | Vancouver Sun April 2018

Michael Weaver, MD Medical director, Center for Neurobehavioral Research on Addiction Dr. Weaver has disclosed that he has no relevant financial or other interests in any commercial companies pertaining to this educational activity.

I first met 32-year-old Miranda after a drug relapse that followed a stay in a residential addiction treatment facility. She had begun experimenting recreationally with prescription opioids in her early 20s, but her use escalated after she was involved in a car accident a few years later and a doctor began prescribing opioids for pain. Because of her increased use, Miranda decided on her own to enter a 28-day detox and rehab, but relapsed immediately upon discharge. Several months later, she made an appointment with me to discuss opioid agonist treatment. I prescribed buprenorphine, and for the first few months of treatment she appeared to be doing well.

Addiction treatment often begins with high hopes and apparent success, but it’s important to remember that addiction is a disease with a relapse rate of 40%–60% (McLellan et al, JAMA 2000;284(13):1689–1695; Dawson DA et al, Alcohol Clin Exp Res 2007;31:2036–2045). Be realistic: Expect that patients will go through cycles of relapse and recovery. Learn the warning signs for relapse, the measures you can take to prevent it, and what to do after it has occurred.

Recognizing relapse

There are a number of clues that someone has relapsed—or may be headed that way:

    • Reduced eye contact during a ­session
    • A more anxious demeanor than usual
    • Less engagement, or a sense of holding back from the treatment process
    • Exacerbated emotional distress or worsening co-anxiety or depression
    • Vague answers to questions
    • Reduced attendance at 12-step programs or therapeutic groups
    • Missed visits with a psychiatrist or other caregiver

None of these red flags individually spell impending relapse—instead, it’s the pattern of behavior that tells the story. Your patient may not actually have used yet, but (wittingly or unwittingly) is starting to go down that road. This is known as desire thinking (Martino F et al, Addict Behav 2017;64:118–122), and in 12-step programs, it’s called “drinking thinking.”

After three months of buprenorphine treatment, I began to notice worrisome signs of potential relapse during one of our sessions. Miranda’s answers to my questions were more vague than usual, her eye contact faltered, and she seemed a little more anxious. Before that session, we had started talking about smoking cessation, but that day she didn’t seem interested.

At that point, I told Miranda I would need a urine sample. She hemmed and hawed for a minute, then admitted that she had started using again within the past few days. She had been spending time with her sister, who also abused a variety of illegal and prescription drugs; while there, her sister had told her, “I know you can’t use opioids, but here are some benzodiazepines. Why don’t you try those?” Miranda acquiesced, and that quickly escalated to use of marijuana and finally opioids.

Miranda’s story is fairly typical. Pressure from peers not in recovery, or simply spending time with old friends not in recovery, is cause for concern. In fact, if a patient divulges spending time with past friends to you, this can be a clue that’s just as telling as poor eye contact or unusual jitteriness.

The marijuana Miranda’s sister provided only complicated things more. For many people, using marijuana or alcohol provides a false sense of confidence. They think, “I can smoke some pot or have a couple of drinks because they aren’t my problems, and I can handle them.” But these substances are called gateway drugs for a reason—they can impair judgment and lead people to the very drugs they want to avoid.

Proactive is better than reactive
It’s much easier to prevent a problem than to treat one, so I spend a lot of time teaching patients how to ­identify their own risk factors for relapse. The key is reminding patients that any unusual event can reduce their resolve because if they are caught off guard, it is hard to stay focused on abstinence goals. Examples of such events include things like visits by a disliked in-law, a chance meeting with someone from the patient’s drug-using past, and waylaid plans for a vacation.

I find it helpful to talk to patients about potential challenges they might face, and then help them cope with the stress of such situations by rehearsing responses and planning tactics. For a troublesome in-law, for example, you can encourage the patient to express concerns to her spouse and to explain the need to keep away for much of the visit. You can do some role-playing to simulate a chance conversation with a past friend who still uses so the patient has a script that will make saying “no” easier and more automatic. Responses can range from, “No thanks, I’ve decided not to use because I don’t want any problems at my new job” to, “Maybe another time,” which is non-judgmental and helps avoid confrontation.

Relapse triggers are often situational. For instance, if everyone from work is going out for a drink, a patient might feel obligated to drink too. Walk the patient through a discussion about whether attending the event but not imbibing alcohol would actually affect his job security. For example, if he nursed a club soda rather than an alcoholic beverage, would anybody really care?

To help patients deal with temptations, I encourage them to write daily in a journal, even if it’s only half a page. This helps them identify what might be troubling them, put the issues in perspective, and work out solutions. (Ed note: For more information about relapse prevention skills based on cognitive behavioral therapy, see Cognitive Behavioral Skills Therapy Manual: A Clinical Research Guide for Therapists Treating Individuals With Alcohol Abuse and Dependencehttps://pubs.niaaa.nih.gov/publications/ProjectMatch/match03.pdf.)

If a relapse is already in progress
You can’t always capture the problem before it has occurred. If your patient has relapsed, the most important task is to help minimize the severity of the relapse. Substance-using patients often slip into an all-or-nothing attitude, in which they say to themselves, “I’ve relapsed; I’ve failed treatment. My abstinence is over, so I might as well give in to the drugs and forget about treatment altogether.” (For more information on cognitive distortions in substance use disorder, see Beck A et al, Cognitive Therapy of Substance Abuse. New York: Guilford Press, 1993.)

In such cases, it’s important to reassure patients that a relapse doesn’t mean the end of the world—in fact, it doesn’t even mean the treatment didn’t work. Just like any chronic disease process, addiction treatment involves remissions and exacerbations, and sometimes all that’s needed is a change of approach. I will often give patients the analogy of treating an infection: “Say you have an infection that requires oral antibiotics. If the infection comes back, you don’t decide that the treatment was worthless. Instead, you talk about it with your doctor, who might need to prescribe stronger oral antibiotics, or even recommend a hospital stay for intravenous ­antibiotics. It’s the same thing here. Our first approach to maintaining recovery only worked for so long, so now we’ll try a different approach.”

How do you step up your treatment game to help a relapsing patient? There are many next steps, depending on the circumstances:

    • Seeing the patient more frequently on an outpatient basis
    • Requiring more frequent urine testing to keep the patient accountable and provide an incentive to think twice about using
    • Having the patient go to more 12-step meetings or more group or individual therapy sessions
    • Increasing the dosage of medication-assisted therapy, such as an opioid antagonist
    • Having the patient undergo a brief inpatient stay for detox

After Miranda’s relapse, I increased her dose of buprenorphine/naloxone from 12 mg/3 mg to 16 mg/4 mg daily to help with cravings and prevent any withdrawal from her recent opioid use. I also asked her to commit to seeing her therapist more frequently. We worked on some of the issues that led to the relapse; specifically, I talked with her about avoiding contact with her sister. In this case, I didn’t suggest 12-step meetings, because she wasn’t particularly interested in that approach. However, because her depression had started to worsen, I made an adjustment to her antidepressant medication.

These steps worked. Miranda went to see her therapist more often, and she responded to the adjustments in her buprenorphine dose. She also stayed away from her sister for a while and worked on refusal skills: “I know you’re trying to be helpful, but it’s not what I want or need right now. Please don’t offer me anything.”

Miranda was highly motivated—more than many other patients. But this doesn’t mean she’s immune to problems leading to other relapses (hopefully short-lived ones), even months or years down the road. That’s often part of the process of recovery—it doesn’t always happen in a straight line.

Like what you just read? Dr. Weaver’s new book, Addiction Treatment, is replete with practical tips for helping addicted patients yourself rather than losing them to follow-up when referring them elsewhere. The 14 brief chapters contain detailed instructions on how to frame sensitive questions to elicit honest answers, user-friendly charts to help you describe what drugs to prescribe in which circumstances, and much more. Feel great about helping your patients pull their lives together. Go to https://thecarlatreport.com/AddictionGuide for more information.

Source: Recognizing and Reversing Relapse | 2017-05-01 | CARLAT PUBLISHING (thecarlatreport.com) May 2017

Fentanyl is a synthetic opioid chemically similar to other substances like hydrocodone, oxycodone, heroin, and morphine. In recent years, fentanyl has played an increasingly prominent role in the opioid crisis, alongside other prescription medications like Dilaudid. Synthetic opioids are the most common drugs responsible for overdose deaths. In 2010, fentanyl was involved in 14.3% of drug overdose deaths. However, by 2017, fentanyl use accounted for nearly 59% of opioid-related deaths.

Fentanyl was created in 1959 and began being manufactured and distributed in the United States throughout the 1960s. Its original use was as an intravenous medication to treat cancer pain. According to the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), fentanyl’s pain-relieving properties are about 100 times more powerful than morphine’s and 50 times more potent than heroin’s.

Fentanyl as a Prescription Medication

To obtain fentanyl legally, a prescription from a doctor is required. Fentanyl is only prescribed to patients experiencing severe pain from cancer and who have developed a physical tolerance to other opioids. Building a tolerance means that a person’s body has gotten used to the drug and requires higher and/or more frequent doses to relieve the pain.

Fentanyl should not be used to treat any other types of pain, especially pain caused by migraines, headaches, an injury, or pain from a medical or dental procedure. Its primary purpose is to treat sudden episodes of pain that occur despite ongoing continuous pain management with other medications. Prescription fentanyl can be taken as an oral lozenge, sublingual tablet or spray, skin patch, nasal spray, or injection.

Fentanyl as an Illegal Street Drug

Fentanyl sourced on the street is often produced illegally in a lab. However, there have been documented cases of distribution through other pathways, including theft and fraudulent prescriptions. Patients, physicians, and pharmacists have also been complicit in contributing to fentanyl’s unlawful circulation. There are several ways fentanyl is misused.

The gel contents of patches can be removed and injected or ingested. Patches can also be frozen, cut into pieces, and put under the tongue or between the gums and cheek. Street-bought fentanyl is sold in similar forms as its prescription counterpart. However, it can also come as a powder, in eye droppers, on blotter papers, and in pills that look like prescription opioids.

On the street, it may be called:

  • Apache
  • China Girl
  • China Town
  • Dance Fever
  • Friend
  • Goodfellas
  • Great Bear
  • He-Man
  • Jackpot
  • King Ivory
  • Murder 8
  • Tango & Cash

What Effects Does Fentanyl Have? 

Besides being very effective at relieving pain, fentanyl causes sensations similar to those produced by other opioid analgesics like morphine: relaxation and euphoria. These are the effects that individuals who use fentanyl illegally are looking to achieve. Some negative side effects of use can include:

  • Nausea
  • Vomiting
  • Sedation
  • Dizziness
  • Confusion
  • Drowsiness
  • Constipation
  • Urinary retention
  • Unconsciousness
  • Constricted pupils
  • Problems breathing
  • Respiratory depression

What Happens When Fentanyl Is Misused? 

Two key conditions can result from the misuse of fentanyl: overdose and addiction. An overdose can occur when too high of a dose of the drug is taken, resulting in life-threatening symptoms like hypoxia. Hypoxia occurs when the brain does not receive enough oxygen, in this case, because a person’s breathing has slowed down or stopped. Hypoxia can cause a person to fall into a coma, suffer permanent brain damage, and die.

Coma, pinpoint pupils, and respiratory depression are strong indicators that a person may be experiencing an opioid overdose and requires emergency medical care. Other signs and symptoms of a fentanyl overdose can include:

  • Stupor
  • Dizziness
  • Confusion
  • Cold and clammy skin
  • Drowsiness or sleepiness
  • Being unable to respond or wake up
  • Bluish discoloration of the skin

Naloxone, also known as NARCAN®, is used to reverse the effects of opioids and can save a person from dying from an overdose. Because fentanyl is so strong, multiple doses may be required for its lifesaving effects to occur.

What Makes Fentanyl So Dangerous?

Fentanyl is a powerful drug, even in very small quantities. Its potency is what makes the possibility of overdose so high. Another major problem with illegal fentanyl is that it is being mixed with other drugs like cocaine, meth, heroin, and MDMA. A person looking for a party drug might end up using fentanyl for the first time without knowing it and accidentally overdose.

Like other opioid painkillers, a person that misuses fentanyl can become addicted. Fentanyl binds to opioid receptors in the brain that are associated with pain and emotions. The brain quickly becomes used to the drug and requires more to achieve euphoria. Additionally, users will begin to suffer withdrawal effects after their high wears off. Once addicted, an individual becomes consumed with seeking out and using the drug, despite the negative consequences their behavior has on their lives and those around them.

How Is Fentanyl Addiction Treated?

Before entering residential treatment, fentanyl addiction may first require medical detox. After withdrawing safely, addiction therapy will likely include a combination of medication and behavioral therapy.

Three medications commonly used to treat fentanyl addiction are buprenorphine, methadone, and naltrexone. Like fentanyl, buprenorphine and methadone bind to opioid receptors in the brain, but they can be used in therapeutic doses to help reduce cravings and lessen withdrawal symptoms. Naltrexone works differently. Instead of binding to the receptors, it blocks them so fentanyl won’t have any effect.

What Behavioral Therapies Help With Fentanyl Addiction?

Behavioral therapies used to treat fentanyl and other opioid addictions include cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), contingency management, and motivational interviewing. CBT is based on the idea that one’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors are connected. CBT can modify distorted thought patterns and improve emotional regulation.

Contingency management is also called the “prize method” or the “carrot and stick method.” This approach to addiction therapy is based on the idea that behavior can be shaped by enforcing consequences. Positive behaviors, like passing drug tests or meeting treatment goals, are reinforced by offering rewards. The goal of contingency management is to encourage healthy living.

Motivational interviewing is a process by which a therapist helps enhance a client’s motivation to change negative behaviors regarding substance use. A vital component of this therapy is that the client must want to want to change and improve their lives.

These behavioral treatment approaches are effective at treating opioid addiction, especially when used in combination with medication. You can learn more about addiction therapies at Laguna Shores here.

Source: America’s Killer New Drug​: A Guide to Fentanyl (lagunashoresrecovery.com) 2019

Cannabis Use and Health 2014
Introduction

Cannabis is a group of substances from the plant cannabis sativa. Cannabis is used in three main forms: flowering heads, cannabis resin (hashish) and cannabis oil. There are more than 60 psycho-active chemicals in cannabis, including the cannabinoids:
 delta-9 tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), which is found in the resin covering the flowering tops and upper leaves of the female plant and which alters mood and produces the feeling of a ‘high’;
and
 cannabidiol, which can offset the effects of THC.

Cannabis is usually smoked, either in a hand-rolled cigarette (a ‘joint’) containing the leaf, heads or resin of the plant, or through a water-pipe (a ‘bong’) where water is used to cool the smoke before it is inhaled. In Australia, cannabis is also commonly known as gunja, yarndi, weed and dope.

Patterns of Cannabis Use in Australia and its Public Health Impacts

In 2010, cannabis was the most commonly used illicit drug in Australia. Over one third of Australians (35.4%, approximately 6.5 million) aged 14 years and over had used cannabis at least once in their lifetime, and 1.9 million of these had used cannabis recently (i.e., in the last 12
months). Recent cannabis use among those 14 years and older has increased from 9.1% in 2007 to 10.3% in 2010, though daily users decreased from 14.9% in 2007 to 13% in 2010. In 2010, approximately 247,000 Australians 14 years and over used cannabis daily. For most cannabis users, use is relatively light. Most young people have used it once or twice. However, the younger people start using cannabis, and the greater the frequency with which they use it, the greater the risk of harm.
Based on current use patterns, alcohol abuse and tobacco pose much greater harms to individual and public health in Australia than cannabis. Cannabis-related psychosis, suicide, road-traffic crashes and dependence were estimated to account for 0.2% of the total disease burden in Australia in 2003. This compares to 7.8% of the total burden attributable to tobacco use and 2.3% attributable to alcohol use. In 2004-05, the estimated social costs of cannabis use (including health, crime, road crash and labour costs) was $3.1 billion. Ninety percent of this cost was due to dependent cannabis use. In comparison, the health, crime, road-crash and labour costs of alcohol use in 2004-05 are estimated to be more than three times as much ($9.4 billion).

The Health Effects of Cannabis Use

There is a dose-response relationship between cannabis use and its effects, with stronger effects
expected from larger doses.
 Intoxicating effects occur within seconds to minutes and can last for three hours;
 Effects last longer with larger doses;
 Effects on cognitive function and coordination can last up to 24 hours;
 Short-term memory impairment may last for several weeks; and
 A single dose in a chronic user can take up to 30 days for the metabolites to be excreted.

Short-term effects of small doses
The most common short-term effects of using cannabis are:
 a feeling of euphoria or ‘high’ – with a tendency to talk and laugh more than usual;
 impaired balance, reaction time, information processing, memory retention and retrieval, and perceptual-motor coordination;
 increased heart rate;
 decreased inhibitions such as being more likely to engage in risky behaviour, e.g. unsafe
sexual practice; and
 if smoked, increased respiratory problems including asthma.

Short-term effects of large doses
The most common short-term effects of a large dose can include:
 hallucinations and changed perceptions of time, sound, colour, distance, touch and other sensations;
 panic reactions;
 vomiting;
 loss of consciousness; and
 restlessness and confusion.

The severity of these short-term effects depend on a person’s weight, tolerance to the drug, amount taken, interactions with other drugs, circumstances in which the drug is taken, and the mode of administration.

Long-term effects
The evidence associating regular cannabis use with specific long-term health conditions and adverse effects is of variable quality. Cannabis use is highly correlated with use of alcohol, tobacco and other illicit drugs, all of which have potential adverse health effects. There is sufficient evidence, however, to indicate that cannabis is a risk factor for some chronic health effects and conditions.

Regular and prolonged cannabis use may cause:
 cannabis dependence, characterised by impaired control over its use and difficulties in ceasing use; increased tolerance (meaning more of the drug is needed to produce the same effect) and possible withdrawal symptoms, including anxiety, insomnia, appetite disturbance, and
depression;
 increased risk of myocardial infarction in those who have already had a myocardial infarction;
and
 deficits in verbal learning, memory and attention (in heavy users).

While not conclusive, there is evidence that regular cannabis use can cause chronic bronchitis and impaired immunological competence of the respiratory system. Occasional cannabis use however, is not associated with adverse effects on pulmonary function. Cannabis smoke contains many carcinogens, but there is variable evidence concerning the relationship between cannabis smoking and lung cancer.

Evidence supporting an association between cannabis use and sexual and reproductive effects is weak. However, some studies show an association between cannabis use and increased risk of testicular cancer.
Daily consumption of large quantities of cannabis may lead to the neglect of other important personal and social priorities such as relationships, parenting, careers and community responsibilities.

Pregnant women
Cannabis is the most commonly used illicit drug in women of child-bearing age. Cannabis use during pregnancy has been consistently associated with lower birth-weight babies and pre-term birth, but does not appear to increase the risk of miscarriage or birth abnormalities. Some studies suggest that children exposed to cannabis in utero may have slight impairment in higher cognitive processes such as perceptual organisation and planning. There is insufficient evidence of an association between prenatal cannabis use and postnatal behaviour.

Accidental ingestion by young children
Accidental ingestion of cannabis can cause coma in young children. Cannabis ingestion can be confirmed by positive urine screening for cannabinoids. Cannabis ingestion needs to be considered in toddlers and children with impaired consciousness.

Driving under the influence of cannabis
Cannabis slows reaction time and increases the risk of having a car crash. Other risk factors are blurred vision, poor judgement and drowsiness which can persist for several hours. The effects are increased by alcohol.

Dependence and tolerance
Cannabis dependence is usually defined as impaired control over continued use and difficulty ceasing despite the harms of continued use.19 Dependence can negatively affect personal relationships, education, employment and many other aspects of a person’s life. Data from Australia and other countries indicates that demand for professional help related to cannabis is increasing. Cannabis dependence is the most frequent type of substance-dependence in Australia after alcohol and tobacco. It has been estimated that cannabis dependence will affect around one in ten cannabis users, and around half of those who use it daily. Animal and human studies demonstrate that tolerance to many of the psychological and behavioural responses to cannabis occurs with repeated exposure to the drug. The symptoms of withdrawal from cannabis appear similar to those associated with tobacco, but less severe than withdrawal from alcohol or opiates.

There is a view that the cannabis being used today has a higher THC content and potency than in the past. This may be a perception caused by changes in the mode of use (i.e. through ‘bongs’ rather than ‘joints’, and with more consumption of the heads of the cannabis plant). However, there is some independent evidence that cannabis used today can be of a higher potency. The cannabis in recent street-level seizures in Sydney and the North Coast of NSW has been shown to have a high potency, with around 15% THC, with little or no cannabidiol.

Cannabis as a Gateway Drug
The gateway hypothesis is that cannabis use may act as a causal ‘gateway’ to the use of other illicit drugs such as cocaine and heroin. It is a controversial hypothesis with proponents arguing that because the use of so-called harder drugs is almost always preceded by cannabis use, this means that cannabis use physiologically and/or psychologically causes people to progress to harder drugs. The alternative theory is known as the ‘common cause’ theory whereby a person’s use of cannabis and their later use of other illicit drugs are both seen as effects of common causes such as personal or socio-economic factors, or exposure to illicit drug distribution networks. Evidence for the gateway hypothesis is inconclusive given the difficulties in disentangling the effect of other potential influences in drug use progression. Meta-analyses suggest that the progression in use that has been observed is likely to be due partially to the influence of independent common
causes.

Cannabis and Mental Health

Cannabis and psychosis
Cannabis use is associated with poor outcomes in existing psychosis and is a risk factor for developing psychosis. For those with existing psychosis, using cannabis can trigger further episodes of psychosis, worsen delusions, mood swings, hallucinations and feelings of paranoia, as well as contributing to poor compliance with medication regimes. The research base on cannabis and psychosis has expanded in recent years with studies showing a consistent association between early-aged onset of cannabis use, regular use and a later diagnosis of schizophrenia. Meta-analyses have noted a doubling of the risk of psychotic outcomes in regular cannabis users, and earlier onset (by 2.7 years) among cannabis users who develop psychosis.
There is increasing evidence that the association between cannabis and onset of psychosis is not due to other co-occurring factors. The most plausible view is that cannabis use is a ‘contributory cause’ of psychosis in vulnerable individuals, and that it is one of a number of potential factors that can bring on psychosis (including genetic predisposition)’

Cannabis and depression
The association between cannabis use and depression is weak and insufficient to establish a causal connection. Studies that have found an association are likely to have been affected by confounding variables such as family and personality factors, other drug use and marital status.
There is currently insufficient evidence available to conclude whether cannabis use is associated with suicide. Research is made difficult by confounding factors such as the stresses of an illicit drug-dependent life and pre-existing poor mental health.

Cannabis and anxiety
There is emerging evidence associating cannabis use with anxiety disorders. However, the current level of evidence is not yet sufficient to establish a causal relationship.

Medical Uses Of Cannabis
In addition to psychoactive compounds, cannabis has constituents with other pharmacological effects, including antispastic, analgesic, anti-emetic, and anti-inflammatory actions. These constituents may have therapeutic potential.

Cannabis extracts and synthetic formulations have been licensed for medicinal use in some countries, including Canada, the USA, Great Britain and Germany, for the treatment of severe spasticity in multiple sclerosis, nausea and vomiting due to cytotoxics, and loss of appetite and cachexia associated with AIDS. The synthetic cannabis product Nabiximols (Sativex), which is delivered as a buccal spray and so avoids the harms of cannabis smoke inhalation, is effective in the management of spasticity and pain associated with multiple sclerosis. The psycho-active effects of Nabiximols can also be managed through controlling dosage.

In Australia, the synthetic cannabinoids nabilone and dronabinol are scheduled by authorities for medicinal use. Sativex is also being trialed in Australia for cancer and cannabis withdrawal. Canada has allowed the medical use of smoked cannabis if this is authorised and monitored by a doctor.
There is a growing body of evidence that certain cannabinoids are effective in the treatment of chronic pain, particularly as an alternative or adjunct to the use of opiates, when the development of opiate tolerance and withdrawal can be avoided. Controlled trials have also shown positive effects of cannabis preparations on bladder dysfunction in multiple sclerosis, tics in Tourette syndrome, and involuntary movements associated with Parkinson’s disease. Based on existing data, the adverse events associated with the short-term medicinal use of cannabis are minor.
However, the risks associated with long-term medicinal use are less well understood, particularly the risk of dependence, and any heightened risk of cardiovascular disease. Though there is a growing body of evidence regarding the therapeutic use of cannabinoids, it is still experimental.

Synthetic Cannabis
Synthetic cannabis products have been developed, usually in herbal form for smoking. These products have been marketed in Australia as ‘legal highs’ with product names such as ‘Spice’, ‘K2’, and ‘Kronic’. The psychoactive components are usually THC analogues that bind to cannabinoid receptors in the brain. These analogues are not easily detectable by routine testing, and until recently have not been captured by legislation. These synthetic cannabis products are attractive to their users because they are perceived as safe, are not easily detectable in drug tests, and until recently have not been illegal.
The synthetic cannabis products can not be considered safe given that the synthesized psychoactive substances in them have not been rigorously tested, and little is known about their long or short-term health effects, dependence potential or adverse reactions. Psychotic
symptoms have been associated with use of some synthetic cannabinoids, as well as signs of addiction and withdrawal symptoms similar to those of cannabis. Adverse outcomes have been reported from the use of Kronic in Australia.

The Control of Cannabis Use and Supply

Australian legislation
The possession, cultivation, use, and supply of cannabis is prohibited in all Australian States and Territories. In some Australian jurisdictions there are criminal penalties for the possession, cultivation and use of cannabis, and in others there are less severe civil penalties. Legislation in Australia often distinguishes between possession of small amounts of cannabis (for personal use) possession of larger amounts (trafficable quantities), and possession of even larger “commercially trafficable” quantities. The supplying of cannabis and the possession of large quantities attract criminal penalties in all Australian jurisdictions. All Australian States and Territories have diversionary schemes for minor and early cannabis offenders which require them to undertake educative and treatment programs as an alternative to receiving a criminal penalty.

Criminalisation and health
It is often thought that criminal penalties are a deterrent to cannabis use and, therefore, an effective way to prevent the health impacts and other harms associated with cannabis use. These beliefs have little foundation. A system of criminal prohibition for cannabis use applied in Australia for many years, but the incidence of cannabis use was still significant. The introduction of less serious civil penalties and diversionary alternatives to criminal sanctions did not significantly increase the rates of uptake and use among Australians.

For those who are not deterred from use by criminal penalties, criminalisation can add to the potential health and other risks to which cannabis users are exposed. These include:

 exposure of cannabis users, including teenage and occasional users, to ‘harder drugs’. Those who acquire cannabis from large scale illicit drug distribution networks will also become exposed to more harmful drugs, including the direct marketing of those drugs to them;
 exposure of cannabis users to criminal networks and activity, including exposure to the threat of violence and the risk of taking part in criminal distribution;
 the personal and health-related costs of a criminal conviction. A criminal conviction can negatively impact on a person’s employment prospects and their accommodation and travel opportunities. Limited employment and accommodation prospects can lead to poor health,
including mental health. Individuals with a criminal record are also at a disadvantage in any subsequent criminal proceedings;
 a deterrent to individuals seeking health advice, treatment and support regarding their cannabis use;
 the inability to collect high quality, reliable data regarding patterns of use and harms.

Harm reduction
A harm-reduction approach is defined as policies and initiatives that aim to reduce the adverse health, social and economic consequences of substance use to individual drug users, their families and the community. Harm reduction considers both the potential harms to individuals using substances like cannabis and the potential harms and negative impacts of the different approaches for controlling the use and supply of these substances. When harm reduction is the primary goal, the key policy focus will be on measures to reduce individuals’ harmful levels of cannabis use, or cannabis use among individuals who are most vulnerable to adverse health impacts, or cannabis use in contexts which involve serious risks to users.

Harm-reduction measures include targeted efforts to reduce the supply of cannabis and to reduce demand for it among vulnerable groups. In certain contexts, and with certain groups, measures emphasizing abstinence may also contribute, in a preventive way, to reducing harms. Policy and legislative approaches that do not effectively address cannabis-related harms or create
significant risks and adverse impacts are not consistent with harm-reduction. Prohibition of cannabis use with criminal penalties has the potential to produce harms and risks. The effectiveness of criminal prohibition of cannabis use in reducing the health-related harms
associated with cannabis use is questionable.

Treatment Options
The number of people seeking treatment for cannabis use is increasing, but most of those who experience cannabis dependence do not seek help. Many regular cannabis users do not believe they need treatment, and there is also a low awareness of the treatment options available and how to access them.
There are fewer treatment options for cannabis dependence than for alcohol or opiate dependence, and limited research on the effectiveness of different cannabis treatment options. Treatments for problematic cannabis use include psychological interventions such as cognitive
behavioural therapy and motivational enhancement, and pharmacological interventions with medications to ease the symptoms of withdrawal or block the effects of cannabis. The research on pharmacological interventions for cannabis is in its infancy, with medications still in the experimental stages of development.

Cognitive behavioural therapy helps the cannabis user develop knowledge and skills to identify risk situations when using cannabis and to modify behaviour accordingly. Motivational enhancement techniques build the cannabis user’s desire to address their problematic use. These counseling interventions are increasingly available online as web-based programs, as well as face-to-face with a counselor. Online programs have the advantage of convenience and anonymity, for those who are concerned about possible stigma. Difficulties in maintaining motivation, and limitations in personalising the programs to individual needs, are drawbacks. According to current research, web-based treatment programs may not be as effective as in-person treatment. Some problematic cannabis users have particular treatment needs, including those with cannabis dependence and mental health issues. These individuals require integrated treatment and coordinated care. General practitioners can play an important role in developing a coordinated care plan to suit the needs of these patients.

The Australian Medical Association Position
The AMA acknowledges that cannabis use is harmful and can lead to adverse chronic health outcomes, including dependence, withdrawal symptoms, early onset psychosis and the exacerbation of pre-existing psychotic symptoms. While the absolute risk of these outcomes is low and those who use cannabis occasionally are unlikely to be affected, those who use cannabis frequently and for sustained periods, or who initiate cannabis use at an early age, or who are susceptible to psychosis, are most at risk.
The AMA also recognises that cannabis use has short-term effects on cognitive and perceptual functioning which can present risks to the safety of users and others. The AMA believes that cannabis use should be seen primarily as a health issue and not primarily as a matter for law enforcement. The most appropriate response to cannabis use should give priority to policies, programs and regulatory approaches that reduce the harms potentially associated with cannabis use, and particularly the health-related harms. The positions outlined below should be read in the light of this harm-reduction principle. The AMA believes the following are the important considerations and central elements in an appropriate harm-reduction response to cannabis use.

Prevention and Early Intervention
 As younger people and those who use cannabis frequently are most at risk of harm, prevention and early intervention initiatives to avoid, delay and reduce the frequency of cannabis use in these populations are essential.
 All children should have access to developmentally appropriate school-based life-skills programs to assist in preventing or reducing potential substance use problems.
 Evidence-based information on the potential risks of cannabis use and where to seek further assistance should be widely available, particularly to young people.
 Medical professionals can play an important role in the early identification of patients they believe to be at risk of adverse health outcomes from cannabis use.
 When a cannabis user comes into contact with law enforcement or justice administration agencies this should be used as an opportunity to direct them to education, counseling or treatment. This is particularly important with young and first time or early offenders.

Diagnosis and Treatment
 Medical professionals have the knowledge and opportunity to screen for and diagnose cannabis-related disorders, including dependence, withdrawal symptoms, and cannabis induced psychosis. Referral networks and linkages should be established within regions between primary care and specialist mental health and drug and alcohol services, to ensure integrated and coordinated treatment support for cannabis use problems.
 Medical professionals, particularly general practitioners, have the opportunity to counsel patients who are at risk of cannabis-related harms, and they should be supported to provide education and advice about those potential harms.
 Targeted treatment regimens should be developed and resourced for groups with particular needs, including those with dual diagnoses, multiple drug use, young teenage users and culturally appropriate services for Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders. Of particular importance are suitable treatment services for cannabis users with mental health needs.
 Every effort should be made to address the personal and systemic barriers that cannabis users face in seeking treatment and support when they need it. These include barriers associated with perceptions of stigmatisation, users’ and professionals’ awareness of treatment options, and users’ beliefs that they do not have a health problem.
 Doctors should consider accidental cannabis ingestion in the differential diagnosis of children with impaired consciousness.
 Cannabis users should have access to the rehabilitative services and support they require to manage associated disorders and particularly the risk of relapse.

Medical Uses of Cannabis
The Australian Medical Association acknowledges that cannabis has constituents that have potential therapeutic uses.
 Appropriate clinical trials of potentially therapeutic cannabinoid formulations should be conducted to determine their safety and efficacy compared to existing medicines, and whether their long-term use for medical purposes has adverse effects.
 Therapeutic cannabinoids that are deemed safe and effective should be made available to patients for whom existing medications are not as effective.
 Smoking or ingesting a crude plant product is a risky way to deliver cannabinoids for medical purposes. Other appropriate ways of delivering cannabinoids for medical purposes should be developed.
 Any promotion of the medical use of cannabinoids will require extensive education of the public and the profession on the risks of the non-medical use of cannabis.

Law Enforcement, Cannabis Regulation and Health
 In assessing different legislative and policy approaches to the regulation of cannabis use and supply, primary consideration should be given to the impact of such approaches on the health and well-being of cannabis users.
 The AMA does not condone the trafficking or recreational use of cannabis. The AMA believes that there should be vigorous law enforcement and strong criminal penalties for the trafficking of cannabis. The personal recreational use of cannabis should also be
prohibited. However, criminal penalties for personal cannabis use can add to the potential health and other risks to which cannabis users are exposed. The AMA believes that it is consistent with a principle of harm reduction for the possession of cannabis for personal
use to attract civil penalties such as court orders requiring counselling and education (particularly for young and first time offenders), or attendance at ‘drug courts’ which divert users from the criminal justice system into treatment.
 When cannabis users come into contact with the police or courts, the opportunity should be taken to divert those users to preventive, educational and therapeutic options that they would not otherwise access.
 In allocating resources, priority should be given to policies, programs and initiatives that reduce the health-related risks of cannabis use. Law enforcement should be directed primarily at cannabis supply networks.
 The AMA believes that the availability and use of synthetic cannabis products (including herbal forms) poses significant health risks, given that the psychoactive chemical constituents of these products are unknown and unpredictable in their effect. There are
particular challenges in regulating these products, and Australian governments must make a concerted effort to develop consistent and effective legislation which captures current and emerging forms of synthetic cannabis.

Research
 Further research is needed into the relationship between cannabis use and psychosis and other mental health problems, including the identification of those at greatest risk of cannabis-induced psychosis.
 There should be continuing research to identify the risk factors that contribute to individuals developing problematic or early onset cannabis use, and the factors and interventions that can protect against these.
 Australian governments should fund research into best practice treatment methods, including suitable pharmacotherapies, for those who are cannabis-dependent or who wish to reduce or cease their use.
 There should be systematic ongoing monitoring of the different legislative and policy approaches on cannabis operating in overseas jurisdictions to assess their health and harm-related impacts. The evidence obtained should inform critical reviews of the
approaches that operate in Australia.

Source: 1 (ama.com.au) 2014

A pilot programme at Shanghai’s rehab centres taps the technology to measure addiction and determine how to treat it.

In a treatment room at a suburban Shanghai drug rehabilitation centre, “Victor Wu”, a recovering addict, sits in front of a computer screen, viewing assorted scenes through a virtual reality headset.

Wu (not his real name) takes in a lifelike image of a young man and a woman sitting on a sofa drinking a clear liquid through a straw from a small bottle. As he does so, clips attached to three of the fingers on his left hand pick up his physical reactions.

The data reveals to his observers – including police officers who can see on the computer screen what Wu sees – the degree to which this stimulus excites him.

As the woman in this VR-enhanced scene holds her straw out to Wu, enticing him to drink with her and the man, Wu remains captivated for at least 10 seconds – a detail the observers note with interest.

Although he can choose the scenes to view and their duration by using the switch he holds in his right hand, “Wu’s attention is stuck on this scene for a while before [he moves on] to look at other no-drug scenes”, an officer told the South China Morning Post.

“It means he is still a bit interested in having drugs.”

It is all part of a revolutionary effort to use VR technology to reveal the extent of drug users’ addiction – and the type of treatment they need – to help them to turn their lives around.

Clad in the centre’s official inmate uniform of green sleeveless T-shirt, shorts and sandals, Wu and his fellow addicts are part of a trial of VR technology that was expanded this summer to all five of Shanghai’s rehab facilities, from just two in October.

Although the Shanghai centres were not the first in China to begin using VR – some rehab institutes in the eastern province of Zhejiang had employed it last year – their application of the technology is nevertheless distinctive in its application of eyeball movement tracking science.

Being able to read how an inmate’s eyeballs move over certain images gives staff a clearer idea of whether the addict’s gaze is fixed squarely on the repulsive “educational” images of drug addicts he or she must watch.

Tracking eyeball movement also gives staff extra information they can use to gauge the accuracy of the self-evaluations that inmates are required to fill out; many have been known to lie about the degree of their drug dependency in an attempt to speed up their release from the programme.

“In the rehab centre we see those awful pictures of drug addicts through VR helmet several times a month, as part of our education here,” Wu told the Post. “I really abhor drugs now.”

While it is not known how many addicts in China ultimately are to be exposed to the VR programme, the number is expected to be considerable. The five centres in Shanghai and one at Qingdong alone treat 1,800 male addicts.

Xu Ding, a drug rehab veteran from Shanghai Drug Rehabilitation Management Bureau who spearheads the VR project, said the technology’s use has helped alleviate “a major frustration” encountered when trying to treat drug addicts by showing them revolting images of other addicts.

 “In the past, to depress the addicts’ desire for drugs, we let them watch TV or presented them horrible pictures of people whose health was seriously affected after long-term consumption of drugs,” Xu said. “But both TV or pictures on papers don’t look real enough.

“What’s more, we can’t tell if these people are really focusing on our education,” Xu said. “They would look at other places, or just close their eyes.”

In 2015, when the VR industry was beginning to get a lot of attention in China, Xu and his colleagues moved to incorporate it in treating addicts. “VR is a kind of embedded viewing experience and is so real,” Xu said.

The VR system that was first used in two of the city’s rehab centres in October was jointly developed by Shanghai Mental Health Centre, East China Normal University’s School of Psychology and Cognitive Science, eyeball movement tracking company Shanghai Qing Tech and the Shanghai drug rehabilitation authority.

In the system, an instrument to trace eyeball movement is installed in the VR headset along with devices to measure electrodermal activity (EDA) and pulse phase, to make observers aware when addicts refuse to look at what they are supposed to see.

EDA measures the change in the electrical characteristics of a person’s skin in response to sweat secretion.

 “Shanghai is the first in the world to introduce an eyeball-movement tracking machine to drug rehabilitation, according to the literature I can find on the internet,” Xu said.

Cao Lei, director of the psychotherapeutic department of Shanghai Qingdong Drug Rehab Centre, said the reports on addiction level based on inmates’ responses to watching VR scenes “are objective and people can’t fool the system since they can’t control their EDA and pulse speed”.

Previously, inmates could lie when filling out a questionnaire on their drug dependency to get released early, Cao said.

Under mainland law, people caught possessing drugs must spend two years undergoing treatment at a rehab centre. Inmates who “perform very well” in treatment can get out early.

So far, assessing the VR programme’s effectiveness is difficult, given the lack of concrete results.

Last year, however, the Ministry of Justice said many rehab centres across the country were using innovative methods to try to help people kick drug habits, including virtual reality technology, people.com.cn reported.

The measures, which also included Tibetan medicine, traditional Chinese medicine, massage and physical exercise, had achieved good results, according to the ministry.

Some 2.55 million people in China had possessed illegal drugs as of the end of last year, according to the 2017 China Drug Situation Report issued in June by the China National Narcotics Control Commission.

Among them, 321,000 were put in rehab centres across the country, about 2 per cent more than in the previous year. More than 60 per cent of addicts possessed synthetic drugs such as methamphetamine, a central nervous system stimulant known in the illicit drug trade as “ice”.

Wu, 28, said his drug habit began six years ago at a pub where a friend offered him ketamine – a synthetic drug that induces a trancelike state and is usually referred to on the street as “K powder”.

“I knew drugs are bad, but at that time I was confident that I could control myself [and would] not become addicted to drugs,” said Wu, a former sales representative with an insurance company.

But he failed to do that. Last year, police, tipped off by his friend that Wu had illegal drugs at home, raided Wu’s house and took him away.

“I think I will not touch drugs after I get out [of the rehab centre],” Wu said. “I don’t want to come back again. I hate losing my freedom.”

Source: How China is using virtual reality to help drug addicts turn their lives around | South China Morning Post (scmp.com) July 2018

Realizing you have a drinking problem and deciding to quit are the first two steps of recovery, and for some people, they are the hardest. So, if that’s where you are in your journey right now, know you’re not alone and that you can claim your life back from a destructive addiction.

Once you’ve decided to quit drinking, you must commit to staying sober, despite any temptations or triggers you might come across. This is much more practical when you have support from therapy, a church group, friends who don’t drink, and/or any other kind of system that motivates you and helps you to stay accountable.

It’s also essential that you add meaningful and enjoyable things to your life that don’t involve drinking, and that you move your life forward so that you can thrive. This article will provide some tips on how to get on with your life while recovering from alcohol abuse.

Get Car Insurance

One of the first things to get in order will be your car insurance (if you don’t have any), as you won’t be able to legally drive without it. If your policy lapsed due to having your license suspended, try going to your former insurance company for coverage. If they won’t work with you, you will need to look around at other companies. Sometimes, a lapse in coverage means that it’s too high a risk for standard companies to insure you. However, there are companies that specialize in insuring higher-risk drivers, though you can expect higher premiums.

Surround Yourself with Support

One of the most important aspects of staying sober is hanging around people who help you in your mission. While therapy, treatment, and church can prove invaluable, so can spending time with non-drinking friends. This is because it helps to break social connections with alcohol and normalize sobriety, and friends can keep you accountable on your journey. Plus, boredom can easily lead to relapse, and doing things with people will help prevent that from happening.

Improve Your Diet

What you eat obviously has a lot to do with your physical health, which plays a major role in your mental and emotional health. Start being conscious of your diet — maximizing fruits, vegetables, lean proteins, and healthy fats, while limiting sugar, sodium and saturated fats. You should also make mood-boosting foods like kale, eggs, spinach, nuts, and wild salmon a part of your diet. If it’s easier for you, just start by replacing one meal a day with a healthier option than you normally would consider, and build from there.

Get Fit

Physical activity is also important. Not only does regular exercise yield long-term health benefits, but it also provides short-term benefits. The endorphins released during exercise creates a sense of reward in the brain, which can instantly boost your mood, reduce stress, and make you feel productive. Also, exercise is known to reduce anxiety and depression symptoms, as well as promote better sleep.

Set New Goals

Finally, in order to move past your addiction, you have to move forward in your life. Think of where you want to be in the future, and start setting goals. This could include goals to start a new career, progress in your current career, or go back to school. It can also include goals for repairing and developing relationships, learning new activities or skills, or any other number of things. Take advantage of your commitment to change by setting and focusing on new goals.

Recovering from alcohol addiction is not easy, but the rewards far outweigh the struggle. Be sure to look into your car insurance, and start hanging around positive, non-drinking friends. Prioritize your physical health to boost your mental and emotional health, and set new goals for your future. Most importantly, have grace on yourself, and try to maintain a positive outlook throughout your journey through addiction recovery.

Source:  Ryan Randolph   Recovery Proud  November 2019

A. Benjamin Srivastava, MD
Mark S. Gold, MD

The opioid epidemic is the most important and most serious public health crisis today. The effects are reported in overdose deaths but are also starkly evident in declines in sense of well-being and general health coupled with increasing all-cause mortality, particularly among the middle-aged white population. As exceptionally well described by Rummans et al in this issue of Mayo Clinic Proceedings, the cause of the epidemic is multifactorial, including an overinterpretation of a now infamous New England Journal of Medicine letter describing addiction as a rare occurrence in hospitalized patients treated with opioids, initiatives from the Joint Commission directed toward patient satisfaction and the labeling of pain as the “5th vital sign,” the advent of extended-release oxycodone (OxyContin), an aggressive marketing campaign from Purdue Pharma L.P., and the influx of heroin and fentanyl derivatives.

To date, most initiatives directed toward fighting the opioid initiatives, and the focus of the discussion from Rummans et al, have targeted the “supply side” of the equation. These measures include restricting prescriptions, physician drug monitoring programs, and other regulatory actions. Indeed, although opioid prescriptions have decreased from peak levels, the prevalence of opioid misuse and use disorder remains extremely prevalent (nearly 5%). Further, fatal drug overdoses, to which opioids contribute to a considerable degree, continue to increase, with 63,000 in 2016 alone. Thus, although prescription supply and access are necessary and important, we need to address the problem as a whole. To this point, for example, the ease of importation and synthesis of very cheap and powerful alternatives (eg, fentanyl and heroin) and the lucrative US marketplace have contributed to the replacement pharmacy sales and diversion with widespread street-level distribution of these illicit opioids; opioid-addicted people readily switch to these illicit opioids.

A complementary and necessary approach is to target the “demand” side of opioid use, namely, implementation of preventive measures, educating physicians, requiring physician continuing education for opioid prescribing licensure, and addressing why patients use opioids in the first place. Indeed, prevention of initiation of use is the only 100% safeguard against addiction; however, millions of patients remain addicted, and they need comprehensive, rather than perfunctory, treatment. Rummans and colleagues are absolutely correct in their delineation of the unwitting consequences of a focus on pain, given that a perceived undertreatment of pain fueled the opioid epidemic in the first place. They are correct to point out how effective pain evaluation and treatment are much more than prescribing and should routinely include psychotherapy, interventional procedures, and nonopioid therapies. In addition, we have described the crossroads between pain and addiction as well as successful strategies to manage patients with both chronic pain syndromes and addiction.

Rummans and colleagues also mention much needed dissemination of medication-assisted treatment (MAT; eg, methadone and buprenorphine) and the opioid overdose medication naloxone, and we agree with both of these measures. However, in addressing the demand side of the opioid epidemic, the focus must be much more comprehensive. Viewing opioid addiction as a stand-alone disease without consideration of other substance use or comorbid psychiatric pathology provides only a limited perspective. Rather, dual disorders are the rule and not the exception, and thus addiction evaluation and treatment should also specifically focus on psychiatric symptomatology and comorbidity. Epidemiological evidence indicates that over 50% of individuals with opioid use disorder meet criteria for concurrent major depressive disorder.Recent evidence from Cicero and Ellis indicates that the majority of opioid-addicted individuals seeking treatment indicate that their reasons for use are for purposes of “self-medication” and relief of psychiatric distress. To expand on this concept, we have suggested that drugs, by targeting the nucleus accumbens, alter motivation and reinforcement circuits and change brain reward thresholds; this change results in profound dysphoria and anhedonia, which, in turn, lead to further drug use.

Obviously, then, opioid addiction treatment should focus on diagnosing and assessing psychiatric comorbidity and monitoring of affective states and other depressive symptoms. However, a bigger problem might be the pretreatment phase, considering that, as Rummans et al note, only 10% of patients with opioid use disorder receive any treatment at all. Resources have principally been devoted to mitigating the effects of acute opioid toxicity both before and during intervention in the emergency department. A principal means of medical stabilization has been overdose reversal with the μ-opioid receptor antagonist naloxone, and efforts have been largely focused on dissemination of this agent. However, while increased naloxone use among the lay public, first responders, and medical personnel has been successful in reducing deaths, recidivism is high and increased naloxone use has not affected the problem as a whole. Generally, when patients present to the emergency department, clinical experience dictates that opioid overdoses are considered accidental until proven otherwise, which, after stabilization, allows the physician to discharge the medically stable patient, the hospital to collect reimbursement, and the pharmaceutical company to raise prices (eg, naloxone prices increased by 400% from 2014 to 2016, for autoinjection formulations).

In addition to the substantial costs associated with repeated naloxone administration and emergency department visits, recidivism is inextricably linked with another problem—the reason for overdose in the first place is not addressed. As mentioned earlier in this editorial, depression prevalence is high in patients with opioid use disorders. Strikingly, using nationwide data from US poison control centers, West et al found that over 65% of opioid overdoses reported were indeed suicide attempts, and of completed overdoses, the percent of those characterized as suicides climbed to 75%. Thus, an “inconvenient truth” may be that many of these opioid overdoses presenting to emergency departments may be unrecognized suicide attempts and that many of the over 66,000 deaths may indeed be completed suicides. Thus, comprehensive evaluation and treatment become even more relevant.

Clearly, more thorough evaluations in emergency departments with comprehensive risk assessments are needed, especially given that these patients may be guarded about suicidal ideation in the first place. Indeed, efforts to initiate buprenorphine in the emergency department, which independently is being investigated for its therapeutic effects on suicidal ideation, have spread; however, while abstinence outcomes are favorable at 30 days, the therapeutic benefit seems to disappear at both 6 months and 1 year. This failure of opioid reversal treatment is important, especially given that at 1 year, 15% of patients rescued with naloxone had died. Additionally, lack of psychiatric services and overcrowding at many emergency departments may preclude a comprehensive evaluation; however, target screening of all high-risk patients may identify patients with even hidden suicidal ideation and allow for appropriate triage.

Most addiction treatment today is centered around time-limited settings without adequate follow-up. Although MAT is an important addition to treatment for opioid addicts, it is generally not sufficient for long-term sobriety given (1) the relatively high rates of immediate and short-term treatment discontinuation and (2) that patients rarely are using just opioids. In fact, regarding long-term outcomes, methadone may be the only MAT treatment that demonstrates superior abstinence rates, safety, opioid overdose prevention, and treatment retention. We recommend that future studies include random assignment to different treatment modalities, assessing abstinence with urine testing and other modalities, psychosocial outcomes, and overall level of functioning for 5 years.

In terms of treatment, we suggest a continuing care approach, viewing addiction as a chronic, relapsing disease, but higher quality data are needed. For example, in most states, physicians with substance use disorders who are referred for treatment indeed undergo evaluation and detoxification, but they are also monitored for 5 years with frequent drug testing, contingency management, evaluation and treatment of comorbid psychiatric issues, and mutual support groups. Outcomes are generally superior, with 5-year abstinence and return to work rates approaching 80%. Notably, most of these programs do not allow MAT, yet opioid-addicted physicians do as well in the structured, supportive, long-term care model as physicians addicted to other substances. Obviously, the threat of professional license sanctions may impel physicians to comply with treatment, but many of the aforementioned strategies including contingency management, long-term follow-up, comprehensive psychiatric evaluation, and mutual support have demonstrable evidence for addiction treatment in general.

More resources need to be devoted to addressing the opioid epidemic, particularly on the prevention and also the demand side. Access to treatment is important, but more investment is needed in improving treatment including implementing 5-year comprehensive care programs. Thus, we recommend that future studies involve random assignment to different treatment groups, focusing on urine drug test–confirmed abstinence, psychosocial outcomes, and overall functioning. Additionally, advances in neuroscience may allow for the development of novel therapeutics targeting specific neurocircuitry involved in reward and motivation (ie, moving beyond the single receptor targets). A parallel can be drawn to the AIDS epidemic, in which massive basic science investments yielded novel effective therapies, which have now become standard of care and one of the world’s great public health successes. Resources focused on these interventions and reinvigorating drug education and prevention may prove fruitful in addressing this devastating epidemic. Further, lessons from this epidemic may help us move beyond a specific “one drug, one approach” so that for future epidemics, irrespective of the drug involved, we would already have in place a generalizable framework that utilizes the full repertoire of responses and resources.

The United States is confronting a public health crisis of rising adult drug addiction, most visibly documented by an unprecedented number of opioid overdose deaths. Most of these overdose deaths are not from the use of a single substance – opioids – but rather are underreported polysubstance deaths. This is happening in the context of a swelling national interest in legalizing marijuana use for recreational and/or medical use. As these two epic drug policy developments roil the nation, there is an opportunity to embrace a powerful initiative. Ninety percent of all adult substance use disorders trace back to origins in adolescence. New prevention efforts are needed that inform young people, the age group most at-risk for the onset of substance use problems, of the dangerous minefield of substance use that could have a profound negative impact on their future plans and dreams.

MOVING BEYOND A SUBSTANCE-SPECIFIC APPROACH TO YOUTH PREVENTION

The adolescent brain is uniquely vulnerable to developing substance use disorders because it is actively and rapidly developing until about age 25. This biological fact means that the earlier substance use is initiated the more likely an individual is to develop addiction. Preventing or delaying all adolescent substance use reduces the risk of developing later addiction.

Nationally representative data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health shows that alcohol, tobacco and marijuana are by far the most widely used drugs among teens. This is no surprise because of the legal status of these entry level, or gateway, drugs for adults and because of their wide availability. Importantly, among American teens age 12 to 17, the use of any one of these three substances is highly correlated with the use of the other two and with the use of other illegal drugs. Similarly for youth, not using any one substance is highly correlated with not using the other two or other illegal drugs.

For example, as shown in Figure 1, teen marijuana users compared to their non-marijuana using peers, are 8.9 times more likely to report smoking cigarettes, 5.6, 7.9 and 15.8 times more likely to report using alcohol, binge drink, and drink heavily, respectively, and 9.9 times more likely to report using other illicit drugs, including opioids. There are similar data for youth who use any alcohol or any cigarettes showing that youth who do not use those drugs are unlikely to use the other two drugs. Together, these data show how closely linked is the use by youth of all three of these commonly used drugs.


Among Americans age 12 and older who meet criteria for substance use disorders specified in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th edition (DSM-IV). Marijuana remains illegal under federal law but is legal in some states for recreational use the legal age is 21, and in some states for medical use, the legal age is 18. Nationally the legal age for tobacco products is 18 and for alcohol it is 21.

These findings show that prevention messaging targeting youth must address all of these three substances specifically. Most current prevention efforts are specific to individual substances or kinds and amounts of use of individual drugs (e.g., cigarette smoking, binge drinking, drunk driving, etc.), all of which have value, but miss a vital broader prevention message. What is needed, based on these new data showing the linkage of all drug use by youth, is a comprehensive drug prevention message: One Choice: no use of any alcohol, nicotine, marijuana or other drugs for youth under age 21 for reasons of health. This no use prevention message provides clarity for young people, parents, physicians, educators, communities and for policymakers. It is not intended to replace public health prevention messages on specific substances, but enhances them with a clear focus on youth.

Some claim adolescent use of alcohol, cigarettes and marijuana is inevitable, a goal of no use of any drug as unrealistic and that the appropriate goal of youth prevention is to prevent the progression of experimentation to later heavy use or problem-generating use. These opinions are misleading and reflect a poor understanding of neurodevelopment that underpins drug use. Teens are driven to seek new and exciting behaviors which can include substance use if the culture makes them available and promotes them. This need not be the case. New data in Figure 2 (below) show over the last four decades, the percentage of American high school seniors who do not use any alcohol, cigarettes, marijuana or other drugs has increased steadily. In 2014, 52% of high school seniors had not used any alcohol, cigarettes, marijuana or other drugs in the past month and 26% had not used any alcohol, cigarettes, marijuana or other drugs in their lifetimes. Clearly making the choice of no use of any substances is indeed possible – and growing.

 

Key lessons for the future of youth prevention can be learned from the past. Substance use peaked among high school seniors in 1978 when 72% used alcohol, 37% used cigarettes, and 37% used marijuana in the past month. These figures have since dropped significantly (see Figure 3 below). In 2016, 33% of high school seniors used alcohol, 10% used cigarettes and 22% used marijuana in the past month. This impressive public health achievement is largely unrecognized.

Although the use of all substances has declined over the last four decades, their use has not fallen uniformly. The prevalence of alcohol use, illicit drug use and marijuana use took similar trajectories, declining from 1978 to 1992. During this time a grassroots effort known as the Parents’ Movement changed the nation’s thinking about youth marijuana use with the result that youth drug use declined a remarkable 63%. Rates of adolescent alcohol use have continued to decline dramatically as have rates of adolescent cigarette use. Campaigns and corresponding policies focused on reducing alcohol use by teens seem to have made an impact on adolescent drinking behavior. The impressive decline in youth tobacco use has largely been influenced by the Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement which provided funding to anti-smoking advocacy groups and the highly-respected Truth media campaign. The good news from these long-term trends is that alcohol and tobacco use by adolescents now are at historic lows.

It is regrettable but understandable that youth marijuana use, as well as use of the other drugs, has risen since 1991 and now has plateaued. The divergence of marijuana trends from those for alcohol and cigarettes began around the time of the collapse of the Parents’ Movement and the birth of a massive, increasingly well-funded marijuana industry promoting marijuana use. Shifting national attitudes to favor legalizing marijuana sale and use for adults both for medical and for recreational use now are at their highest level and contribute to the use by adolescents. Although overall the national rate of marijuana use for Americans age 12 and older has declined since the late seventies, a greater segment of marijuana users are heavy users (see Figure 4). Notably, from 1992 to 2014, the number of daily or near-daily marijuana uses increased 772%. This trend is particularly ominous considering the breathtaking increase in the potency of today’s marijuana compared to the product consumed in earlier decades. These two factors – higher potency products and more daily use – plus the greater social tolerance of marijuana use make the current marijuana scene far more threatening than was the case four decades ago.

Through the Parents’ Movement, the nation united in its opposition to adolescent marijuana use, driving down the use of all youth drug use. Now is the time for a new movement backed by all concerned citizens to call for One Choice: no use of any alcohol, nicotine, marijuana or other drugs for youth under age 21 for reasons of health. This campaign would not be a second iteration of the earlier “Just Say No” campaign. This new no-use message focuses on all of the big three drugs together, not singly and only in certain circumstances such as driving.

We are at a bitterly contentious time in US drug policy, with front page headlines and back page articles about the impact of the rising death rate from opioids, the human impact of these deaths and the addiction itself. At the same time there are frequent heated debates about legalizing adult marijuana and other drug use. Opposing youth substance use as a separate issue is supported by new scientific evidence about the vulnerability of the adolescent brain and is noncontroversial. Even the Drug Policy Alliance, a leading pro-marijuana legalization organization, states “the safest path for teens is to avoid drugs, including alcohol, cigarettes, and prescription drugs outside of a doctor’s recommendations.”

This rare commonality of opinion in an otherwise perfect storm of disagreement provides an opportunity to protect adolescent health and thereby reduce future adult addiction. Young people who do not use substances in their teens are much less likely to use them or other drugs in later decades. The nation is searching for policies to reduce the burden of addiction on our nation’s families, communities and health systems, as well as how to save lives from opioid and other drug overdoses. Now is precisely the time to unite in developing strong, clear public health prevention efforts based on the steady, sound message of no use of any alcohol, nicotine, marijuana or other drugs for youth under age 21 for reasons of health.

Robert L. DuPont, MD, President, Institute for Behavior and Health, Inc.

Source: https://www.ibhinc.org/blog/reducing-adult-addiction-youth-prevention  February 2018

Study drawing on data from the Netherlands is the first to show how admissions to treatment centres rise and fall in line with cannabis strength

Many countries have seen far stronger cannabis come on to the market in the past few decades

Researchers have found fresh evidence to suggest that more potent strains of cannabis are at least partly to blame for the number of people seeking help from drug treatment programmes.

Scientists at King’s College London drew on data from the Netherlands to show that admissions to specialist treatment centres rose when coffee shops sold increasingly more potent cannabis, but fell again when the cannabis weakened.

The work is the first to investigate how admissions to drug treatment programmes rise and fall in line with the strength of cannabis available to users. It found that changes in demand for treatment typically lagged five to seven years behind changes to cannabis strength.

“This is the first study to provide evidence for an association between changes in potency and health-related outcomes,” said Tom Freeman, an addiction scientist at King’s.

The demand for specialist treatment among cannabis users has risen steadily in recent years, with more people now citing the drug on admission than any other illicit substance. In Europe, the number of first-time referrals for cannabis rose 53% from 2006 to 2014.

Cannabis plants produce more than 100 active compounds called cannabinoids but THC, or delta-9 tetrahydrocannabinol, is largely responsible for the drug-related high. A second compound called CBD, or cannabidiol, appears to reduce some of the mental health risks linked to heavy cannabis use by counterbalancing the effects of THC.

In work funded by the Society for the Study of Addiction, Freeman and others studied data gathered by the Trimbos Institute, a non-profit mental health and addiction organisation in the Netherlands. Each year, the institute conducts anonymous tests on cannabis for sale at a random selection of coffee shops in the country.

Writing in the journal, Psychological Medicine, the researchers show that THC levels in cannabis soared from an average of 8.6% to 20.4% from 2000 to 2004, then slowly fell to 15.3% by 2015. When the researchers looked at the impact on drug treatment programmes, they found that first-time cannabis admissions nearly quadrupled from seven to 26 per 100,000 inhabitants from 2000 to 2010, and then dropped to less than 20 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2015. It means that for every 1% increase in THC, about 60 more people entered treatment.

“We see a rapid increase in THC between 2000 and 2004 followed by a slower decline, and then you see a very similar profile in drug treatment admissions,” Freeman said. The rise in cannabis potency was one of a number of factors driving admissions to specialist drug services.

Val Curran, professor of psychopharmacology at UCL, said: “This adds to a growing number of scientific studies which suggest rising THC potency of cannabis is associated with greater incidence of mental health problems including addiction and possibly psychosis.”

But she added that stronger cannabis was not solely responsible for increasing demand for drug treatment. “Other factors include the marked decrease in levels of cannabidiol (CBD) in cannabis. There is evidence that CBD can protect against some mental health harms of THC,” she said.

Ian Hamilton, a mental health lecturer at the University of York, agreed that other factors beyond the potency of the drug were important. “It is possible that seeking help for problems with cannabis has become more acceptable by users and treatment providers. Over the same period that cannabis referrals to treatment have been increasing, referrals for problems with opiates such as heroin have been in decline. So although cannabis has traditionally been viewed as relatively benign by treatment workers they may now be more inclined to offer support,” he said.

Source: https://www.theguardian.com/science/2018/jan/31/stronger-cannabis-linked-to-rise-in-demand-for-drug-treatment-programmes January 2018

A USA TODAY NETWORK-Wisconsin project

Heroin entered their lives so easily.

For 10 addicts, the hard part is staying clean.

They got the pills from their doctors, then kept using them until they couldn’t stop. They switched to heroin because it was cheaper, because a friend said it was an easier, better way to get high.

They went to parties as teens, took pills, snorted powders. They got bored with the drugs they were doing and then found heroin, the drug they loved the most.

They had faced abuse, poverty, tragedy. Their pain was deep, and psychological, and the drug was an escape.

The stories of 10 recovering heroin addicts from Wisconsin are the stories of millions of Americans who have been hooked on opiates and either died, or lived with the consequences. They’ve lost friends. They’ve been arrested. They’ve lost touch with their family and friends, lost custody of their children.

COUNTY BY COUNTY: Deaths and ODs in Wisconsin.

“It wasn’t what they always told us it was going to be,” said Moriah Rogowski, a 22-year-old recovering addict, about her first time using heroin. She didn’t develop an addiction right away. But somewhere, more gradually than she expected, she lost control.

Like the other nine recovering heroin users profiled in this special report from USA TODAY NETWORK-Wisconsin, Rogowski has taken back control of her life. She’s clean. She lives in a different city, imagines a different future for herself.

Recovery from opiate addiction is hard, filled with setbacks. But these 10 people from across Wisconsin have taken the first steps toward a life after heroin. In photos, in words and in their own voices, these are their stories about how they started on heroin and fought to get off the drug.

‘That was the only way I liked to get high’

Moriah Rogowski, Green Bay

Moriah Rogowski liked the feeling of downers: Percocet, Vicodin, Oxycontin. She and her friends, the summer before high school, would go out to parties and crush pills and snort them.

She and her three siblings lived in a rural home near Mosinee, where she was homeschooled until eighth grade. In high school, she found her place among the stoners. One night she found herself in a drug house in Marshfield with 33-year-olds. She was 15.

That was the day she first tried heroin. She was afraid of needles, so she let someone else shoot the drug into a vein in her arm.

“That was the only way I liked to get high after that,” she said.

Rogowski is now 22. She’s been in and out of programs in Minnesota and Green Bay as she tried to get clean. But she’d come home and hang out with the same friends; each time they led her back to the drug.

She sought treatment at the methadone clinic in Wausau, where she saw others abusing the methadone and still using heroin. She fell into the same pattern.

She mixed heroin, crack, Xanax. There is a week of her life she can’t remember. She took her brother’s car and got an OWI. Her license was suspended.

Then, from somewhere, she found the will to change. She called her mom to come get her because she wanted to get clean. She began to use the methadone program correctly, taking classes and attending therapy sessions.

Rogowski has lived in Green Bay for two years. She hopes to complete her GED. And she’s trying to help others by working toward becoming a recovery coach.

— Laura Schulte, leschulte@gannett.com

A soldier’s widow masks her pain

Sarah Bear, Wausau

Sarah Bear didn’t want to feel anymore.

Her husband, Jordan, was killed in Afghanistan in 2012 during an attack at his base in the Kandahar province. More than a year later, just when she started being able to grieve her husband’s death, her oldest son’s dad died.

Bear’s addiction started in the summer of 2014 with pills — Vicodin, Oxycontin, Percocet. They dampened the pain of her losses. A friend had been prodding her to try heroin: It was cheaper, he said, and she wouldn’t have to use as much. She swore she would never touch it.

One day, Bear couldn’t get any pills. The withdrawals hit. She got sick; she couldn’t take care of her children. Eventually, she called the friend, and within a half hour was snorting heroin for the first time in her Antigo apartment.

Then, she felt nothing, just like she wanted.

“I completely, seriously fell in love with that drug,” she said. “There was nothing that compared to it, honestly. Sadly.”

She did heroin every day, either snorting or smoking it, and eventually injecting it.



Beginning in January 2015, Bear was in and out of jail, and on and off heroin. She tried methadone treatment but it didn’t stick.

In October 2016, Bear’s four children were taken from her. Two went to stay with her mom, and two with her grandmother.

Almost a year later, Bear, 33, found herself in North Central Health Care’s Lakeside Recovery in Wausau, a 21-day medically monitored substance abuse treatment program. She believes she hit rock bottom.

She started the program in mid-September and could feel the change within her as her Oct. 6 graduation approached. She’s determined to get better.

“I remember a time when my life was good, and I know that I can be back there,” she said. “I know that I can have that again.”

— Haley BeMiller, hbemiller@gannett.com

He laughed at the idea he could be saved

Nathan Scheer, Fond du Lac

Nathan Scheer felt the bottom drop out the day before Christmas Eve 2016. His wife and kids watched the cops haul him away.

His probation officer had heard he would test dirty and showed up at his home unannounced.

“On the way to jail I was higher than I’d been in years, but I remember my probation officer telling me she was going to save my life,” he said. “I laughed and told her you can’t save someone who doesn’t want to be saved.”

He first used prescription opiates after a car crash. One day he didn’t have enough money for hydrocodone pills. In their place, he was offered “dog food” —  a street name for heroin.

A decade-long fling with heroin followed, and it turned the 35-year-old factory worker from a regular, middle-class guy into a liar and a thief.


“I once explained to my wife that it (heroin) felt like what I imagine looking into the eyes of God would feel like,” Scheer said. “It’s the most religious experience you could ever imagine.”

But since the day the probation officer showed up a little more than a year ago, Scheer got clean through counseling, group support and a local church. He learned to feed his addictive personality through the gratification that comes with community service.

Today, Scheer and his 4-year-old son, Bentley, have gained recognition in Fond du Lac by cleaning up parks and playgrounds. Giving back is his metaphor for recovery. Father and son call it #cleanstreetforkids.

“I call it my beautiful disaster, because the way everything happened, I was so lucky. I had people who stuck by me while I waged war on myself.”

— Sharon Roznik, sroznik@gannett.com

‘They just kept prescribing pain meds’

Rebecca Palmieri, Wisconsin Rapids

Rebecca Palmieri’s house is quiet now. In August, a court commissioner ordered her to give up her five children. It was the second time in two years that she lost them.

She’s lost everything since she started using heroin. She’s been homeless. She has a record.

Palmieri, 39, had medical complications when she had her fifth child. That was in 2013.

“They just kept prescribing pain meds for five months after I had my son. They did corrective surgery, but, by then, I was hooked.”

She used pills for about two years. In January 2015, a friend came to her Wisconsin Rapids apartment with heroin. He told her to hold out her arm. In the empty bedroom, with her children in another part of the house, he injected her.

Using wasn’t an everyday thing, she said, until it was. She would look around her apartment to see what she could sell or return for money to buy the drug.

The courts put her kids into foster care. She was homeless for about six months. The kids went to live with her husband; they came back to her when he went to prison. She got clean and found a house. But the courts sent the kids back to her husband when he got out.

Palmieri said she has been clean since November 2016. She goes to the YMCA every day to work out; she attends addiction support group meetings. She wants to get her kids back.

“It’s probably the hardest thing I ever had to do,” she said, “to get clean and stay clean.”

— Karen Madden, kmadden@gannett.com

Sacred fire lights a path to recovery

Joey Powless, Oneida

Joey Powless stood by the sacred fire burning under a tepee in the center of Oneida. He busied himself by keeping the fire steady and clean, moving ash and coals out of the flames.

Powless, 36, a member of the Oneida Nation, called it the Grandpa Fire, and without it, he said, he would not have been able to stay clean for the past five years or so.

The sacred fire represents the spirit of native people, a connection to the past and present, a source of strength, a place to pray, a gateway to understanding.

“Without fire, we couldn’t live,” Powless said. “This is what we cooked our food with. This is what gave us life. Gave us heat. So without it we could never live. This is our very first teaching right here.”

His mother abandoned him and his family when he was a kid, and he responded at a young age with anger, he said. He started drinking and smoking pot at age 13. By the time he was in his early 20s, he added opioid medications and cocaine to the mix.



Powless was 28 when he first tried heroin at a party. He was deep into drug culture, and selling drugs to pay for his own drugs. “Cocaine really wasn’t doing nothing for me no more,” he said. Snorting heroin seemed like a natural thing to do.

It made him sick at first, but as that feeling eased, he felt the high. “That’s when the magic happens,” he said. He continued to chase that high. He graduated from snorting heroin to shooting it into his veins.

He was about 31 when he was jailed, and put into solitary confinement. It was there that he decided he didn’t want to be an addict anymore. “Because I have children,” he said. (Powless is the father of two teenagers.) “I didn’t want to be out of their lives no more.”

— Keith Uhlig, kuhlig@gannett.com

Arrests pile up after friend overdoses

Jennifer Solis, Stevens Point

Jennifer Solis was out of pills and already felt sick.

In the bathroom of her friend’s house in Stevens Point, she crushed up a little heroin and snorted it. It was the first time she had tried the drug.

Her friend, close by, was injecting it. They didn’t talk.

Solis, who was in her mid-20s at the time, looked down on people who used needles. She told herself she wouldn’t cross that line. She would.

Solis, now 34, was born in Colorado but moved to Wisconsin as a teenager. She was already using drugs with her friends — first marijuana, then cocaine — by the time she was 16.

“I think I was always looking for the next best thing,” she said. “I didn’t see myself as an addict back then.”

Solis became addicted to pain pills after she suffered a serious back injury as a result of domestic abuse, she said. After her friend introduced her to heroin, she used it every day.

She called paramedics when a friend overdosed a few years ago, then watched as they used the counteracting drug naloxone to revive her. She was charged in that incident, and then arrests piled up quickly.

 

She joined Portage County’s drug court in May and stayed clean for her first three months. Then she relapsed by using heroin and methamphetamine. By October 2017, Solis had again been clean for three months.

Solis has five children but no contact with them. Her three oldest live with a relative and her two youngest were adopted as infants.

She wants to go back to school for interior design. But for now, Solis lives at the Salvation Army in Stevens Point, working to put her life back together.

— Chris Mueller, cmueller@gannett.com

‘I smoked pot with both my parents’

Kevin Williams, Wisconsin Rapids

Kevin Williams is 35 and lives in a Wisconsin Rapids assisted-care facility. His mother and father divorced when he was 8, and, he said, “I basically smoked pot with both my parents by the time I was 15.”
By the time Williams was an adult, he tried every drug he could.

Cocaine: “Why not? I was already stoned on weed.”

Meth: “I tell people I used meth once in my life for eight months.”

Opiates: A friend first gave him an oxycodone pill, “and I was like, ‘Why not?’ I crushed it up and snorted it. … It was like the absolute, most warmest hug I ever felt.”

He can’t remember when he first switched from prescription opiates to heroin. But shooting up the drug, he said, “was like stepping into the perfect temperature of bath water, and (the feeling) would go all the way up, and all the way down.”

Williams is disabled. He walks with a limp and his left arm hangs at his side.



“I went to prison a couple years back. I found out I had a brain tumor. They went in to take it out, and they cut a blood vessel … gave me a stroke.”

One day, two years ago, he ran out of money and got clean. He can’t explain why.

“These days … I feel better about my life than I ever have before. Which sounds pretty crazy, doesn’t it? I only got half a freakin’ body right now. … But I get by. I still joke and love and make it to the Dollar Tree. All my essentials are taken care of.”

— Keith Uhlig, kuhlig@gannett.com

Addiction becomes a legacy of abuse

Jodi Chamberlain, Stevens Point

Jodi Chamberlain couldn’t get pills. They cost too much.

She got heroin from a friend instead. She was alone in her bedroom the first time she snorted the drug.

She didn’t have to think or feel. She didn’t have to deal with anything. But, Chamberlain said, “when it ends, you just crave more.”

She used heroin again within a week.

Chamberlain was living in Stevens Point at the time. She was barely in her 20s, but was already a regular drug user — mostly pain pills, but also cocaine and other stimulants. Her addictions grew out of a turbulent childhood, which, she said, included incidents of sexual abuse by a relative.

“I was taught to lie and to not have feelings,” she said. “I’ve never felt feelings.”

Now 41, Chamberlain has been clean for about eight months. She moved back to Stevens Point late last year after living in Eau Claire. Sometimes she slept in a truck.

Chamberlain was arrested again and again. She was sentenced in May on felony drug charges, but instead of going to prison, a judge allowed her to participate in Portage County’s drug court. She’s never made it through treatment without going back to heroin. If she fails in drug court, she faces a prison sentence.

Chamberlain regrets how many people she hurt with her drug use, particularly her two children, who watched their mother struggle with addiction.

She wants to stay clean, but even she can’t say whether she will make it.

“I can’t make that promise to anyone, not even myself,” she said. “But I choose to have people in my life now who can help me when I am going through rough times.”

— Chris Mueller, cmueller@gannett.com

‘A very functional addict’ awaits prison

Kyle Keding, Wisconsin Rapids

Kyle Keding was 26 years old and had been a heavy user of drugs for years before he tried heroin.

He had been drinking and smoking marijuana for about half his life. He had been dependent on opiate painkillers such as Percodan and Oxycontin for about five years. The pills helped him get through long days as a welder and they helped him forget about the crap life handed him.

Keding was sexually molested when he was about 5 years old, first by a babysitter, then by a relative, he said. Those memories never left him, unless he was high. So he got high. A lot. For him, that was just part of life, in addition to work, being a parent and a husband.

 

“I was what you call ‘a very functional’ addict,” he said.

The heroin was a practical choice. Opiate painkiller manufacturers had changed the formula of their pills, making them more difficult to use to get high, and also created a huge opiate shortage.

“So I couldn’t find what I wanted. I called up my friend, and he was like, ‘Well, I’ve got some ‘ron (heroin). … (I was) kind of skeptical,” Keding said. “I had not done it before.”

He did not feel as if he had stepped over any kind of line. He had already liquefied prescription opiates and shot those up intravenously.

Shooting up, both synthetic opiates and heroin, gave him a stronger high. He chose the needle because his friend and dealer did not have enough pills to get Keding as high as he wanted.

“I can remember the words that came out of my mouth once I released the strap off my arm,” he said. “‘Oh, my God. This is amazing.’ And I knew right there, this is it. I was like, there was no turning back now. But there was.”

He used heroin for five years, until Dec. 2, 2014. That night he was with friends, getting high, and one of the people he was with died. He was charged with first-degree reckless homicide/deliver drugs. He accepted a plea deal on that charge on Dec. 1, 2017. He awaits sentencing in February and could face years in prison.

— Keith Uhlig, kuhlig@gannett.com

‘This is a lifelong battle’

Tommy Casper, Neenah

Tommy Casper said one of the main reasons he has stayed clean for more than seven months is because of his nephew Owen, who has only ever known him sober. Casper sees his sister Carly Fritsch, who overcame her own struggle with addiction, and Owen most days of the week after work. Casper plays on a recreational volleyball team with other recovering addicts and attends Narcotics Anonymous meeting three times a week.

Tommy Casper was alone in the basement of the two-story home where he grew up.

He sat on his bed and opened a small bag of heroin that had been on top of a dresser beside him. He hadn’t used the drug before, but at about $120 a bag, it was cheaper than the pills he used. He snorted it.

He found himself asking one thing as the feeling went away: “What do I need to do in order to feel that way again?” He used heroin again three hours later.

Casper was 21 years old and living in Muskego, a community of fewer than 25,000 people on the outskirts of Milwaukee. His mother had died about six months earlier and he struggled with the loss. His sporadic use of pain pills became an addiction.

“The first time I used (as a way) to cope — rather than using to have fun or go out — was at her funeral,” he said.

After he turned to heroin, Casper told himself he wouldn’t use a needle because “then I wasn’t as bad as other people.” He used a needle for the first time a year later.

After his mother died, Casper moved around — to a house in West Allis, then an apartment in Neenah. He began to steal to support his addiction, but got caught shoplifting at a Walmart in Fond du Lac. He was charged and went to treatment a few days later.

Casper hardly slept or ate for two weeks as he fought through the physical withdrawal from the drug.

 

Casper, now 29, has relapsed twice since going to treatment. He hasn’t used for about the last seven months and attends Narcotics Anonymous meetings three times a week. He has a full-time job at a call center in Appleton and hopes to use his story to help others.

“This is a lifelong battle that we’re going to be in,” he said.

— Chris Mueller, cmueller@gannett.com

About this project

Wisconsin has a heroin problem directly linked to its opioid epidemic. Every corner of the state has been affected, every taxpayer, every school district, every police department, every social service agency, every hospital.

But why do an estimated 6,600 Wisconsin residents regularly snort, inject or smoke heroin? And how do we get our state off this deadly drug?

A team of journalists from USA TODAY NETWORK-Wisconsin went to 10 people who know firsthand how heroin enters a person’s life, and how best to get away from its grip. Their stories are part of a project the news organization will continue in 2018 to investigate Wisconsin’s response to the opioid crisis and the most successful paths to recovery.

All photos and videos by Alexandra Wimley/USA TODAY NETWORK-Wisconsin

Send feedback to Robert Mentzer, project editor: rmentzer@gannett.com

How to get help

For people who want to get help with heroin addiction:

Emergency: In a life-threatening emergency, call 911.

United Way 2-1-1: If it’s not an emergency but you want information over the phone at any hour about local options, call 211.

Narcotics Anonymous: Local meetings can be found online at wisconsinna.org or by calling 1-866-590-2651.

Wisconsin Department of Health Services: Guide to treatment resources statewide, online at dhs.wisconsin.gov/opioids/.

Source: http://www.wisinfo.com/usat/heroin_addiction/?for-guid=7ba874c6-08dd-e611-b81c-90b11c341ce0#start

 

 

The Washington County drug court graduation ceremony for Maria Kestner. Photograph: Fred R Conrad

Photographer  visited a Virginia drug court last year and saw how individuals and families had been given a second chance – so when he went back this summer he had a question: did they take it?

“Opioid and methamphetamine abuse tore through this area like a wildfire.”

This is the view of Rebecca Holmes, who is responsible for mental health and drug use outpatient treatment in Abingdon, Washington County, Virginia, as she looks back at the decision to set up a drug court.

Holmes, the medical director of Highlands Community Services, had seen how the growing crisis around opioids had taken such a heavy toll on families in the town, which is home to just over 8,000 people.

 

There was a growing need for a small group of addicts that did not respond to treatment or programs offered by the existing court or probation, she said, so five years ago she applied for a grant to use a federal model for a drug court that had first emerged in 1989.

The county’s drug court has been in place for several years now and Holmes feels that it has never been more needed. Last year in Virginia there were more deaths from heroin and opioids than highway fatalities for the first time, and the governor declared a public health emergency.

Nationally, opioids are said to be killing 90 people a day.

  • The Washington County court house. Inside the county court room where the drug court meets every week.

Judge Lowe presides over the court and the program, which is a year and half long for those who are placed on it. It combines therapy with a structured program of court visits, random drug screens, curfews and full-time employment for participants.

  • Judge Lowe poses with Wayne Smith, who has completed the second phase of the four-phase drug court. Participants are rewarded for good behavior.

There is the ever-present threat of court sanctions if a participant relapses. Lowe says: “The point of drug court is not just to treat the addict, it’s to make that person a model for the rest of their family so that they can break the cycle of drug abuse.”

The Guardian visited last year and again this year in late summer to see how people who had gone through the court – and who worked there – were getting on.

Bubba

  • Bubba and Ginger in their bedroom.

Bubba Rouse started abusing painkillers when he was a young teenager. He then stole various pills he could get his hands on. At 17 Bubba started smoking meth. He also became a father for the first time.

Bubba continued to use drugs and found a new girlfriend, Ginger, whose father had been sent to prison for meth when she was eight years old. Bubba and Ginger were both using meth and heroin when Ginger got pregnant. “The reason I stopped using was because I knew I had a future coming with my baby and I didn’t want to bring a child into a world like the one I grew up in.”

  • Family pictures of the Rouse family are displayed throughout the home where Bubba Rouse grew up.
  • Playing with her Barbie dolls.

Ginger was able to get sober and her baby was born without any complications while Bubba was in prison. While in prison he was offered a place in the Washington County drug court program. Drug court can be very difficult, especially at the beginning. There are mandatory therapy meetings, frequent random drug screens, curfew calls in the middle of the night and you have to have to be employed full time. It was even more difficult for Bubba because he could not legally drive. Ginger became both chauffeur and workmate for Bubba this past year.

  • Bubba with his daughter. 

They have managed to work together in a factory, on a construction crew and now at a fast-food restaurant. Bubba and Ginger moved in with Bubba’s parents where Bubba was able to able to get closer to his oldest daughter. For most of the year his younger daughter, with Ginger, was taken care of by Ginger’s mother.

The family is now reunited and Bubba and Ginger have taken over the payments on a double wide trailer that they hope to move next to Bubba’s parents home. After drug court graduation in six months, Bubba hopes to start working construction with Ginger’s stepfather.

Bubba said: “Drug court has been good for me but there are not many programs in this area and I wish there were more things to help people quit early rather than when things get really bad.”

Chris Brown

  • Maria Kestner is hugged by Chis Brown at her drug court graduation ceremony.

Chris Brown is a retired police officer with nearly 30 years on the job. “As a police officer you get jaded after a while. You go to the same addresses and visit the same families all the time. It hit me when I started arresting the grandchildren of people I arrested when I was a rookie cop. You realize early on that you can’t incarcerate your way out of this drug problem.”

After retiring from the police force, Chris was looking for a job where he could help people. “When the job of drug court coordinator became available, I jumped at the chance.

  • Bubba hands a drug test cup filled with his urine to Chris Brown.

“This is a wonderful way to help people. I found my humanity with this job.” Chris takes his job very seriously. He’s on call 24/7. He handles compliance with spot drug screens, curfew calls as well as issues of transportation, housing and dealing with family issues of those in the program.

You realize early on that you can’t incarcerate your way out of this drug problem

He is not judgmental and he is a good listener. “I remember talking with a drug addict years ago and asking him how he wanted to be treated. He told me he just wanted to be treated like a human being. That’s what I try to do with everyone in the program: treat them like human beings rather than drug addicts.”

Joyce Yarber

  • Joyce Yarber manages a cattle ranch and hay farm with her husband.

Joyce Yarber, age 59, has always walked with a limp. She has suffered with hip dysplasia and osteoarthritis for most of her life. For over 20 years, her doctor had prescribed a painkilling cocktail that included Lortab, Percocet and oxycodone. When her doctor was arrested for over prescribing opiates she became desperate and eventually wrote half a dozen prescriptions for herself. She was arrested and offered drug court. Because she had written scripts in both Virginia and Tennessee, it took two years of legal wrangling before she could start the drug court program in Washington County, Virginia.

Before starting drug court, she was required to get a hip replacement operation, the hope being that the operation would eliminate the pain that caused her to become a drug addict. Determined to stay sober, Joyce refused to take any opiates after the operation. Her only post-operation painkiller was an over-the-counter one. That determination impressed the drug court team. “When I first started drug court, I was a drug snob. I thought that because I got my drugs from a doctor rather than buying them on the street, I was somehow better. It didn’t take long for me to realize I was wrong. I was no better than anyone else in the program. I was just as much an addict as they all were.”

  • The start of a therapy session at Highlands Community Services for drug court participants.

Joyce has been a model client in drug court and because of her age and her outgoing personality, she has become a mother figure for the group. The only time she missed a therapy meeting was when she was trapped in a tree without her cellphone by a young bull on the cattle farm that she and her husband operate. That bull was culled from the herd the next day.

I thought that because I got my drugs from a doctor rather than buying them on the street, I was somehow better. It didn’t take long for me to realize I was wrong

A few months into the drug court program, Joyce went to her doctor and was diagnosed with stage four lung cancer. Because the pain caused by the cancer was so great, she knew that she would have to go back on to opiate pain medication just to get through her chemotherapy. She offered to resign from the program but the team insisted that she stay. Her medication level is monitored by the drug court and she still attends all of the meetings. “I got a call from the probation office in Tennessee and they gave me a date that I need to call them by after I complete drug court. I sure hope I’m around and that I can remember to call. This chemo brain is a real pain.”

Zac Holt

Zac Holt was always a gifted athlete. His goal after graduating from college was to attend seminary and become a Presbyterian minister. Those plans were delayed after Zac fell 45ft while free climbing. He broke a leg and fractured a vertebra. While in hospital, he was given narcotic pain medication. Zac had experimented with marijuana and cocaine in high school and college but drugs were never a major part of his life.

  • Zac trains daily and has competed in two triathlons since beginning drug court

That changed after he was exposed to percocet and oxycodone. After he was released from the hospital, he began doctor shopping and getting multiple prescriptions. He went off to seminary and continued using drugs. “I became a raging drug addict. I would do anything for my drugs. I lied, cheated and stole, mostly from my family. I dropped out of school. I went through therapy several times but always came back to my drugs.” Zac’s drug use went on for nine years.

  • Zac Holt was addicted to opioids for nearly nine years.

When he was arrested for possession and put on probation he continued to use drugs. He confessed this to his probation officer who then sent him to jail. While in jail his jaw was broken in a lunch room fight. He had reached bottom when he was offered drug court earlier this year. “Drug court was the best thing in the world for me. I wanted to change my life and drug court gave me a way to change.” Zac embraced the discipline and structure of drug court. He went back to live with his parents and started reconnecting with his family. He also started training for a triathlon. It seemed like an impossible goal for someone who had never competed in one. The regimen of drug court and constant training fills every waking moment. Zac has 10 more months of drug court before graduating. He is active in his church and is contemplating a return to seminary. He has also completed two triathlons.

  • Zac is thinking about returning to seminary and becoming a Presbyterian minister after he completes drug court.

Drug use in south-western Virginia shows no sign of decline. Use of Suboxone is on the rise and meth is still entrenched in the hills of Appalachia. Brown, the drug coordinator for the Washington County drug court said: “You can’t let yourself get discouraged by the numbers. You just work and fight drug addiction one family at a time.”

Source: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/oct/23/drug-court-opioids-virginia-second-chance October 2017

Filed under: Addiction,Crime/Violence/Prison,Heroin/Methadone,Prescription Drugs,Social Affairs,Treatment and Addiction :

Christina Brezing, MD, Frances Levin, MD

It is vital that physicians—particularly psychiatrists who are on the frontlines with patients who struggle with cannabis use—are able to identify and characterize cannabis use disorders; provide education; and offer effective, evidence-based treatments. This article provides a brief overview of each of these topics by walking through clinical decision-making with a case vignette that touches on common experiences in treating a patient with cannabis use disorder.

A separate and important issue is screening for emerging drugs of abuse, including synthetic “marijuana” products such as K2 and spice. Although these products are chemically distinct from the psychoactive compounds in the traditional cannabis plant, some cannabis users have tried synthetic “marijuana” products because of their gross physical similarity to cannabis plant matter.

CASE VIGNETTE

Mr. M is a 43-year-old legal clerk who has been working in the same office for 20 years. He presents as a referral from his primary care physician to your outpatient psychiatry office for an initial evaluation regarding “managing some mid-life issues.” He states that while he likes his job, it is the only job he has had since graduating college and he finds the work boring, noting that most of his co-workers have gone on to law school or more senior positions in the firm. When asked what factors have prevented him from seeking different career opportunities, he states that he would “fail a drug test.” Upon further inquiry, Mr. M says he has been smoking 2 or 3 “joints” or taking a few hits off of his “vaping pen” of cannabis daily for many years, for which he spends approximately $70 to $100 a week.

He first used cannabis in college and initially only smoked “a couple hits” in social settings. Over time, he has needed more cannabis to “take the edge off” and has strong cravings to use daily. He reports liking how cannabis decreases his anxiety and helps him fall asleep, although he thinks the cannabis sometimes makes him “paranoid,” which results in his avoidance of family and friends.

More recently, he identifies conflict and regular arguments with his wife over his cannabis use—she feels it prevents him from being present with his family and is a financial burden. He admits missing an important awards ceremony for her work and sporting events for his children, for which he had to “come up with excuses,” but the truth is that he ended up smoking more than he had intended and lost track of the time.

Mr. M reports multiple previous unsuccessful attempts to reduce his use and 2 days when he stopped completely, which resulted in “terrible dreams,” poor sleep, sweating, no appetite, anxiety, irritability, and strong cravings for cannabis. Resumption of his cannabis use relieved these symptoms. He denies tobacco or other drug use, including use of synthetic marijuana products such as K2 or spice, and reports having a glass of wine or champagne once or twice a year for special occasions.

The diagnosis

In the transition from DSM IV-TR to DSM-5, cannabis use disorders, along with all substance use disorders, have been redefined in line with characterizing a spectrum of pathology and impairment. The criteria to qualify for a cannabis use disorder remain the same except for the following:

1. The criterion for recurrent legal problems has been removed.

2. A new criterion for craving or a strong desire or urge to use cannabis has been added, and the terms abuse and dependence were eliminated.

To qualify as having a cannabis use disorder, a threshold of 2 criteria must be met. Severity of the disorder is characterized as “mild” if 2 or 3 criteria are met, “moderate” if 4 or 5 criteria are met, and “severe” if 6 or more criteria are met. Mr. M demonstrates 3 symptoms of impaired control: using longer than intended, unsuccessful efforts to cut back, and craving; 3 symptoms of social impairment: failure to fulfill home obligations, persistent problems with his wife, and reduced pursuit of occupational opportunities; 1 symptom of risky use: continued use despite paranoia; and 2 symptoms of pharmacological properties: tolerance and withdrawal. As such, he meets 9 criteria, which qualify him for a diagnosis of severe cannabis use disorder.

You summarize Mr. M’s 9 symptoms and counsel him about severe cannabis use disorder. He becomes upset and states that he was not aware one could develop an “addiction” to cannabis. He expresses an interest in treatment and asks what options are available.

Treatment options

Psychotherapeutic treatments, including motivational enhancement treatment (MET), cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), and contingency management (CM), have demonstrated effectiveness in reducing frequency and quantity of cannabis use, but abstinence rates remain modest and decline after treatment. Generally, MET is effective at engaging individuals who are ambivalent about treatment; CM can lead to longer periods of abstinence during treatment by incentivizing abstinence; and CBT can work to enhance abstinence following treatment (preventing relapse). Longer duration of psychotherapy is associated with better outcomes. However, access to evidence-based psychotherapy is frequently limited, and poor adherence to evidence-based psychotherapy is common.

In conjunction with psychotherapy, medication strategies should be considered. Because there are no FDA-approved pharmacological agents for cannabis use disorder, patients should understand during the informed consent process that all pharmacotherapies used to treat this disorder are off-label. A number of clinical trials provide evidence for the off-label use of medications in the treatment of cannabis use disorder. The current strategies for the off-label treatment of cannabis use disorder target withdrawal symptoms, aim to initiate abstinence and prevent relapse or reduce use depending on the patient’s goals, and treat psychiatric comorbidity and symptoms that may be driving cannabis use. Here we focus on the evidence supporting these key strategies.

Targeting withdrawal and craving

Cannabis withdrawal is defined by DSM-5 as having 3 or more of the following signs and symptoms that develop after the cessation of prolonged cannabis use:

• Irritability, anger, or aggression

• Nervousness or anxiety

• Sleep difficulty

• Decreased appetite or weight loss

• Restlessness

• Depressed mood

• At least one of the following physical symptoms that causes discomfort: abdominal pain, shakiness/tremors, sweating, fever, chills, or headache

Withdrawal symptoms may be present within the first 24 hours. Overall, they peak within the first week and persist up to 1 month following the last use of cannabis. In the case of Mr. M, insomnia, poor appetite, and irritability as well as sweating are identified, which meet DSM-5 criteria for cannabis withdrawal during the 2 days he abstained from use. He also identifies strong craving and vivid dreams, which are additional withdrawal symptoms included on marijuana withdrawal checklists in research studies, although not included in DSM-5 criteria. These and other symptoms should be considered in clinical treatment.

Medication treatment studies for cannabis withdrawal have hypothesized that if withdrawal symptoms can be reduced or alleviated during cessation from regular cannabis use, people will be less likely to resume cannabis use and will have better treatment outcomes. Studies have shown that dronabinol and nabilone improved multiple withdrawal symptoms, including craving; and quetiapine, zolpidem, and mirtazapine help with withdrawal-induced sleep disturbances.

Combining dronabinol and lofexidine (an alpha-2 agonist) was superior to placebo in reducing craving, withdrawal, and self-administration during abstinence in a laboratory model. However, in a subsequent treatment trial, the combined medication treatment was not superior to placebo in reducing cannabis use or promoting abstinence.

Six double-blind placebo-controlled pharmacotherapy trials in adults with cannabis use disorder have looked at withdrawal as an outcome. Of these studies, only dronabinol, bupropion, and gabapentin reduced withdrawal symptoms. In addition to reducing withdrawal symptoms, nabiximols/Sativex (a combination tetrahydrocannabinol [THC] and cannabidiol nasal spray not available in the US) increased retention (while actively on the medication in an inpatient setting) but did not reduce outpatient cannabis use at follow-up.

All of the medications available for prescription in the US can be monitored reliably with urine drug screening to assess for illicit cannabis use except dronabinol, which will result in a positive screen for cannabis. When using urine drug screening, remember that for heavy cannabis users the qualitative urine drug screen can be positive for cannabis up to a month following cessation. When selecting a medication, take into account the cost of the medication, particularly since insurance will likely not cover THC agonists such as dronabinol for this indication, and possible misuse or diversion of scheduled substances (eg, dronabinol, nabilone). In addition, monitoring for reductions in substance use and withdrawal symptoms is key.

Abstinence initiation and relapse prevention

Other clinical trials have looked at medications to promote abstinence by reducing stress-induced relapse, craving (not as a component of withdrawal), and the reinforcing aspects of cannabis. Of these trials, the following results show potential promise with positive findings: gabapentin reduced quantitative THC urine levels and improved cognitive functioning (in addition to decreasing withdrawal), and buspirone led to more negative urine drug screens for cannabis (although the difference was not significant compared with placebo). However, in a follow-up larger study, no differences were seen compared with placebo and women had worse cannabis use outcomes on buspirone.

N-acetylcysteine resulted in twice the odds of a negative urine drug screen in young adults and adolescents (although there was no difference between adolescent groups in self-report of cannabis use).Gray and colleagues reported that no differences were seen between N-acetylcysteine and placebo (results of the trial are soon to be published). Topiramate resulted in significantly decreased grams of cannabis used but no difference in percent days used or proportion of positive urine drug screens.16 In a recent small clinical trial, reductions in cannabis use were seen with oxytocin in combination with MET.17Studies with nabilone and long-term naltrexone administration reduced relapse and cannabis self-administration and subjective effects, respectively, which suggests promising avenues yet to be explored by clinical trials.

Treatment of psychiatric comorbidity

Other studies have looked at the effects of treating common comorbid psychiatric disorders in adults with cannabis use disorder, postulating that if the psychiatric disorder is treated, the individual may be more likely to abstain or reduce his or her cannabis use. For example, if a person is less depressed, he may better engage in CBT for relapse prevention.

Fluoxetine for depression and cannabis use disorder in adolescents decreased cannabis use and depression, although there was no difference compared with placebo. A trial of venlafaxine for adults with depression and cannabis use disorder demonstrated less abstinence with greater withdrawal-like symptoms compared with placebo. These findings suggest that this antidepressant might not be beneficial for treatment-seeking individuals with cannabis use disorder and may actually negatively affect outcomes.

 

CASE VIGNETTE CONT’D

After discussing and presenting the different psychotherapy and medication treatment options to Mr. M, you and he decide to start CBT to help with abstinence initiation. In addition, you prescribe 20 mg of dronabinol up to 2 times daily in combination with 50 mg of naltrexone daily, to help globally target Mr. M’s withdrawal symptoms and prevent relapse once abstinence is achieved. However, a few days later, Mr. M calls to say that his insurance will not cover the prescription for dronabinol and he cannot afford the high cost. Given his main concerns of cannabis withdrawal symptoms, you select gabapentin up to 400 mg 3 times daily and continue weekly individual CBT.

Mr. M calls back several days later and reports that he has made some improvements in reducing the frequency of his cannabis use, which he attributes to the medication, but he thinks he needs additional assistance. After reviewing the treatment options again, he gives informed consent to start 1200 mg of N-acetylcysteine twice daily. After 10 weeks of this medication, his urine screens are negative.

You continue to provide relapse prevention CBT. He reports to you that his anxiety and insomnia are almost resolved, and you suspect that withdrawal was the cause of these symptoms. He reports significant improvement in his relationship with his family and recently received a promotion at work for “going above and beyond” on a project he was given the lead.

Over the next 6 months, he has 2 relapses that in functional analysis with you are determined to be triggered by unsolicited contact from his former drug dealer. Together, you develop a plan to block any further contact from the drug dealer. After several months, both the gabapentin and N-acetylcysteine are tapered and discontinued. Mr. M continues to see you for biweekly therapy sessions with random drug screens every 4 to 6 weeks.

 

Conclusion

Based on the available evidence, gabapentin, THC agonists, naltrexone, and possibly N-acetylcysteine show the greatest promise in the off-label treatment of cannabis use disorders. System considerations, such as medication cost, need to be factored into the decision-making as well as combination medication and psychotherapy approaches, which—as demonstrated in the case of Mr. M—may ultimately work best. Until further research elucidates the standard of medication practices for cannabis use disorder, the best off-label medication strategy should target any co-occurring disorders as well as any identified problematic symptoms related to cannabis use and cessation of use. When available, referral for evidence-based psychotherapy should be made.

Source: https://www.psychiatrictimes.com/special-reports/treatment-cannabis-use-disorders-case-report/ August 2017

 

Filed under: Brain and Behaviour,Cannabis/Marijuana,Treatment and Addiction :
Tom P. Freeman, Peggy van der Pol, Wil Kuijpers, Jeroen Wisselink,Ravi K. Das, Sander Rigter, Margriet van Laar, Paul Griffiths, Wendy Swift,Raymond Niesink and Michael T. Lynskey

ABSTRACT:

Background

The number of people entering specialist drug treatment for cannabis problems has increased considerably in recent years. The reasons for this are unclear, but rising cannabis potency could be a contributing factor. Methods Cannabis potency data were obtained from an ongoing monitoring programme in the Netherlands. We analysed concentrations of δ -9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) from the most popular variety of domestic herbal cannabis sold in each retail outlet (2000–2015). Mixed effects linear regression models examined time-dependent associations between THC and first-time cannabis admissions to specialist drug treatment. Candidate time lags were 0–10 years, based on normative European drug treatment data.

Results

THC increased from a mean (95% CI) of 8.62 (7.97–9.27) to 20.38 (19.09–21.67) from 2000 to 2004 and then decreased to 15.31 (14.24–16.38) in 2015. First-time cannabis admissions (per 100 000 inhabitants) rose from 7.08 to 26.36 from 2000 to 2010, and then decreased to 19.82 in 2015. THC was positively associated with treatment entry at lags of 0–9 years, with the strongest association at 5 years, b = 0.370 (0.317–0.424), p < 0.0001. After adjusting for age, sex and non-cannabis drug treatment admissions, these positive associations were attenuated but remained statistically significant at lags of 5–7 years and were again strongest at 5 years, b = 0.082 (0.052–0.111), p < 0.0001.

Conclusions

In this 16-year observational study, we found positive time-dependent associations between changes in cannabis potency and first-time cannabis admissions to drug treatment. These associations are biologically plausible, but their strength after adjustment suggests that other factors are also important.

Source: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/322830280_Changes_in_cannabis_potency_and_first-time_admissions_to_drug_treatment_A_16-year_study_in_the_Netherlands January 2018

Filed under: Cannabis/Marijuana,Treatment and Addiction :

Featuring Thomas Kosten, MD,
Professor and the Jay H. Waggoner Endowed Chair in the Menninger Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences at Baylor College of Medicine
Dr. Mark Gold and Dr. Thomas Kosten discuss anti-drug vaccines to treat substance use and addiction.

Q – Congratulations on your career to date and most recent work. Can you explain the idea behind your anti-drug vaccines? Are there any of your papers you’d suggest the reader look at?
A – Abused drugs are far too small to produce antibody responses. The vaccines work by covalently attaching the abused drug to 20 to 30 exposed amino acids on a carrier protein such as tetanus toxoid and then injecting this vaccine into humans to produce antibodies to both the tetanus toxoid and to the abused drug, because the drug now “looks like” part of this toxoid.

Q – Is the idea to block the drug’s reinforcing effects? What about overdose effects? Are each of the vaccines specific to a single drug or class of drugs?
A – Yes, the antibodies block reinforcing effects, but a slower process like overdose is still possible unless the drug is typically taken in very small quantities when abused – such drugs include PCP and fentanyl. These vaccines are highly specific to a class of drugs and have limited cross-reactivity.

Q – What happens if the drug abused is cocaine? Heroin? How would this be preferable to methadone or buprenorphine? Naltrexone?
A – For opiates, naltrexone is a better choice as a broad-spectrum blocker, but it does not effectively block the super-agonists related to fentanyl. However, these high potency agents are ideal targets for vaccine development, which is underway.

Q – How long would a single antidrug vaccine treatment last?
A – These antibodies persist at high levels for about three months and then require a booster vaccination about every three months.

Q – Are there risks that would prevent vaccination of women? Other risks? Adverse effects?
A – There are no specific risks from these tetanus toxoid based vaccines for women, since tetanus vaccine is even given to pregnant women. The antibodies cross over the placenta so that the fetus would also be protected.

Q – Are any approved for use? Why?
A – None are approved for use by the FDA because they have not met the criteria set for efficacy with either cocaine or nicotine. There have been no safety concerns, and a cocaine vaccine, particularly combined with the enhanced cholinesterase, would be the most likely to meet FDA efficacy standards relatively easily.

Q – Many experts think that the current opioid epidemic will be followed by a cocaine epidemic. What treatments exist for a cocaine-dependent patient or those presenting to an ED with a cocaine overdose? Are you developing for cocaine overdose? Cocaine addictions?
A – As suggested above, yes, we have a new and much more potent cocaine vaccine than we previously tested, but we need funds to move it forward. This vaccine combined with the Teva or other enhanced cholinesterases (Indivior also has one) would prevent overdoses.

Q – What about methamphetamine?
A – We have a methamphetamine vaccine and hope to have it in humans within a year or so, if our funding continues from NIDA.

Q – What kinds of studies are you doing right now? Planning?
A – The studies are all in animals with methamphetamine, cocaine, nicotine and fentanyl vaccines using a highly effective new adjuvant that has been used in humans at 50 times the dose needed for raising our antibody levels up to sevenfold higher than our previous cocaine vaccine.

Q – Anything else to add?
A – You covered it all, just send money. This is a difficult area for getting venture capital as well as NIDA funds to manufacture and get initial FDA approval to use these vaccines in humans.

Source: Email from Mark Gold, MD <donotreply@rivermendhealth.com>  September 2017

Filed under: Health,Treatment and Addiction :

Dr. Mark Gold and Dr. Stacy Seikel discuss opioid addiction

Experts have concluded that the opioid crisis started with physicians overprescribing opioid pain medication.

Q – You are one of the few double board certified, pain evaluation and treatment experts, and addiction evaluation and treatment expert. How do you decide who should be given opioids for chronic pain? What are your advantages in patient evaluation and treatment as a clinical expert in having such training?
A – The first thing when you are evaluating a patient who has pain, or pain and addiction, is that all pain is real. The patients who have chronic or intermittent pain have an underlying fear of suffering. They may appear controlling or resistant to treatment, but actually it is this “fear of suffering” that is driving most of their behavior.

Q – If the person in recovery needs opioids for chronic pain or acute pain how do you manage that and prevent abuse and/or addiction?
A – If the person in recovery needs opioids for acute pain, such as due to an injury or surgery, we develop a “Pain Management Relapse Prevention Agreement”. I have the patient, family, surgeon, sponsor, caregivers and anesthesiologist involved in that plan.

Q – You have written about how to get off Suboxone. Why is it so hard to get off Suboxone and how do you get off Suboxone?
A – First of all, the goal of patients on Suboxone is not to get off Suboxone. The goal is to get into recovery. The Suboxone and other buprenorphine formulations is one tool, among many, to help patients have a meaningful self-directed life, and not a drug directed life.

Q – You have run methadone programs, how do you get off methadone?
A – I taper methadone the same way I taper buprenorphine, that is slowly and with the patient able to stop the taper at any time. I would typically start a methadone taper in a motivated patient at about 10% per month if tolerated. Maybe less. As you can see it can take over a year to successfully taper someone.

Q – How do you detox and get on naltrexone or Vivitrol. How do you get off naltrexone?
A – In order to start a patient on Vivitrol, the patient needs to have the opiates out of their system and not have any withdrawal symptoms. Typically a patient must be off short-acting opiates for one week or long-acting opiates for 10 to 14 days. There are rapid induction techniques for Vivitrol, but I do not use those in an outpatient setting.

Q – Do you have any advice on how to use Narcan in a suspected opioid overdose?
A – Georgia has made naloxone for overdose reversal available in pharmacies without a doctor’s prescription. With one person dying of overdose every 15 minutes, I believe every citizen needs to be trained in overdose reversal and carry Narcan.

Q – What makes fentanyl so deadly? How do you reverse the fentanyl overdose? Does the overdose reverse successfully?
A – Fentanyl is a very potent opioid and it is very easy to take too much. Most of my patients do not realize that the heroin that they have been using has fentanyl in it. So as you can see, a person may not even know they are taking fentanyl. They may think they are taking heroin and take too much and overdose.

Q – MAT programs often have too little in the way of behavioral health and psychiatric treatment. You do the opposite, please describe.
A – I provide MAT within a treatment program in an outpatient setting. We provide intensive outpatient (three hours per day) or PHP (six hours per day) of counseling and group therapy. In addition we provide a psychiatric evaluation, weekly physician visits, med management, individual therapy and a very robust family program.

Q – Describe your program. Who benefits from this program?
A – Atlanta Addiction Recovery Center, AARC, our Christian program, combines our scientific evidence-based treatment with Christian principles. Biblical teachings are embedded in all aspects of our programming. Though we welcome patients from all faiths, Christian teachings are utilized.

Q – Do you see an upswing in cannabis addiction?
A – I have seen an increase in cannabis addiction. Typically we see young adults who have not been able to move through “adulting” because their cannabis use got in the way of their school, their relationships, their work and their ability to mature.

Source: Email from Mark Gold, MD <donotreply@rivermendhealth.com>  February 2018

Filed under: Heroin/Methadone,Treatment and Addiction :

By Jason Schwartz

British Columbia has long been cited as a model for North American drug policy and harm reduction implementation.

BC has established a Death Review Panel in response to the overdose crisis. The panel recently issued a report with 3 recommendations. The first recommendation to regulate recovery homes, which currently require only a simple inspection of the facility. (The other 2 were for more maintenance treatments and more harm reduction.)

The chair of the panel cited the abstinence orientation of houses as a concern.

A columnist at the Vancouver Sun pushes back against the argument that BC is suffering from insufficient harm reduction:

This is, after all, a city and a province that for nearly 20 years has been at the forefront of harm-reduction with needle exchange programs, safe injection sites, methadone and suboxone treatment programs, a prescription heroin program and, more recently, free naloxone kits, free-standing naloxone stations and training for first-responders and even teachers in how to use it as an antidote for fentanyl overdoses.

We’ve gone from crisis to crisis, each one sucking up incredible resources. Currently, a quarter of a million dollars a day goes into the Downtown Eastside alone for methadone treatment. This year, the B.C. government expects the number of British Columbians receiving replacement drug therapy to rise to 30,000 and then nearly double to 58,000 by 2020-21.

In 2006 when Vancouver updated its four pillars approach, it noted that there were 8,319 British Columbians being treated with methadone.

By 2020-21, the province also expects to be supplying 55,000 “free” take-home naloxone kits, up from 45,000 this year.

We keep hearing about an overdose crisis, but what we have is an addictions crisis. Solving it will require a lot more than simply reducing harm.

What’s needed is a recovery orientation. (Which does not rule out harm reduction.)

Source: https://addictionandrecoverynews.wordpress.com/2018/04/12/overdose-crisis-or-addiction-crisis/

April 2018

Filed under: Drug use-various effects,Heroin/Methadone,Treatment and Addiction :

Click on the images to enlarge the detail.

Source:

https://www.intervenenow.com/breaking-the-stigma-of-recovery/

Filed under: Alcohol,Cannabis/Marijuana,Nicotine,Prescription Drugs,Treatment and Addiction :

Comments below from David Evans Esq., a lawyer and special adviser to the Drug Free America Foundation, re the suggestion that marijuana could assist in treating opiate addiction.

WHAT ARE THE PHYSICAL AND BEHAVIORAL ADVERSE EFFECTS OF USING “MEDICAL” MARIJUANA WHILE IN OPIATE TREATMENT?

Memory defect (short and long term) – how are they to remember compliance issues and new problem solving? Masks other mental health issues – anxiety, PTSD, Bipolar

Marijuana use impacts the brain, creates a delay in learning skills to NOT have substance use in life.

In order for change to occur, person must acknowledge loss of control – how can someone do this when control is still lost with marijuana?

Changes in coordination, mood swings, memory/learning problems

Marijuana use deters the return to normal brain functioning and the continued drive for more substances and stimuli in the pleasure seeking area of the brain.

Marijuana use is A-motivational – knocks out drive and ambition

Continued use maintains Arrested Development – low emotional maturity – the maturity level is stumped when start using substances

Recovery – means not using drugs

THC suppresses neurons in information processing system of the hippocampus, the part of the brain that is crucial for learning memory and integration of sensory experiences with emotions and motivations. Learned behaviors, which depend on the hippocampus, deteriorate after chronic exposure

· Because marijuana use impacts learning a person falls behind in accumulating intellectual, job, or social skills. This can directly translate to need for more treatment both with intensity and length

Users have trouble sustaining and shifting their attention in and registering, organizing and using information.

Increase risk of motor vehicle/work accidents

For more detailed information log on to a paper in Support of the UN Drug Conventions: The Arguments Against Illicit Drug Legalisation and Harm Reduction also by David Evans.

Source: https://nationalallianceformarijuanaprevention.files.wordpress.com/2011/12/2009-un-drug-conventions-the-argument-against-legaliztion.pdf

Filed under: Brain and Behaviour,Cannabis/Marijuana,Drug use-various effects,Treatment and Addiction :

During the late 1970s, my colleague, Dr. Herb Kleber, and I introduced a novel neuroanatomical model to explain the pathophysiology of opioid withdrawal and put forth our contention that addiction was not simply a matter of avoiding withdrawal. Using what was then a novel new drug, clonidine, we were able to effectively detox heroin and methadone addicts in half the time, and without the surge of norepinephrine release from the locus coeruleus. This minimized the agitation and somatic anxiety that can be unbearable for some patients.

This helped prove our conviction that addictive disease was the result of numerous and largely unknown factors, and not simply to avoid withdrawal. In spite of effectively and humanely withdrawing addicts from opioids, we also discovered that something was clearly different and unique about their brain and behavior. After being clean and sober for 6-8 months in a safe and secure rehab environment, most addicts returned to using heroin as soon as the door was unlocked. This looked like Pavlovian principles on steroids. Although it was not due to avoidance of withdrawal symptoms, the answer remained unclear.

In some ways, we have travelled light years in furthering our understanding of the brain and addictive disease. Yet, relapse remains the norm and not the exception for opioid addicts. The development and use of naltrexone in the 1990s followed by buprenorphine has helped many addicts achieve a better quality of life. Yet, relapse remains the norm.

In a recent placebo-controlled clinical trial by Kowalczyk, et al, participants were given (0.3 mg/d) of clonidine or placebo during 18 weeks of Medication-Assisted Treatment (MAT) with buprenorphine, and documented their mood and activities via a pre-programmed smart phone.

Study participants receiving clonidine in addition to buprenorphine had increased abstinence from opioids and were able to decouple their stress from drug craving. Additionally, participants in the buprenorphine-plus-clonidine group, not only experienced longer periods of abstinence, but were also better in managing, or coping with their “unstructured” time. In other words, clonidine helped persons deal with their boredom and inability to create or engage in healthy activities, which is a strong predictor of relapse.

Why Does This Matter?

The study replicates previous research demonstrating that 1.) unstructured time, especially during early recovery is a trigger and predictor of relapse, 2.) engaging in responsible or helpful activities is associated with better outcomes among patients receiving Medication-Assisted Treatment, and 3.) clonidine helped participants engage in unstructured-time activities with less risk of craving or use than they might otherwise have experienced.

From a personalized-medicine perspective, these data are a good reminder that addiction is a multifaceted disease requiring a multimodal approach. It is not treatable with any singular intervention. At best, psychopharmacology is adjunctive. And remember before any MAT, many addicted persons enjoyed sustained recovery via 12-step programs.

Source: https://www.rivermendhealth.com/resources/clonidine-plus-mat-improves-treatment-outcomes/ November 2017

Filed under: Addiction,Brain and Behaviour,Treatment and Addiction :

The use of buprenorphine and other Medically-Assisted Treatments (MAT) for opioid use disorder has increased rapidly in response to the opioid epidemic in the United States. From the clinician’s perspective, buprenorphine seemed like a panacea. I remember feeling the same way about methadone in the 70s and Naltrexone in the 80s.

Buprenorphine’s unique chemistry, being a partial agonist and antagonist medication, meant patients were able to detox from heroin or powerfully addictive prescription pain medications using Suboxone (a trade name for buprenorphine) and then taper off with relative ease, compared to heroin or oxycodone. In some cases, patients were not able to come off of Suboxone and remained on a small maintenance dose for months, and even years, but had attained a quality of life they never believed was possible when addicted to illicit opioids.

However, a large study by the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health (2017) reports that a significant proportion of patients on Suboxone therapy, or shortly after the conclusion of their therapy, were attaining and filling prescriptions for other opioid medications. Outcome measures matter. Different treatments work if your outcome measure is one month of adherence to the treatment versus five years of drug-free outcome and return to work.

The methodology in the Johns Hopkins study reviewed pharmacy claims for over 38,000 persons who had been prescribed Suboxone between 2006 and 2013. The results were shocking. Two-thirds of these patients had filled a prescription for an opioid painkiller in the first 12 months following Suboxone treatment—while 43 percent had received a prescription for an opioid during Suboxone therapy. In addition, approximately two-thirds of the patients who received Suboxone therapy stopped filling prescriptions for it after just three months.

What These Data Cannot Tell Us

At first glance these data are disappointing. Just looking at patient return to the program over a short time like six months, it is very clear that most methadone patients come back and many Suboxone patients do not. However, there is much the study results don’t tell us.

In a clinical and policy environment where the number of prescribers, the volume and nature of opioid prescriptions, overdoses, prescribing policies, laws and regulations are changing frequently and dramatically, data loses some of their value. In Florida, for example, the legislature, in response to the “Pill Mills,” enacted a monitoring program whereby all prescribed scheduled medications were on a single database, accessible by any licensed physician.

Twelve months after implementation, the outcomes were evaluated. Overall opioid prescriptions decreased by 1.4%. Opioid volume decreased by 2.5%, and a decrease of 5.6% in MME per transaction was observed. These data were limited to prescribers and patients with the highest baseline opioid prescribing and usage. The findings also accounted for potential confounding variables including sensitivity analyses, varying time windows and dynamic enrolment criteria. The opioid landscape in Florida continues to improve, and the pill mills are virtually gone. This is just one example of how a state’s policies impact the data and the outcome in longitudinal research.

In addition, prescription drug monitoring programs (PDMPs) are associated with reductions in all drug use (including opioids). Data culled from adult Medicare beneficiaries in states that utilize PDMPs compared with states that do not have PDMPs show significant reductions in prescription opioid transactions. Moreover, the top treatment centers may prescribe buprenorphine but also set up voluntary drug monitoring and continuing care programs for their patients, much as the programs do for impaired physicians, nurses and pilots who mandate random and for-cause drug testing for five years.

Most heroin addicts have multiple drug dependencies and problems. They also have multiple medical co-morbidities. It is not as simple as switching the patient’s heroin for buprenorphine. But street heroin is more than a drug, it is many drugs and dangerous adulterants. Over 80 percent of the Physician Health Program participants are treated effectively, monitored and never had a positive drug test throughout the five years of post-treatment outpatient monitoring.

Lastly, the Institute of Medicine released their exhaustive report on Pain in America, revealing that 100 million Americans currently suffer from chronic or intractable pain syndromes. The Johns Hopkins study does not indicate what percent of the study participants have a pain syndrome, requiring treatment with opioid medication, hopefully under the supervision of a specialist in pain managements and addiction medicine.

Why Does This Matter?

The findings certainly raise questions about the effectiveness and the appropriateness of Suboxone for addiction treatment. Clearly, if we were to adopt an oncology standard of five years, Suboxone is not likely to be considered an effective treatment. But it is a viable and important option and part of an arsenal of treatment modalities used to individualize treatment for our patients.

The study researchers noted, and I agree, that the continued use of pain medication during and after addiction treatment indicates that too many patients did not receive a multimodal, integrated treatment plan for their addiction or concurrent chronic pain or co-occurring mental illness, which approximately 50-65% of those with Substance Use Disorder (SUD) have.

Dr. Alexander, the lead author of the study noted: “There are high rates of chronic pain among patients receiving opioid agonist therapy, and thus concomitant use of buprenorphine and other opioids may be justified clinically. This is especially true as the absence of pain management among patients with opioid use disorders may result in problematic behaviors such as illicit drug use and misuse of other prescription medications.”

Addicts are quick to discover the probabilities of attaining a “high” from just about any drug they come across. Buprenorphine, while not commonly abused or sold on the streets, can be used to get high or to ease the pangs of withdrawal when heroin and other opioids are scarce.

The efficacy of treatment for SUD, regardless of the drug, is largely dependent upon non-medical factors. Yes, monitoring is important, but only if the potential for losing something one values is at stake. Surrendering, which cannot be described in medical or psychological language, is the single most important factor in determining recovery. Adjunctive treatments such as Suboxone, Methadone, N.A., A.A., CBT, yoga, meditation, diet and exercise can help a highly motivated individual. When treatment is

individualized and a bond of trust is established between a counselor and patient, good and even improbable things happen, and lives are restored.

MATs are not a replacement for the traditional foundations of treatment and recovery. At best, they can provide a specific need for a specific patient. They are not for everyone. When people ask me what the elements of success are in treatment, I often start with long-term. If a person has been abusing and addicted for years, it is difficult to imagine treatment in weeks. But, as a shortcut to what works, I tell them the 3 M’s: treatment that is high-dose, intense multimodal, multidisciplinary and multifaceted, staffed by dedicated professionals who are experienced and really do care about the patients.

Suboxone and the similar medications that will be developed are inherently not good or bad and certainly don’t work for every opioid addict. But I am thankful we have them. I believe they have saved thousands of lives. The real trick of successful treatment is to know your patients and collaborate with him or her in developing a plan that gives them the best shot at recovery.

Source: https://www.rivermendhealth.com/resources/buprenorphine-saves-lives-but-its-far-from-a-panacea/? Author: Mark Gold, MD

Filed under: Addiction,Heroin/Methadone,Treatment and Addiction :

Pain and pleasure rank among nature’s strongest motivators, but when mixed, the two can become irresistible. This is how opioids brew a potent and deadly addiction in the brain. Societies have coveted the euphoria and pain relief provided by opioids since Ancient Sumerians referred to opium poppies as the “joy plant” circa 3400 B.C. But the repercussions of using the drugs were ever present, too. For centuries, Chinese patients swallowed opium cocktails before major surgeries, but by 1500, they described the recreational use of opium pipes as subversive. The Chinese emperor Yung Cheng eventually restricted the use of opium for medical purposes in 1729. Less than 100 years later, a German chemist purified morphine from poppies, creating the go-to pain reliever for anxiety and respiratory conditions. But the Civil War and its many wounds spawned mass addiction to the drugs, a syndrome dubbed Soldier’s Disease. A cough syrup was concocted in the late 1800s — called heroin — to remedy these morphine addictions. Doctors thought the syrup would be “non-addictive.” Instead, it turned into a low-cost habit that spread internationally. More than 70 percent of the world’s opium — 3,410 tons — goes to heroin production, a number that has more than doubled since 1985. Approximately 17 million people around the globe used heroin, opium or morphine in 2016.

Today, prescription and synthetic opioids crowd America’s medicine cabinets and streets, driving a modern crisis that may kill half a million people over the next decade. Opioids claimed 53,000 lives in the U.S. last year, according to preliminary estimates from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention — more than those killed in motor vehicle accidents.

How did we arrive here? Here’s a look at why our brains get hooked on opioids.

The pain divide

Let’s start with the two types of pain. They go by different names depending on which scientist you ask. Peripheral versus central pain. Nociceptive versus neuropathic pain.

The distinction is the sensation of actual damage to your body versus your mind’s perception of this injury.

Your body quiets your pain nerves through the production of natural opioids called endorphins.

Stuff that damages your skin and muscles — pin pricks and stove burns — is considered peripheral/nociceptive pain.

Pain fibers sense these injuries and pass the signal onto nerve cells — or neurons — in your spine and brain, the duo that makes up your central nervous system.

In a normal situation, your pain fibers work in concert with your central nervous system. Someone punches you, and your brain thinks “ow” and tells your body how to react.

Stress-relieving hormones get released. Your immune system counteracts the inflammation in your wounded arm.

Your body quiets your pain nerves through the production of natural opioids called endorphins. The trouble is when these pain pathways become overloaded or uncoupled.

One receptor to rule them all

Say you have chronic back pain. Your muscles are inflamed, constantly beaming pain signals to your brain. Your natural endorphins aren’t enough and your back won’t let up, so your doctor prescribes an opioid painkiller like oxycodone.

Prescription opioids and natural endorphins both land on tiny docking stations — called receptors — at the ends of your nerves. Most receptors catch chemical messengers — called neurotransmitters — to activate your nerve cells, triggering electric pulses that carry the signal forward.

But opioid receptors do the opposite. They stop electric pulses from traveling through your nerve cells in the first place. To do this, opioids bind to three major receptors, called Mu, Kappa and Delta. But the Mu receptor is the one that really sets everything in motion.

The Mu-opiate receptor is responsible for the major effects of all opiates, whether it’s heroin, prescription pills like oxycodone or synthetic opioids like fentanyl, said Chris Evans, director of Brain Research Institute at UCLA. “The depression, the analgesia [pain numbing], the constipation and the euphoria — if you take away the Mu-opioid receptor, and you give morphine, then you don’t have any of those effects,” Evans said.

Opioids receptors trigger such widespread effects because they govern more than just pain pathways. When opioid drugs infiltrate a part of the brain stem called the locus ceruleus, their receptors slow respiration, cause constipation, lower blood pressure and decrease alertness. Addiction begins in the midbrain, where opioids receptors switch off a batch of nerve cells called GABAergic neurons.

GABAergic neurons are themselves an off-switch for the brain’s euphoria and pleasure networks.

When it comes to addiction, opioids are an off-switch for an off-switch. Opioids hold back GABAergic neurons in the midbrain, which in turn keep another neurotransmitter called dopamine from flooding a brain’s pleasure circuits. Image by Adam Sarraf

Once opioids shut off GABAergic neurons, the pleasure circuits fill with another neurotransmitter called dopamine. At one stop on this pleasure highway — the nucleus accumbens — dopamine triggers a surge of happiness. When the dopamine rolls into amygdala, the brain’s fear center, it relieves anxiety and stress. Both of these events reinforce the idea that opioids are rewarding.

These areas of the brain are constantly communicating with decision-making hubs in the prefrontal cortex, which make value judgments about good and bad. When it hears “This pill feels good. Let’s do more,” the mind begins to develop habits and cravings.

Taking the drug soon becomes second nature or habitual, Evans said, much like when your mind zones out while driving home from work. The decision to seek out the drugs, rather than participate in other life activities, becomes automatic.

The opioid pendulum: When feeling good starts to feel bad

Opioid addiction becomes entrenched after a person’s neurons adapt to the drugs. The GABAergic neurons and other nerves in the brain still want to send messages, so they begin to adjust. They produce three to four times more cyclic AMP, a compound that primes the neuron to fire electric pulses, said Thomas Kosten, director of the division of alcohol and addiction psychiatry at the Baylor College of Medicine.

That means even when you take away the opioids, Kosten says, “the neurons fire extensively.”

The pendulum swings back. Now, rather than causing constipation and slowing respiration, the brain stem triggers diarrhoea and elevates blood pressure. Instead of triggering happiness, the nucleus accumbens and amygdala reinforce feelings of dysphoria and anxiety. All of this negativity feeds into the prefrontal cortex, further pushing a desire for opioids.

While other drugs like cocaine and alcohol can also feed addiction through the brain’s pleasure circuits, it is the surge of withdrawal from opioids that makes the drugs so inescapable.

Could opioid addiction be driven in part by people’s moods?

Cathy Cahill, a pain and addiction researcher at UCLA, said these big swings in emotions likely factor into the learned behaviors of opioid addiction, especially with those with chronic pain. A person with opioid use disorder becomes preoccupied with the search for the drugs. Certain contexts become triggers for their cravings, and those triggers start overlapping in their minds.

“The basic view is some people start with the pain trigger [the chronic back problem], but it gets partially substituted with the negative reinforcement of the opioid withdrawal,” Cahill said.

That’s why Cahill, Evans and other scientists think the opioid addiction epidemic might be driven, in part, by our moods.

Chronic pain patients have a very high risk of becoming addicted to opioids if they are also coping with a mood disorder. A 2017 study found most patients — 81 percent — whose addiction started with a chronic pain problem also had a mental health disorder. Another study found patients on morphine experience 40 percent less pain relief from the drug if they have mood disorder. They need more drugs to get the same benefits.

People with mood disorders alone are also more likely to abuse opioids. A 2012 survey found patients with depression were twice as likely to misuse their opioid medications.

“So, not only does a mood disorder affect a person’s addiction potential, but it also influences if the opioids will successfully treat their pain,” Cahill said.

Meanwhile, the country is living through sad times. Some research suggests social isolation is on the rise. While the opioid epidemic started long before the recession, job loss has been linked to a higher likelihood of addiction, with every 1 percent increase in unemployment linked to a 3.6 percent rise in the opioid-death rate.

Can the brain swing back?

As an opioid disorder progresses, a person needs a higher quantity of the drugs to keep withdrawal at bay. A person typically overdoses when they take so much of the drug that the brain stem slows breathing until it stops, Kosten said.

Many physicians have turned to opioid replacement therapy, a technique that swaps highly potent and addictive drugs like heroin with compounds like methadone or buprenorphine (an ingredient in Suboxone).

These substitutes outcompete heroin when they reach the opioid receptors, but do not activate the receptors to the same degree. By doing so, they reduce a person’s chances for overdosing. These replacement medications also stick to the receptors for a longer period of time, which curtails withdrawal symptoms. Buprenorphine, for instance, binds to a receptor for 80 minutes while morphine only hangs on for a few milliseconds.

For some, this solution is not perfect. The patients need to remain on the replacements for the foreseeable future, and some recovery communities are divided over whether treating opioids with more opioids can solve the crisis. Plus, opioid replacement therapy does not work for fentanyl, the synthetic opioid that now kills more Americans than heroin. Kosten’s lab is one of many working on a opioid vaccine that would direct a person’s immune system to clear drugs like fentanyl before they can enter the brain. But those are years away from use in humans.

And Evans and Cahill said many clinics in Southern California are combining psychological therapy with opioid replacement prescriptions to combat the mood aspects of the epidemic.

“I don’t think there’s going to be a magic bullet on this one,” Evans said. “It’s really an issue of looking after society and looking after of people’s psyches rather than just treatment.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/newshour/updates/brain-gets-hooked-opioids/

Filed under: Addiction,Brain and Behaviour,Heroin/Methadone,Treatment and Addiction :

St. Petersburg, FL – Thursday, August 31, 2017 – Drug Free America Foundation today introduced a first-of-its-kind Opioid Tool Kit in an effort to help address the opioid epidemic gripping the United States.

The Opioid Tool Kit was unveiled in conjunction with International Overdose Awareness Day, a global event held on August 31st each year that aims to raise the awareness of the problem of drug overdose-related deaths.

“With more than 142 people dying each day, drug overdoses are now the leading cause of death for Americans under the age of 50,” according to Calvina Fay, Executive Director of Drug Free America Foundation. “Moreover, deaths from drug overdose are an equal opportunity killer, with no regard to race, religion or economic class,” she said.

“While alcohol and marijuana still remain the most common drugs of abuse, the nonmedical use of prescription painkillers and other opioids has resulted in a crisis-level spike in drug overdose deaths,” said Fay.

The Opioid Tool Kit has been designed to educate people about the opioid epidemic and offer strategies that can be used to address this crisis. “The Tool Kit is also intended to encourage collaboration with different community sectors and stakeholders to make successful and lasting change,” Fay continued.

The Opioid Tool Kit is a comprehensive guide that defines what an opioid is, examines the scope of the problem, and addresses why opioids are a continuing health problem.  The Tool Kit also provides strategies for the prevention of prescription drug misuse and overdose deaths and includes a community advocacy and action plan, as well as additional resources.

Fay emphasized that the best way to prevent opioid and other drug addiction is not to abuse drugs in the first place.  “The chilling reality is that the long-term use and abuse of opioids and other addictive drugs rewire the brain, making recovery a difficult and often a life-long struggle,” she concluded. The Opioid Tool Kit can be found on Drug Free America Foundation’s website at https://dfaf.org/Opioid%20Toolkit.pdf.

Source:   https://dfaf.org/Opioid%20Toolkit.pdf..  August 2017

Filed under: Addiction,Health,Heroin/Methadone,Treatment and Addiction,USA :

In his last article for Pro Talk, Renaming and Rethinking Drug Treatment, psychologist Robert Schwebel, Ph.D., author and developer of The Seven Challenges program, expressed his views about problems in typical drug and alcohol treatment. In this interview, he focuses on changes that he thinks would better meet the needs of individuals with substance problems.

The Seven Challenges Program

The Seven Challenges is described as “a comprehensive counselling program for teens and young adults that incorporates work on alcohol and other drug problems.” The program addresses much more than substance issues because it also helps young people develop better life skills, as well as manage their situational and psychological problems. Although there is an established structure for each session and a framework for decision-making (see website for the youth version of “The Seven Challenges”), it is not pre-scripted as in many traditional programs. Rather it is “exceptionally flexible, in response to the immediate needs of the clients.”

Independent studies funded by The Center for Substance Abuse Treatment and published in peer-reviewed journals have provided evidence that The Seven Challenges significantly decreases substance use of adolescents and greatly improves their overall mental health status. The program has been shown to be especially effective for the many young people with drug problems who also have trauma issues.

Just recently, a new version of The Seven Challenges program was introduced for adults and is being piloted in a research project. Soon, a book geared toward the general public by Dr. Schwebel that incorporates much of the philosophy of the program, as well as many of the decision-making and behavior change strategies, will be available.

Q&A: What Should Treatment Look Like?

Q: In your last article for Pro Talk, you argued strongly against the word “treatment” and suggested that we use the word “counselling” instead. Will you reiterate why you prefer using “counselling” when talking about professional help for people with substance problems?

Dr. S.: Counselling is an active and interactive process that’s responsive to the needs of individuals. It may include education, but it’s more than that because the information is personalized and offered in the context of a discussion about what’s happening in a person’s life. Effective counsellors help clients become aware of their options, expand those options, and make their own informed choices.

Treatment, on the other hand, sounds like something imposed and passive that an authority (say a doctor) does to someone else or tells them to do. It also implies recipients receive a standardized protocol or regime with a preconceived goal, usually abstinence when we’re talking about addiction. It doesn’t suggest autonomy of choice or collaboration.

 

Q: You stress the importance of choice and collaboration, suggesting both are important in addiction counselling. Please tell us more.

Dr. S.: In collaborative counselling that allows choices, clients get to identify the issues they want to work on. They make the decisions. We make it clear that we’re not there to make them quit using drugs…and couldn’t even if we tried. We tell them, “We’re here to support you in working on your issues, things that are important to you; things that are not going well in your life or as well you would like them to be going.”

We also support clients in decision-making about drugs. They set their own goals about using. One person might want to quit using, while another might want to set new limits. For those who want to change their drug use behavior, we check in with them about how they’re doing regarding their decision on a session-by-session basis. If they have setbacks, we’ll provide individualized support to help them figure out why, We’re not doubting them or trying to “catch” them. Rather, we’re helping them succeed with their own decisions to change. This type of check-in would not apply to individuals who have not yet decided to make changes.

 

Q: Many addiction programs feel that dealing with addiction should be the first priority and that other issues are secondary. What are your thoughts about this?

Dr. S.: I’ll start by saying that they have equal importance. Drug problems have everything to do with what is going on in a person’s life. And, a person’s life is very much affected by drug problems. I do want to say, however, that not everyone who winds up in an addiction program has an addiction. That’s a ridiculous generalization. They may be having problems with binge drinking, issues with family or jobs because of substance misuse, or legal problems because they were unlucky and got caught. (For instance they got arrested for another crime and tested positive for drugs.) They often wind up in places that require abstinence and wonder, “What am I doing here?” Then they’re told they’re “in denial.”

Traditional treatment tends to focus narrowly on drug problems, usually pushing an agenda of immediate abstinence. However, drug problems – whether or not they qualify as “addiction,” are very much connected to the rest of life. Therefore, clients need comprehensive counselling that addresses what’s happening in their overall lives and helps clients make their lives better. So it’s not all about use of substances and making the individual quit. The goal is to support clients and to help them make their own decisions about life and substance use.

We use the term “issues” – not “problems.” Whatever is most important to the individual that day is what we work on. A client might say, “I have an issue with my mother.” We don’t just want to have a discussion about the issue; we want to set a session goal so that a client gets practical help with an issue each time. Ideally we try to facilitate a next step, some sort of action that can be taken between sessions. We want to support our clients in making their own lives better. We like to reassure clients that we won’t be harping on drugs all the time: At least half of what we do is about everything else besides drugs. This means that counsellors need to know how to help people with their other problems. Unfortunately, many have a narrow background in drug treatment and don’t yet know how to do that.

 

Q: How do you address the issue of “powerlessness” which a number of young people have told me they struggled with in12-step treatment programs they’ve attended? Don’t adolescents by nature resist anything that threatens to take away their autonomy?

Dr. S.: One of our main messages is “You are powerful; people do take control over their drug use. You have that power within you.” We also say, “You don’t need to do it alone. You are entitled to support. We’re behind you. We’re not saying it’s easy and

there won’t be setbacks along the way. If there are, we’ll help you figure out why and how to handle it differently the next time. At the same time we’ll help you with other issues in your life so you’ll have less need for drugs.”

I think there is great harm in the all-or-nothing approach to drug and alcohol problems and that more people would come for help if they were not told that they’re powerless. Also, many more would come if they felt they could make a choice about drugs and did not expect to be coerced.

 

A New Version of The Seven Challenges

Following is the new adult version of Dr. Schwebel’s The Seven Challenges program:

· Challenging Yourself to Make Thoughtful Decisions About Your Life, Including Your Use of Alcohol and Other Drugs

· Challenging Yourself to Look at Your Responsibility and the Responsibility of Others for Your Problems

· Challenging Yourself to Look at What You Like About Alcohol and Other Drugs, and Why You Use Them

· Challenging Yourself to Honestly Look at Your Life, Including Your Use of Alcohol and Other Drugs

· Challenging Yourself to Look at Harm That Has Happened or Could Happen From Your Use of Alcohol and Other Drugs

· Challenging Yourself to Look at Where You Are Headed, Where You Would Like to Go, and What You Would Like to Accomplish

· Challenging Yourself to Take Action and Succeed With Your Decisions About Your Life and Use of Alcohol and Other Drugs

Source:  http://www.rehabs.com/pro-talk-articles/what-drug-and-alcohol-treatment-should-look-like-an-interview-with-dr-robert-schwebel/     17th July 2017

Filed under: Addiction,Addiction (Papers),Health,Treatment and Addiction,Youth :

Medication-assisted treatment is often called the gold standard of addiction care. But much of the country has resisted it.

If you ask Jordan Hansen why he changed his mind on medication-assisted treatment for opioid addiction, this is the bottom line.

Several years ago, Hansen was against the form of treatment. If you asked him back then what he thought about it, he would have told you that it’s ineffective — and even harmful — for drug users. Like other critics, to Hansen, medication-assisted treatment was nothing more than substituting one drug (say, heroin) with another (methadone).

Today, not only does Hansen think this form of treatment is effective, but he readily argues — as the scientific evidence overwhelmingly shows — that it’s the best form of treatment for opioid addiction. He believes this so strongly, in fact, that he now often leads training sessions for medication-assisted treatment across the country.

“It almost hurts to say it out loud now, but it’s the truth,” Hansen told me, describing his previous beliefs. “I was kind of absorbing the collective fear and ignorance from the culture at large within the recovery community.” Hansen is far from alone. Over the past few years, America’s harrowing opioid epidemic — now the deadliest drug overdose crisis in the country’s history — has led to a lot of rethinking about how to deal with addiction. For addiction treatment providers, that’s led to new debates about the merits of the abstinence-only model — many of which essentially consider addiction a failure of willpower — so long supported in the US.

The case for prescription heroin

The Hazelden Betty Ford Foundation, which Hansen works for, exemplifies the debate. As one of the top drug treatment providers in the country, it used to subscribe almost exclusively to the abstinence-only model, based on an interpretation of the 12 steps of Alcoholics Anonymous and Narcotics Anonymous popularized in American addiction treatment in the past several decades. But in 2012, Hazelden announced a big switch: It would provide medication-assisted treatment.

“This is a huge shift for our culture and organization,” Marvin Seppala, chief medical officer of Hazelden, said at the time. “We believe it’s the responsible thing to do.”

From the outside, this might seem like a bizarre debate: Okay, so addiction treatment providers are supporting a form of treatment that has a lot of evidence behind it. So what?

But the growing embrace of medication-assisted treatment is demonstrative of how the opioid epidemic is forcing the country to take another look at its inadequate drug treatment system. With so many people dying from drug overdoses — tens of thousands a year — and hundreds of thousands more expected to die in the next decade, America is finally considering how its response to addiction can be better rooted in science instead of the moralistic stigmatization that’s existed for so long.

The problem is that the moralistic stigmatization is still fairly entrenched in how the US thinks about addiction. But the embrace of medication-assisted treatment shows that may be finally changing — and America may be finally looking at addiction as a medical condition instead of a moral failure.

The research is clear: Medication-assisted treatment works

One of the reasons opioid addiction is so powerful is that users feel like they must keep using the drugs in order to stave off withdrawal. Once a person’s body grows used to opioids but doesn’t get enough of the drugs to satisfy what it’s used to, withdrawal can pop up, causing, among other symptoms, severe nausea and full-body aches. So to avoid suffering through it, drug users often seek out drugs like heroin and opioid painkillers — not necessarily to get a euphoric high, but to feel normal and avoid withdrawal. (In the heroin world, this is often referred to as “getting straight.”)

Medications like methadone and buprenorphine (also known as Suboxone) can stop this cycle. Since they are opioids themselves, they can fulfil a person’s cravings and stop withdrawal symptoms. The key is that they do this in a safe medical setting, and when taken as prescribed do not produce the euphoric high that opioids do when they are misused. By doing this, an opioid user significantly reduces the risk of relapse, since he doesn’t have to worry about avoiding withdrawal anymore. Users can take this for the rest of their lives, or in some cases, doses may be reduced; it varies from patient to patient.

The research backs this up: Various studies, including systemic reviews of the research, have found that medication-assisted treatment can cut the all-cause mortality rate among addiction patients by half or more. Just imagine if a medication came out for any other disease — and, yes, health experts consider addiction a disease — that cuts mortality by half; it would be a momentous discovery.

“That is shown repeatedly,” Maia Szalavitz, a long time addiction journalist and author of Unbroken Brain: A Revolutionary New Way of Understanding Addiction, told me. “There’s so much data from so many different places that if you add methadone or Suboxone in, deaths go down, and if you take it away, deaths go up.” That’s why the biggest public health organizations — including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the National Institute on Drug Abuse, and the World Health Organization — all acknowledge medication-assisted treatment’s medical value. And experts often describe it to me as “the gold standard” for opioid addiction care.

The data is what drove Hansen’s change in perspective. “If I wanted to view myself as an ethical practitioner and doing the best that I could for the people I served, I needed to make this change based on the overwhelming evidence,” he said. “And I needed to separate that from my personal recovery experience.”

Medication-assisted treatment is different from traditional forms of dealing with addiction in America, which tend to demand abstinence. The standards in this field are 12-step programs, which combine spiritual and moralistic ideals into a support group for people suffering from addiction. While some 12-step programs allow medication-assisted treatment, others prohibit it as part of their demand for total abstinence. The research shows this is a particularly bad idea for opioids, for which medications are considered the standard of care.

There are different kinds of medications for opioids, which will work better or worse depending on a patient’s circumstances. Methadone, for example, is only administered in a clinic, typically one to four times a day — but that means patients will have to make the trip to a clinic on a fairly regular basis. Buprenorphine is a take-home drug that’s taken once or twice a day, but the at-home access also means it might be easier to misuse and divert to the black market.

One rising medication, known as naltrexone or its brand name Vivitrol, isn’t an opioid — making it less prone to misuse — and only needs to be injected once a month. But it doesn’t work in the same way as methadone or buprenorphine. It requires full detoxification to use (usually three to 10 days of no opioid use), while buprenorphine, for example, only requires a partial detoxification process (usually 12 hours to two days). And instead of preventing withdrawal — indeed, the detox process requires going through withdrawal — it blocks the effects of opioids up to certain doses, making it much harder to get high or overdose on the drugs. It’s also relatively new, so there’s less evidence for its real-world effectiveness.

One catch is that even these medications, though the best forms of opioid treatment, do not work for as much as 40 percent of opioid users. Some patients may prefer not to take any medications because they see any drug use whatsoever as getting in the way of their recovery, in which case total abstinence may be the right answer for them. Others may not respond well physically to the medications, or the medications may for whatever reason fail to keep them from misusing drugs.

This isn’t atypical in medicine. What works for some people, even the majority, isn’t always going to work for everyone. So these are really first-line treatments, but in some cases patients may need alternative therapies if medication-assisted treatment doesn’t work. (That might even involve prescription heroin — which, while it’s perhaps counterintuitive, the research shows it works to mitigate the problems of addiction when provided in tightly controlled, supervised medical settings.)

Medication can also be paired with other kinds of treatment to better results. It can be used in tandem with cognitive behavioral therapy or similar approaches, which teach drug users how to deal with problems or settings that can lead to relapse. All of that can also be paired with 12-step programs like AA and NA or other support groups in which people work together and hold each other accountable in the fight against addiction. It all varies from patient to patient.

It is substituting one drug for another, but that’s okay

The main criticism of medication-assisted treatment is that it’s merely replacing one drug with another. Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price recently echoed this criticism, saying, “If we’re just substituting one opioid for another, we’re not moving the dial much. Folks need to be cured so they can be productive members of society and realize their dreams.” (A spokesperson for Price later walked back the statement, saying Price supports all kinds of drug treatment.)

On its face, this argument is true. Medication-assisted treatment is replacing one drug, whether it’s opioid painkillers or heroin, with another, such as methadone or buprenorphine.

But this isn’t by itself a bad thing. Under the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, it’s not enough for someone to be using or even physically dependent on drugs to qualify for a substance use disorder, the technical name for addiction. After all, most US adults use drugs — some every day or multiple times a day — without any problems whatsoever. Just think about that next time you sip a beer, glass of wine, coffee, tea, or any other beverage with alcohol or caffeine in it, or any time you use a drug to treat a medical condition.

The qualification for a substance use disorder is that someone is using drugs in a dangerous or risky manner, putting himself or others in danger. So someone with a substance use disorder would not just be using opioids but potentially using these drugs in a way that puts him in danger — perhaps by feeling the need to commit crimes to obtain the drugs or using the drugs so much that he puts himself at risk of overdose and inhibits his day-to-day functioning. Basically, the drug use has to hinder someone from being a healthy, functioning member of society to qualify as addiction.

The key with medication-assisted treatment is that while it does involve continued drug use, it turns that drug use into a much safer habit. So instead of stealing to get heroin or using painkillers so much that he puts his life at risk, a patient on medication-assisted treatment can simply use methadone or buprenorphine to meet his physical cravings and otherwise go about his day — going to school, work, or any other obligations.

Yet this myth of the dangers of medication-assisted treatment remains prevalent — to deadly results.

In 2013, Judge Frank Gulotta Jr. in New York ordered an opioid user arrested for drugs, Robert Lepolszki, off methadone treatment, which he began after his arrest. In January 2014, Lepolszki died of a drug overdose at 28 years old — a direct result, Lepolszki’s parents say, of failing to get the medicine he needed. In his defense,  Gulotta has continued to argue that methadone programs “are crutches — they are substitutes for drugs and drug cravings without enabling the participant to actually rid him or herself of the addiction.”

This is just one case, but it shows the real risk of denying opioid users medication: It can literally get them killed by depriving them of lifesaving medical care.

The myth is also a big reason why there are still restrictions on medication-assisted treatment. For example, the federal government still caps how many patients doctors can prescribe buprenorphine to, with strict rules about raising the cap. This limits how accessible the treatment is. A Huff Post analysis found that even if every doctor who can prescribe buprenorphine did so at the maximum rate in 2012, more than half of Americans with opioid use disorders could not get the medication. That’s on top of barriers to addiction treatment in general. According to a 2016 report by the surgeon general, just 10 percent of Americans with a drug use disorder obtain specialty treatment. The report attributed the low rate to severe shortages in the supply of care, with some areas of the country, particularly rural counties, lacking affordable options for treatment — which can lead to waiting periods of weeks or even months. Only recently has there been a broader push to fix this gap in care.

The medications used in treatment do carry some risks

None of this is to say that the medications used in these treatments are without any problems whatsoever. Methadone is tied to thousands of deadly overdoses a year, although almost entirely when it’s used for pain, not addiction, treatment — since it’s much more regulated in addiction care. Buprenorphine is safer in that, unlike common painkillers, heroin, and methadone, its effect has a ceiling — meaning it has no significant effect after a certain dose level. But it’s still possible to misuse, particularly for people with lower tolerance levels. And there are some reports of buprenorphine mills, where patients can get buprenorphine for misuse from unscrupulous doctors — similar to how pill mills popped up during the beginning of the opioid epidemic and provided patients easy access to painkillers.

Naltrexone, meanwhile, can heighten the risk of overdose and death in case of full relapse. Overdose and death are risks in any case of relapse, but they’re particularly acute for naltrexone because it requires a full detox process that eliminates prior tolerance. (Although this would typically require someone to stop taking naltrexone, since otherwise it blocks the effects of opioids up to certain doses.)

But when taken as prescribed, the medications are broadly safe and effective for addiction treatment. For regulators, it’s a matter of making sure the drugs aren’t diverted into misuse, while also providing good access to people who genuinely need them.

The fight over medication-assisted treatment is really about how we see addiction

Behind the arguments about medication-assisted treatment is a simple reality of how Americans view addiction: Many still don’t see it, as public health officials and experts do, as a disease.

With other diseases, there is no question that medication can be a legitimate answer. That medication is not viewed as a proper answer by many to addiction shows that people believe addiction is unique in some way — particularly, they view addiction as at least partly a moral failing instead of just a disease.

I get emails all the time to this effect. Here, for example, is a fairly representative reader message: “Darwin’s Theory says ‘survival of the fittest.’ Let these lost souls pay the price of their criminal choices and criminal actions. Society does not owe them multiple medical resuscitations from their own bad judgment, criminal activity, and self-inflicted wounds.”

This contradicts what addiction experts broadly agree on. As Stanford psychiatrist and Drug Dealer, MD author Anna Lembke put it, “If you see somebody who continues to use despite their lives being totally destroyed — losing their jobs, losing loved ones, ending up in jail — nobody would choose that. Nobody anywhere would ever choose that life. So clearly it is beyond this individual’s control on some level.”

Many Americans may understand this with, say, depression and anxiety. We know that people with these types of mental health problems are not in full control of their thoughts and emotions. But many don’t realize that addiction functions in a similar way — only that the thoughts and emotions drive someone to seek out drugs at just about any cost.

Some of the sentiment against medications, as Hansen can testify, is propagated by people suffering from addiction. Some of them believe that any drug use, even to treat addiction, goes against the goal of full sobriety. They may believe that if they got sober without medications, perhaps others should too. Many of them also don’t trust the health care system: If they got addicted to drugs because a doctor prescribed them opioid painkillers, they have a good reason to distrust doctors who are now trying to get them to take another medication — this time for their addiction.

The opioid epidemic, however, has gotten a lot of people in the addiction recovery world to reconsider their past beliefs. Funeral after funeral and awful statistic after awful statistic, there is a sense that there has to be a better way — and by looking at the evidence, many have come to support medication-assisted treatment.

“I remember sitting there,” Hansen said, speaking to his experience at a funeral, as a mother sang her dead son a lullaby, “thinking that we have to do better.”

Source:  German Lopez@germanrlopezgerman.lopez@vox.com  Jul 20, 2017

 

Filed under: Addiction,Addiction (Papers),Heroin/Methadone,Treatment and Addiction :

Residential treatment has received a lot of criticism and scepticism over the last several years, especially for opioid use disorders. (Some of it is deserved. Too many providers are hustlers and others provide little more than detox with inadequate follow-up. Of course, many of the same criticisms have been directed at medication-assisted treatment. But, that’s not what this post is about.)

At any rate, the Recovery Research Institute recently posted about a study looking at completion rates for outpatient and residential treatment.   The study looked at A LOT of treatment admissions, 318,924.  Residential completion rates appear to have surprised a lot of people:

Results: Residential programs reported a 65% completion rate compared to 52% for outpatient settings. After controlling for other confounding factors, clients in residential treatment were nearly three times as likely as clients in outpatient treatment to complete treatment.

But, what really surprised some readers was this:

Compared to clients with a primary alcohol use disorder:
Clients with marijuana use disorder were only 74% as likely to complete residential treatment.
Clients with an opioid use disorder were 1.29x MORE likely to complete residential treatment.

So opioid users were much more likely to benefit from residential treatment compared to alcohol users. . . .

We speculate that for opioid abusers, the increased structure and cloistering of residential treatment provide some protection from the environmental and social triggers for relapse or that otherwise lead to the termination of treatment that outpatient treatment settings do not afford. Indeed, environmental risk characteristics in drug abusers’ residential neighbourhoods, such as the presence of liquor stores and indicators of concentrated disadvantage at the neighbourhood level, have been found to be associated with treatment non-continuity and relapse.

Such environmental triggers may play a particularly substantial role for those addicted to opioids compared to those seeking treatment for marijuana abuse. Since opioid users have the lowest raw completion rates in general, this finding that residential treatment makes a greater positive difference for opioid users than it does for any of the other substances represents an important result that merits further investigation. Given the current epidemic of opioid-related overdoses in the U.S., our results suggest that greater use of residential treatment should be explored for opioid users in particular.

For the differences between residential and outpatient, they say the following:

In general, residential treatment completion rates are usually higher compared to outpatient settings, but what is particularly noteworthy is that even after controlling for various client characteristics and state level variations, the likelihood of treatment completion for residential programs was still nearly three times as great as for outpatient settings. Given the more highly structured nature and intensity of services of residential programs compared to outpatient treatment, it is understandable that residential treatment completion rates would be higher. It requires far less effort to end treatment prematurely in outpatient settings com-pared to residential treatment.

Given the strong association between treatment completion and positive post-treatment outcomes such as long term abstinence, the large magnitude of difference between outpatient and residential treatment represents a potentially important consideration for the choice of treatment setting for clients.

Source:  https://addictionandrecoverynews.wordpress.com/2017/07/13/opioid-users-complete-residential-at-higher-rates

Filed under: Addiction,Alcohol,Health,Heroin/Methadone,Treatment and Addiction :

“I wish that all families would at least consider investigating medication-assisted treatment and reading about what’s out there,” says Alicia Murray, DO, Board Certified Addiction Psychiatrist. “I think, unfortunately, there is still stigma about medications. But what we want people to see is that we’re actually changing the functioning of the patient.” Essentially, medication-assisted treatment (MAT) can help get a patient back on track to meeting the demands of life – getting into a healthy routine, showing up for work and being the sibling, spouse or parent that they once were. “If we can change that with medication-assisted treatment and with counselling,” says Murray, “that’s so valuable.” The opioid epidemic is terrifying, especially so for a parent of someone already struggling with prescription pills or heroin use. It’s so important to consider any and all options for helping your child recover from their opioid dependence.

Part of the reason it’s so hard to overcome an opioid addiction is because it rewires your brain to focus almost exclusively on the drug over anything else, and produces extreme cravings and withdrawal symptoms as a result. By helping to reduce those feelings of cravings and withdrawal, medication-assisted treatment can help your son or daughter’s brain stop thinking constantly about the drug and focus on returning to a healthier life.

Medication-assisted treatment is often misunderstood. Many traditional treatment programs and step-based supports may tell you that MAT is simply substituting one addictive drug for another. However, taking medication for opioid addiction is like taking medication for any other chronic disease, such as diabetes or asthma. When it is used according to the doctor’s instructions and in conjunction with therapy, the medication will not create a new addiction, and can help.

As a parent, you want to explore all opportunities to get your child help for his or her opioid addiction, and get them closer and closer to functioning as a healthy adult – holding down a job, keeping a regular schedule and tapering, and eventually, stopping their misuse of opioids. Medication-assisted treatment helps them do that.

“MAT medications are most effective when they are used in conjunction with therapy and recovery work. We would never recommend medication over other forms of treatment. We would recommend it in addition to it.”

The three most-common medications used to treat opioid addiction are:

· Naltrexone (Vivitrol)

· Buprenorphine (Suboxone)

· Methadone

NALTREXONE

Naltrexone, known by its brand-name Vivitrol, is administered by a doctor monthly through an injection. Naltrexone is an opioid antagonist. Antagonists attach themselves to opioid receptors in the brain and prevent other opioids such as heroin or painkillers from exerting the effects of the drug. It has no abuse potential.

BUPRENORPHINE

Buprenorphine, known by its brand-name Suboxone, is an oral tablet or film dissolved under the tongue or in the mouth prescribed by a doctor in an office-based setting. It is taken daily and can be dispensed at a physician’s office or taken at home. Buprenorphine is a partial agonist. Partial agonists attach to the opioid receptors in the brain and activate them, but not to the full degree as agonists. If used against the doctor’s instructions, it has the potential to be abused.

METHADONE

Methadone is dispensed through a certified opioid treatment program (OTP). It’s a liquid and taken orally and usually witnessed at an OTP clinic until the patient receives take-home doses. Methadone is an opioid agonist. Agonists are drugs that activate opioid receptors in the brain, producing an effect. If used against the doctor’s instructions, it has the potential to be abused. There is no “one size fits all” approach to medication-assisted treatment, or even recovery. Recovery is individual.

The most important thing to do is to consider all of your options, and speak to a medical professional to determine the best course of action for your family. The best path is the path that helps and works for your child.

Source:  http://drugfree.org/parent-blog/medication-assisted-treatment/  19th May 2017

Filed under: Addiction,Brain and Behaviour,Heroin/Methadone,Treatment and Addiction,Youth :

Meet Ryan Hampton, 36, recovery advocate, political activist and recovering heroin addict igniting America’s social media feeds with stories of hope, recovery and activism. From his advocacy that led Sephora to take their eyeshadow branded “druggie” off the shelves to the activism that urged an Arizona politician to apologize for a statement stigmatizing addiction, he’s certainly become a social media powerhouse for all things addiction, recovery and policy. And with an estimated 7 out of 10 people on social media platforms, it’s no coincidence he’s found success taking the addiction advocacy fight digital.

Today, more than 22 million people are struggling with addiction, and it’s estimated that as a result, more than 45 million people are affected. But what many people don’t realize is that there are more than 23 million people living in active, long-term recovery today. Yet, because of shame and stigma, many stay silent. To fight this often-lethal silence, Hampton has urged the public to speak up and share personal stories of recovery through his recently launched Voices Project. The project, a collaborative effort to encourage people across the nation to share their story, exists to put real faces and names behind the addiction epidemic.

A Personal Struggle

Before becoming a national recovery advocate and social media powerhouse, Hampton himself faced a personal struggle with addiction. A former staffer in the Clinton White House, Hampton did not appear to be a likely candidate for heroin addiction, or so stigma would say. But after an injury and subsequent prescription for pain medication, Hampton found himself addicted to opiates, eventually leading to a heroin addiction that would span more than a decade.  After a long struggle, Hampton decided to get help.

It was the phone call that started his recovery journey that changed everything – his life and his view on the power of his phone. After getting sober, he began connecting with others in recovery, amazed at the magnitude of the digital community. But still, while uncovering these online stories of recovery, Hampton lost four friends to opioid addiction.

It was a breaking point for Hampton – one that led to the beginning of a movement that would someday reach and impact millions.

A Notable Partner

Hampton began reaching out to others in recovery and started realizing the power of digital tools to connect and build an online recovery community. And as he was slowly networking and meeting others in recovery, on October 4, 2015, Hampton’s advocacy met its catalyst: Facing Addiction.   The non-profit organization hosted a concert at the National Mall in Washington, D.C., an event that drew thousands to the capitol with celebrities, musicians and other well-known names willing to publicly celebrate the reality of recovery and call for reform in the addiction industry. Hampton, a Los Angeles resident, tuned into the event from across the country through Facebook Live and was again inspired by the content delivered through his mobile phone.

After meeting co-founders of Facing Addiction, Jim Hood and Greg Williams, Hampton plugged in, partnered and even joined the Facing Addiction team as a recovery advocate.

The importance of online advocacy aligns with Facing Addictions’ national priorities, shares CEO Jim Hood, “When enough people tell enough stories and the people who are impacted by addiction look like all of us and our kids and neighbors and relatives, the stigma has to start going away. And then we can get to work.”

After partnering with Facing Addiction, Hampton understood the priorities, the strategy and the mechanism. Said by Hampton, “I stand on the shoulders of giants”.

Leveraging the power of the algorithms at his fingertips every day, Hampton has grown his online presence to be one of the most influential in the recovery movement. Digital communication helped him get to treatment, connected him with Facing Addiction, and now is the platform in which he is sharing recovery stories from across the nation.

In just one week, more than 200 stories were submitted to the Voices Project and over 500 people sent in personal messages to express their support. Among those speaking up are notable voices such as pro skateboarder and former Jackass member Brandon Novak;   Grammy Award-winning musician Sirah;  rapper Royce da 5’9’’;   American politician and mental health advocate Patrick Kennedy;  former child actress and now-addiction counselor Mackenzie Phillips, and more.

According to Royce da 5’9’’, “Addiction is a problem that we all have to deal with. It affects us all in one way or another, and having someone giving it a voice, a name and a face not only helps get rid of the stigma regarding addiction, but he’s [Ryan] on the forefront letting people know there are solutions out there and recovery is real.”

Patrick Kennedy shares the importance of building a digital recovery movement to influence and support political reform in the addiction recovery space. “With the push of a button we’ll be able to have others show up to support communities across the nation,” says Kennedy, “because their fight is our fight.”

“The face of addiction is everyone,” Sirah shares. “The Voices Project gives people a voice and a connection to hope.”

The hope offered through open dialogue about addiction and recovery has now grown into a digital movement.

The pages that Hampton started with $20 and an old computer have gained more than 200,000 followers across platforms, reaching nearly 1 million people each week. “We’re the fastest-growing social movement in history – and the funny thing is, we’re a community that nobody ever wanted to be a part of,” Novak says.

“This is the one space where we cannot be ignored. The time has come for us to speak out, and we’re a community that speaks loudly. With addiction, we’re dealing with imminent death every day,” Hampton says. “Through social media, we’ve found an innovative way to communicate with each other and connect with people we haven’t met, and now, we’re having this conversation with the rest of the world.”

Perhaps the most intriguing impact of Hampton’s work is the paradoxical ability to bring the work of addiction recovery advocacy online – only to take it back offline through real-world change in communities across the country. According to Hampton, the work he’s doing shouldn’t stay digital – it should impact community laws, help new non-profits emerge and influence real people to seek treatment and find it.

“No matter if you have social media or not – your way of doing this is talking about addiction at the dinner table, to a parent or a friend or an employer. You should not be afraid to tell your story of recovery or loss and, most importantly, your story of struggle and how you need help. It may not just change your life, it may change someone else’s life,” Hampton says.

At the crux of digital advocacy in the addiction recovery realm are real lives being saved – people finding treatment, families finding hope and those in recovery being freed of stigma that can keep them in shame and silence.  This is the mission that has fuelled Hampton’s work since the beginning. And Hampton’s reason is hard to refute: “My story is powerful, but our stories are powerful beyond measure.”

Source: https://www.forbes.com/sites/toriutley/2017/04/18/the-recovering-heroin-addict-shaking-social-media/2/#273606f0689c

Filed under: Addiction,Heroin/Methadone,Internet,Social Affairs (Papers),Treatment and Addiction :

(Comment by NDPA:  Some shocking figures from the USA in this article)

In 1964 the Surgeon General’s report on smoking and health began a movement to shine the bright light on cigarette smoking and dramatically change individual and societal views. Today, most states ban smoking in public spaces.

Most of us avoid private smoky places and sadly watch as the die-hard huddle 15 feet from the entrance on rainy, snowy or frigid coffee breaks. Employers often charge higher health insurance premiums to employees who smoke, and taxes on cigarettes are nearly triple a gallon of gas. Yet, some heralded progressive states have passed referendums to legalize the recreational use of a different smoked drug.

Now, more than 50 years later, another very profound statement has been made in the introduction to the recent report, “Substance misuse is one of the critical public health problems of our time.”

“Facing Addiction in America: The Surgeon General’s Report on Alcohol, Drugs, and Health,” was released in November 2016 and is considered to hold the same landmark status as that report from 1964. And maybe, just maybe, it will have the same impact.

Many key findings are included that are critical to garnering support in the health care and substance abuse treatment fields. But the facts are just as important for the general public to know:

— In 2015, substance use disorders affected 20.8 million Americans — almost 8 percent of the adolescent and adult population. That number is similar to the number of people who suffer from diabetes, and more than 1.5 times the annual prevalence of all cancers combined (14 million).

— 12.5 million Americans reported misusing prescription pain relievers in the past year.

— 78 people die every day in the United States from an opioid overdose, nearly quadruple the number in 1999.

— We have treatments we know are effective, yet only 1 in 5 people who currently need treatment for opioid use disorders is actually receiving it.

— It is estimated that the yearly economic impact of misuse and substance use disorders is $249 billion for alcohol misuse and alcohol use disorders and $193 billion for illicit drug use and drug use disorders ($442 billion total).

— Many more people now die from alcohol and drug overdoses each year than are killed in automobile accidents.

— The opioid crisis is fuelling this trend with nearly 30,000 people dying due to an overdose on heroin or prescription opioids in 2014. An additional roughly 20,000 people died as a result of an unintentional overdose of alcohol, cocaine or non-opioid prescription drugs.

Our community has witnessed many of these issues first hand, specifically the impact of the heroin epidemic. The recent Winnebago County Coroner’s report indicated that of 96

overdose deaths in 2016, 42 were a result of heroin, and 23 from a combination of heroin and cocaine.

We know that addiction is a complex brain disease, and that treatment is effective. It can manage symptoms of substance use disorders and prevent relapse. More than 25 million individuals are in recovery and living healthy, productive lives. I, myself, know many. Most of us do.

Locally, the disease of addiction hits very close to many of us. I’ve had the privilege of being part of Rosecrance for over four decades, and I have seen the struggle for individuals and families — the triumphs and the tragedies. Seldom does a client come to us voluntarily and without others who are suffering with them. Through research and evidence-based practices at Rosecrance, I have witnessed the miracle of recovery on a daily basis. Treatment works!

If you believe you need help, or know someone who does, seek help.  Now. Source: http://www.rrstar.com/opinion/20170304/my-view-addiction-is-public-health-issue-treatment-works.  4th March 2017

Filed under: Addiction,Health,Nicotine,Prevention and Intervention,Treatment and Addiction :

National statistics show 2,367 users aged 18 to 24 sought treatment in 2015-16 as drug becomes increasingly unfashionable.   A total of 149,807 opiate addicts came for treatment in England during 2015-16, down 12% on a peak of 170,032 in 2009-10.

The number of 18 to 24-year-olds in England entering treatment for addiction to heroin has plummeted 79% in 10 years, as the stigma surrounding the drug and changing tastes in intoxication have made it increasingly unfashionable.

In the year to March, 2,367 people from that age group presented with heroin and opiate addiction at the approximately 900 drug treatment services in England, compared with 11,351 10 years earlier, according to statistics from the National Drug Treatment Monitoring System (NDTMS).

They constituted a tiny fraction of the 149,807 opiate addicts who came for help to kick their habit throughout the year, a number that is itself 12% down on a peak of 170,032 who came for treatment in 2009-10. The median age of those users was 39, the statistics showed.  Michael Linnell, the coordinator of UK DrugWatch, a network of drug treatment professionals, said many of the heroin users currently accessing treatment would have become addicted during a boom in the drug’s popularity in the late 1980s. Young addicts were “as rare as hen’s teeth”, he said.

Our neglect of ageing heroin users has fuelled the rise of drug-related deaths

“For the Thatcher generation who didn’t see a future and there were no jobs or employment and the rest of it, it was an alternative lifestyle in that you were really, really busy being a heroin user: getting up, scoring, nicking stuff to get the money to score and the rest of it,” Linnell said.

“There was a whole series of factors until you got to that point where people from those communities – the poorest communities – where you were likely to get heroin users, could see the visible stigma of the scarecrow effect, as some people called it.

“They didn’t want to aspire to be a heroin user because a heroin user just had negative connotations, rather than someone who was rebelling against something.”

Overall, 288,843 adults aged 18 to 99 came into contact with structured treatment for drug addiction during 2015-16, 52% of whom were addicted to heroin or some other opiate. Among opiate addicts, 41% were also addicted to crack cocaine, with the next highest adjunctive drugs being alcohol (21%) and cannabis (19%).

About half of those presenting to treatment – 144,908 – had problems with alcohol, a fall of 4% compared with the previous year. Among those, 85,035 were treated for alcohol treatment only and 59,873 for alcohol problems alongside other substances.

The most problematic drug among the 13,231 under-25s who came into contact with drug treatment services in the past year was cannabis, which was cited as a problem by 54%, followed by alcohol (44%) and cocaine (24%).

The numbers from this age group accessing treatment had fallen 37% in 10 years, which the Public Health England report accompanying the statistics said reflected shifts in the patterns of drinking and drug use over that time, with far fewer young people experimenting with drugs than in the past.  Karen Tyrell, the spokeswoman for the drug treatment charity Addaction, said the decline in problem drug use among young people reflected what drugs workers see on a daily basis, and credited evidence-based education, prevention and early intervention programmes for the change.

The shift, though, was precarious, Tyrell said, warning that yearly spending cuts to treatment services risked reversing the gains.

She added: “Of course, what this also means is that we have an ageing population of heroin users, many of whom have been using since the 80s or 90s, and who are now dealing with poor physical health and increasing vulnerability. In an environment of ever rising drug-related deaths, it’s imperative we don’t lose sight of their needs.”

Source:  https://www.theguardian.com/society/2016/nov/03/

Filed under: Addiction,Heroin/Methadone,Social Affairs,Treatment and Addiction,Youth :

Highlights

* •Motives for cannabis use can predict problematic use and use-related problems.

* •A MET/CBT intervention was associated with significant reductions in motives.

* •Reductions in a subset of motives significantly predicted change in outcomes.

Abstract

Background

Heavy cannabis use has been associated with negative outcomes, particularly among individuals who begin use in adolescence. Motives for cannabis use can predict frequency of use and negative use-related problems. The purpose of the current study was to assess change in motives following a motivational enhancement therapy (MET) and cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) intervention for adolescent users and assess whether change in motives was associated with change in use and self-reported problems negative consequences.

Methods

Participants (n = 252) were non-treatment seeking high school student cannabis users. All participants received two sessions of MET and had check-ins scheduled at 4, 7, and 10 months. Participants were randomized to either a motivational check-in condition or an assessment-only check-in. Participants in both conditions had the option of attending additional CBT sessions. Cannabis use frequency, negative consequences, and motives were assessed at baseline and at 6, 9, 12, and 15 month follow-ups.

Results

There were significant reductions in motives for use following the intervention and reductions in a subset of motives significantly and uniquely predicted change in problematic outcomes beyond current cannabis use frequency. Change in motives was significantly higher among those who utilized the optional CBT sessions.

Conclusions

This study demonstrates that motives can change over the course of treatment and that this change in motives is associated with reductions in use and problematic outcomes. Targeting specific motives in future interventions may improve treatment outcomes.

Source: http://www.drugandalcoholdependence.com/article   1st October 2016

Filed under: Addiction,Cannabis/Marijuana,Treatment and Addiction,Youth :

An intriguing new NIAAA-funded study offers a glimpse at how the adolescent brain responds to the language of therapists. Led by Sarah W. Feldstein Ewing, Ph.D., Professor of Psychiatry and Director of the Adolescent Behavioral Health Clinic at Oregon Health & Science University, the study assessed 17 young people ages 15–19 who were self-reported binge drinkers. Following a psychosocial assessment, the youths received two sessions of motivational interviewing aimed at reducing drinking. Between sessions, the participants underwent a brain scan using functional magnetic resonance imaging, or fMRI.

During the fMRI, the therapist presented two types of statements: one set of “closed questions” based on standard language used within addiction treatment (e.g., “Do your parents know you were drinking?”); the other set included more effortful “complex reflections” (e.g., “You’re worried about your drinking.”)

The youth were re-evaluated one month after treatment. At the follow-up evaluation, the youth showed significant reductions in number of drinking days and binge drinking days. Furthermore, in the fMRI sessions, the researchers observed greater brain activation for complex reflections versus closed questions within the bilateral anterior cingulate gyrus, a brain region associated with decisionmaking, emotions, reward anticipation, and impulse control.

The scientists also noted that greater blood-oxygen level dependent (BOLD) response in the parietal lobe during closed questions was significantly associated with less post-treatment drinking. BOLD response is a way to measure activity in specific brain areas. Previous research has shown that this region’s secondary function is related to a person’s ability to navigate, plan, and make decisions.

The study team also observed lower brain activation in the precuneus was associated with study participants’ post-treatment ratings of the importance of changing their drinking. The precuneus, a subregion of the parietal lobe located inside the fissure that separates the brain’s hemispheres, is related to self-reflection and introspection and is involved in risk behavior. It is considered to be a hub of the brain’s key resting-state network.

The researchers also noted what they did not find from the brain scans—any link between treatment outcome and activation of the frontal lobes, which are a region tied to complex reasoning. The authors commented that this lack of activation might be

because the frontal lobes of the adolescent brain are still developing, making it difficult for teens to bring their frontal lobes “online.”

The study authors note that their findings have important implications for the treatment of addiction in adolescents and can improve our understanding of youth brain systems and inform how to influence mechanisms of behavior change in this population.

Reference:

Feldstein Ewing, S.W.; Houck, J.M.; Yezhuvath, U.; Shokri-Kojori, E.; Truitt, D.; and Filbey, F.M. The impact of therapists’ words on the adolescent brain: In the context of addiction treatment. Behavioural Brain Research 297:359–369, 2016. PMID: 26455873

Source:  http://www.spectrum.niaaa.nih.gov/news-from-the-field/news-from-the-field-01.html  Volume 8 Issue 3  September 2016.

Filed under: Brain and Behaviour,Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Treatment and Addiction,Youth :

Some cannabis users have developed an “inverted expertise” on the drug – often equipped with more up-to-date knowledge than the people trying to help them, a conference being held at the University of York was told today.

A group of national experts gathered at the University’s King’s Manor to exchange ideas on effective treatment for cannabis users.

There has been a dramatic increase in the number of people seeking treatment for problems related to cannabis use over the last decade. Research has revealed there was a 64% increase in the number of people seeking treatment between 2005 through to 2015 in England. Cannabis has also now overtaken heroin as the drug most likely to prompt calls for help.

The increase in requests for treatment is in contrast with the steady decline in the population’s use of cannabis, delegates were told.

Researchers at the University of York – including Ian Hamilton, Lecturer in Mental Health and Charlie Lloyd, Senior Lecturer in Health Sciences – and the University of Leeds are investigating why so many cannabis users are seeking treatment and how services are responding.

Initial findings suggest that individuals seek help with problems which are not usually associated with cannabis, such as irritability and poor impulse control.

Also, that treatment services are not sufficiently prepared to offer effective interventions, as cannabis is still seen as a benign drug.

Dr Mark Monaghan, a lecturer in Criminology and Social Policy at Loughborough University, told the delegates: “There is this ‘inverted expertise’ around cannabis in which the users have all the up-to-date knowledge of the local markets and the service providers are lagging behind.

“This can have a significant knock-on effect for the kind of services they are providing. Cannabis users are quite knowledgeable in what is going on in terms of the market.

“The providers are slightly lagging behind in terms of their knowledge base. Because they are lagging behind they don’t have intelligence on what the consumers are using; it creates this situation where they don’t really know what to do.”

He added: “We need to know what people are using and we need to offer them evidence-based treatments.

“Treatment across the sector is really variable. We do need more research on the changing nature of the cannabis market. We need to explore the reason why more people are presenting to treatment centres.”

Ian Hamilton, Department of Health Sciences’ Lecturer in Mental Health, who organised the event, said: “This is the first research that has looked at both the demand for cannabis treatment and the reasons why there’s been a significant rise in it. The outcome of the conference today was agreement amongst commissioners, providers and researchers that there is a problem we need to explore, around why people are presenting to treatment services, and how we can offer effective interventions once they are in treatment.”

Source:  https://www.york.ac.uk/news-and-events   7th June 2016

Filed under: Cannabis/Marijuana,Treatment and Addiction :

Hendriks V., van der Schee E., Blanken P.
Drug and Alcohol Dependence: 2011, 119, p. 64–71.

US research led by the programme’s developers has found that a family therapy which intervenes across a child’s social environment is more effective than alternatives for problem substance using teenagers, but this independent European study found individually-focused cognitive-behavioural therapy overall just as effective.

SUMMARY Cognitive-behavioural therapy is a mainstay of addiction treatment, but young problem substance users might benefit more from approaches which intervene with their families and wider environments. The featured study tested this proposition among cannabis users in The Netherlands, pitting multidimensional family therapy against a more conventional, individually-focused cognitive-behavioural therapy.

Key points

Multidimensional family therapy addresses problem drug use and related problems among adolescents not through a set regimen, but by applying principles and a therapeutic framework to the individual seen as situated within a particular set of environmental influences and constraints. What distinguishes it from some other family therapies is that therapists see substance use as potentially a problem in its own right, and that the intervention extends beyond the child and family to all the social systems (school, juvenile justice, etc) in which the child may be involved.

US studies involving young cannabis users have shown promising results, but almost all these were obtained by one research group. Independent replication studies are needed, and it is unclear whether the impacts of multidimensional family therapy observed in the United States can be generalised to a country such as The Netherlands, where attitudes to cannabis use are more permissive.

To answer these questions the featured study compared the effectiveness of multidimensional family therapy and cognitive-behavioural therapy among adolescent cannabis users in The Netherlands. Between 2006 and 2009 it recruited 109 children aged from 13 to 18 diagnosed as experiencing cannabis abuse or dependence within the past year. They were among the intake at two treatment centres for adolescents in The Hague, one specialising in substance use problems, the other in mental and behavioural health. Patients in the study had to have regularly used cannabis in the past three months and have at least one parent figure who agreed to participate in treatment and in study assessments.

Participants averaged just under 17 years of age and 80% were male. According to their own accounts, they had on average been using cannabis for two years and at study entry had averaged 162 ‘joints’ in the past 90 days – equivalent to nearly two a day. Other substances were used relatively little. They reported an average of about six violent or property crimes in the past three months and a substantial minority were diagnosed with a conduct disorder or oppositional defiant disorder. Four in 10 lived in single-parent households and the same proportion had been imprisoned.

They were allocated at random to multidimensional family therapy or cognitive-behavioural therapy, each planned to last five to six months and delivered on an outpatient basis. In weekly one-hour sessions, the cognitive-behavioural option focused on enhancing patients’ motivation to change their addictive behaviour, and then on changing problem behaviours by means of training in self-control, social and coping skills, and relapse prevention. Monthly sessions were also scheduled for the parents to provide information and support, but not to intervene in family dynamics or parenting.

Multidimensional family therapy was more intensive, scheduled to occupy two one-hour sessions a week with the adolescent, parent(s) and/or family, plus contacts with schools and court staff and other people. It was delivered by trained and supervised therapists who followed a manual by the approach’s developers and were trained by the developers, whose unit in the USA was contacted monthly for feedback and consultation.

An attempt was made to reassess patients to track their progress, the final assessment being 12 months after the baseline assessment conducted just before patients were allocated to the treatments. At the final follow-up, just over 94% of patients were reassessed.

Main findings

Though continued cannabis use was the norm, the general picture was of improvements between the 90 days before starting treatment and the 90 days before the final 12-month assessment. However, these improvements were not significantly greater depending on the treatment to which patients had been allocated. This was the case despite multidimensional family therapy being far better attended; 8 in 10 children completed this treatment compared under 3 in 10 allocated to the cognitive-behavioural option, and they attended sessions totalling 35 hours compared to 10. Significant others in the child’s life also spent much more time engaged in the multidimensional than in the cognitive-behavioural programme.

The number of days in which the children had used cannabis fell from 62–63 days out of 90 to 43 with multidimensional family therapy and 47 with cognitive-behavioural therapy, and the number of joints smoked fell respectively by 38% and 46%. In both options a good treatment response – at least 30% fewer cannabis-using days without substantial increases in use of other substances – was recorded by 42–44% of patients. In both options the number of crimes the children said they had committed fell by over a third.

Despite overall near equivalence, there were indications that children with the severest problems reduced their cannabis use more when allocated to multidimensional family therapy. This was the case whether severity was assessed in terms of intensity of cannabis use or substance use in general, criminality, presence of conduct and/or oppositional defiant disorders (among whom the extra reduction in days of cannabis use peaked at 42 days), and whether the child’s family was assessed as dysfunctional. Differential impacts among children with severe substance use or exhibiting conduct and/or oppositional defiant disorders reached statistical significance.

The authors’ conclusions

The study indicates that multidimensional family therapy and cognitive-behavioural therapy are equally effective in reducing cannabis use and delinquency among adolescents with a cannabis use disorder in The Netherlands, though neither was sufficient to eliminate problem substance use altogether among most of the children. Despite some limitations, the results are robust and applicable to most treatment-seeking adolescents with problem cannabis use in The Netherlands. The results are notable given the much higher treatment ‘dose’ – and consequently, higher costs – of multidimensional family therapy. As others have done, the study also found indications that multidimensional family therapy is differentially effective with adolescents and families with more severe problems.

It should be acknowledged that without a no-treatment control group, it cannot be said for certain that the treatments caused the observed improvements. Also the results derived from youngsters who frequently used cannabis, but not other substances, and who often had a history of delinquency and psychiatric treatment, and from a country with a relatively permissive attitude to cannabis.

COMMENTARY This well designed study has considerable clinical relevance since participants were seeking treatment in the normal way and were clearly using cannabis excessively as well as having other serious problems in their lives – the kind of caseload one would expect at substance use and mental health treatment services for young people, and the kind seen in the UK, where among under-18s cannabis is now by far the most common primary drug in relation to which treatment is provided. Numbers in England in 2013/14 continued to increase to a record 13,659, 71% of all young patients in specialist treatment. Forms of cognitive-behavioural therapy are a common component of treatment in Britain, but family-based therapeutic work is surprisingly rare, given that for example in England, over 80% of young patients were living with their families. Based on the evidence, British practice standardsfrom the Royal College of Psychiatrists on the care of young people with substance misuse problems commend family work, but say it is not standard in British services.

The featured study offers some guidance on whether for young, frequent cannabis users, UK services would do better to replace cognitive-behavioural therapies with family work in the form of multidimensional family therapy. Overall the answer is no; this would cost more without substantially improving outcomes. The finding is particularly important since it derives from a rare test conducted with a European caseload and by a research team independent of the developers of the programme. Independence is important because in several social research areas (1 2 3), programme developers and other researchers with an interest in the programme’s success have been found to record more positive findings than fully independent researchers.

Promising as US studies led by the developers of the programme have been (for example, 1 2), an independent US study found multidimensional family therapy slightly (but not significantly) less effective at promoting recovery from substance use problems than two other therapies, and substantially less cost-effective. Like the featured study, the focus was on young problem cannabis users, and cognitive-behavioural therapy featured among the alternatives.

Multidimensional family therapy is one of a similar set of programmes which integrate intervention in to several domains of a child’s life. Such approaches can improve on typically less well organised and less extensive usual practices (1 2), but this is not always the case, and performance against stronger alternative approaches focused on the individual young cannabis user has been equivalent. Evaluations conducted independently of programme developers have usually been unconvincing, and results overall have not been as impressive as investment in these programmes might be seen to require, especially if they supplement rather than replace legally or socially required procedures. A major obstacle to their use is the expensive training and supervision and considerable skills required to implement them in ways which have been associated with good outcomes.

Best for the hardest cases?

Britain’s National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE) has recommended the types of programmes exemplified by multidimensional family therapy for problem-drinking children who also have other major problems and/or limited social support, signalling their particular suitability for the most severely affected and multiply problematic youngsters. In line with this recommendation, the featured study and others suggest that investment in multidimensional family therapy might be warranted for more problematic youngsters – particularly in the featured study, those so at odds with families and society that they can be diagnosed as exhibiting these traits to a pathological degree. That suggestion is tentative, however, primarily because these analyses were not planned in advance so may have capitalised on chance variations in outcomes.

The same limitation applies to the US trials which found multidimensional family therapy particularly suitable for high-severity youngsters. Other limitations too make the US findings an unreliable guide to whether multidimensional family therapy really is best for the most severely affected youngsters (details below), though the plausibility of the findings and the similar findings in The Netherlands mean this contention cannot be dismissed.

One of the US studies compared multidimensional family therapy with cognitive-behavioural therapy. In this study the researchers identified a set of youngsters (about 4 in 10 of the sample) initially more strongly engaged with and affected by substance use, and among whom this engagement weakened less over the course of treatment and a 12-month post-treatment follow-up. They also had more psychological problems. Among this sub-sample, engagement with substance use weakened significantly more when they had been allocated to multidimensional family therapy. Less engaged youngsters were affected about equally by both treatments. But these results were extracted only by a complex analysis which divided the sample up based not just on initial severity, but on their progress in and after treatment. The formation of these categories itself partly depended on the effects of the treatments, then the analysis tested whether the treatments affected each class differently – a circularity which complicates assessment of just what the results mean in practice. This analysis also had to contend with the fact that at each follow-up around 40% or more of the sample could not be reassessed, presumably meaning it had to estimate how they would have scored based on the available data. Such estimates can only be relied on if the data is randomly missing – in this case, if the reasons why a young person did not attend for reassessment had nothing to do with the factors which affected their response to treatment, an unlikely assumption.

Less affected by these complications, a simpler analysis of whether youngsters who started treatment with a deeper engagement with substance use became more disengaged when allocated to multidimensional family therapy was negative, as was one which tested initial psychological problems as a predictor of differential response to treatment. Nor were any relationships found between frequency of substance use and differentially benefiting from multidimensional family therapy. In a similar analysis of a second study comparing multidimensional family therapy to usual criminal justice procedures, the reverse was the case; here it was not the more deeply engaged youngsters who benefited more from multidimensional family therapy, but those who used substances most often. Such inconsistency heightens concerns over cherry-picking of results to demonstrate that multidimensional family therapy is best for most severely affected youngsters.

Last First uploaded 18 April 2015

Source:http://findings.org.uk/PHP/dl.php?file=Hendriks_V_2.tx

Revised 27th April 2015

Filed under: Cannabis/Marijuana,Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Treatment and Addiction :

An interactive mobile texting aftercare program has shown promise as a means to help teens and young adults engage with post-treatment recovery activities and avoid relapse, researchers report. In a NIDA-supported pilot study, the program, called ESQYIR (Educating & Supporting Inquisitive Youth in Recovery), reduced young people’s odds of relapsing by half compared with standard aftercare.

Dr. Rachel Gonzales and colleagues at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), designed ESQYIR to teach and reinforce wellness self-management in a manner that fits young people’s attitudes and communication styles. The researchers cite numerous advantages of the mobile texting approach: It is inexpensive and features personalization of content, convenience of use, ease of assessment and monitoring, and flexibility in the time and location of delivery.

The Need

Many young people comply poorly with aftercare interventions and resist involvement in 12-step programs and other post-treatment recovery activities. Dr. Gonzales says, “Teens and young adults don’t want to be stigmatized as having a disease or as still being in recovery. In their minds, after the primary treatment, they are done.” Young people often don’t view addiction as a disease, she adds. Instead, they regard substance use as a matter of lifestyle and personal choice. As a result, as many as 85 percent of teens and young adults relapse within 1 year.

Dr. Gonzales and her research team reckoned that young people might engage more readily with aftercare built on text messaging. This mode of communication is ubiquitous among young people, surpassing most other forms of social interaction. Messages can be personalized and can be accessed and responded to privately, when and where youths find it convenient or feel a need for help. Text messaging interventions are already used to treat maladies including obesity, sexually transmitted diseases, and tobacco dependence in young adults.

“The most effective programs take into consideration the users, their needs, their desires, and their way of connecting,” Dr. Gonzales says. Accordingly, when she and her team composed the text messages for Project ESQYIR, they solicited input from young people in recovery from substance use disorders (SUDs). “The program’s text messages are based on their voices, parallel their views of recovery, and speak to their recovery needs,” Dr. Gonzales says.

Keeping Tabs With Texts

The participants in the ESQYIR pilot study were 80 volunteers, ages 14 to 26, who had been treated in outpatient and residential community treatment centers in the Los Angeles area. The drugs that had caused them problems included marijuana (55 percent), methamphetamine (30 percent), cocaine (15 percent), heroin (11 percent), prescription drug (6 percent), and other substances including alcohol (4 percent). Half of the participants received the mobile texting ESQYIR program, the other half received the standard aftercare offered by their treatment facilities, which consisted of referral to 12-step programs.

Figure 1. Daily Mobile Texts Prompt Self-Monitoring, Give Recovery Advice and Encouragement

The participants in the text messaging program received daily text messages with tips to self-monitor their recovery- and substance use–related behaviors and with alerts to aftercare services in their community.

Each weekday at 12 noon, the participants in the ESQYIR group received a text that reminded them about being in recovery and provided a wellness tip for the day. The reminder portion of the text said, “Today’s a new day in ur recovery! Think about the change ur working towards.” The wellness tip promoted personal, social, physical, or emotional health. For example, one message read, “Write down the top 3 stressors that u need to avoid or deal with for helping u not use.”

Weekdays at 4 p.m., the participants in the ESQYIR group received a text that prompted them to self-monitor and text back numerical ratings of their abstinence confidence, wellbeing, substance use, and recovery behaviors (see Figure 1). The participants then received a feedback text, automatically selected from more than 600 possible messages, which provided motivational/inspirational encouragement, coping advice, or positive appraisal tailored to the participants’ self-rating. For example, motivational feedback texts encouraged participants to keep on track with recovery and attend therapy or self-help meetings when needed.

Dr. Gonzales says, “The self-monitoring texts helped participants remain mindful and aware of potential relapse triggers, particularly in risky situations.” With that awareness and the feedback provided by the program, the young people were able to generate strategies for coping with such situations without drugs, the researchers suggest.

On weekends, the participants received personalized texts with educational information adapted from NIDA reference materials and resource information on local support services.

Less Relapse, More Engagement

Figure 2. Text-Based Delivery of Aftercare Content Decreases Relapse

Teens and young adults receiving daily text messages had lower relapse rates than peers receiving only standard aftercare.

The UCLA researchers monitored the participants’ urine for alcohol and drugs monthly during the program. The results indicated that with passing time, the text-based aftercare participants’ odds of relapsing to their primary substances rose only half as fast as those of the standard aftercare group. Compared with the participants in standard aftercare, those assigned to the ESQYIR group were less likely to have relapsed 1 month (8.6 percent vs. 30.3 percent), 2 months (3.6 percent vs. 39.3 percent), and 3 months (14.7 percent vs. 62.9 percent) after the end of their substance abuse treatment (see Figure 2).

The researchers followed up with 55 of the original 81 study participants 180 days after the end of treatment (90 days after the end of the aftercare programs). Those who had received the ESQYIR mobile wellness aftercare intervention were still less likely to have relapsed (21.4 percent vs. 59.3 percent).

The ESQYIR and standard aftercare participants both attended on average ten 12-step meetings per month during their last month in substance abuse treatment. Both groups reduced their 12-step attendance in the aftercare period, but the ESQYIR participants did so to a lesser degree (8.9 vs. 2.9 meetings in the final month). The two groups no longer differed significantly in 12-step attendance during the third month post-aftercare (7.0 vs. 4.6 days per month). However, during that month the ESQYIR participants were more involved in other recovery-related extracurricular activities (e.g., exercise, walking, and community/volunteer service) than those who received the standard aftercare.

Text and Thrive

Dr. Gonzales and colleagues are planning a larger, stage II efficacy trial of the mobile-based ESQYIR aftercare wellness intervention. For this trial, they are enhancing the program with new features, including text messages to foster HIV awareness and prevention.

“We look forward to further research in this line of work and to learning more about the efficacy of this intervention,” says Dr. Jessica Campbell Chambers, health science administrator at NIDA’sBehavioral and Integrative Treatment Branch. “This work is extremely important given the high rates of relapse among recovering adolescents.”

Dr. Campbell Chambers concurs with Dr. Gonzales that although the pilot nature of the study and its relatively small cohort size make its results only preliminary, the findings are very promising. The UCLA study team will soon publish a report on the ESQYIR program’s effects at 6- and 9-months post-participation.

This study was supported by NIH grant DA027754.

Source

Gonzales, R.; Ang, A.; Murphy, D.A. et al. Substance use recovery outcomes among a cohort of youth participating in a mobile-based texting aftercare pilot program. Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment 47(1):20-26, 2014.

Filed under: Social Affairs (Papers),Treatment,Treatment and Addiction,Youth :

A woman who was admitted to rehab three times because of her severe drug addiction has turned her life around by becoming an addiction therapist helping others going through what she did.

Vicky, from Hale, Manchester, reveals that her drug addiction started at a young age; she was smoking weed when she was 11 and took acid and mushrooms by the age of 16.

The 49-year-old, who attended Altrincham Grammar School, comes from a wealthy background and was expected to go into medicine or dentistry.

However, her parents split when she was young and she hasn’t seen her biological father since she was seven years old. The breakdown of the family unit, she explains, led her to feel as though there was a deficit in her life.

As a result, she began to use food, substances and sex to fill the void to help her feel better about herself.

Vicky explains that she’s had obsessive behaviours towards food – often bingeing on a whole box of crisps at once – since a young age.

At the age of 11 she moved to Canada for six months to live with relatives where she started smoking cannabis. By 16 she was aware her drinking habits weren’t ‘normal’. Vicky felt she had no cut off point and regularly had memory loss. She also started taking what she considered to be recreational drugs: cannabis, acid and mushrooms.

When she was 17, she was introduced to amphetamine. Looking back, Vicky says she considers that her recreational drug use was about helping her to feel better about herself.

After college, Vicky flitted between working for her mother’s business and restaurants jobs in Hale, during which time the Cheshire-set friendships and free-flowing champagne encouraged her drinking and drug taking habits.

She admits that she was living for the moment, seeking fun and excitement but her lifestyle choices were slowly ruining the opportunities she had been given. When she was 20, Vicky returned to Canada and dated a cocaine dealer – a time that she describes as her ‘Nirvana’ with cocaine on tap.

When her visa expired, she moved back to the UK and began dating someone who had a similar background of drug misuse. She started using heroin and crack for two years and whilst she was able to hold down a job, she admits she started to function less and less.

She started to steal to pay for drugs, received a drink driving conviction at aged 22 and received multiple cautions for drug possession and related incidents. Vicky believes she was merely given a slap on the wrist due to her background.

Aged 23, Vicky felt very isolated and ended up living back at home at which point her parents became aware there was a problem. They called a psychiatrist for help and Vicky was admitted to rehab for eight weeks in 1988, she returned on two more occasions.

Following Vicky’s third admittance to rehab, the alcohol and drug induced death of a close friend and former boyfriend on her 25th birthday hit Vicky very hard. She reached her lowest point and attempted suicide more than once. However, she began to turn her life around.

She had to sign a contract to agree to secondary care treatment at a female-only facility where she was taught to take personal responsibility for her own happiness.

Vicky, who now lives with the father of her two youngest children that she met in recovery 18 years ago, studied for a Diploma in Counselling at the University of the West of England and a Masters at Bristol University; she has been qualified as a counsellor for 18 years.

She met her partner and father of her two youngest children in recovery 18 years ago. Vicky is dedicated to helping others affected by addiction, and has a particular passion for helping and working with families and the ‘forgotten others’. Helping others through her own business, Victoria Abadi Therapies, has helped Vicky’s own recovery.

She said: ‘I had always thought I was fascinated by substances and drugs, but over the years I’ve come to realise that what really interests me is addiction itself. I knew from as young as 21 that I wanted to be an addiction therapist. A lot has changed since my days in detox and rehab, we know so much more about addiction but there’s still more to learn.

‘My main advice to anyone affected by addiction, whether it’s yourself or someone you care about, is to talk. It might seem obvious but it’s not always easy to reach that stage.

‘Once you reach the point of realisation that addiction is a medical issue not simply a moral choice the path to recovery will come easier. Likewise, for families shedding the shame and stigma by talking about your experience will open up the possibility of helping your loved one through it.

‘There are some great impartial services, such as Port of Call, who can help with pointing you in the right direction and getting you or a loved the help they need. ‘The best thing that comes out recovery is the ability to have close meaningful relationships.’

For help and advice on addiction recovery visit Port of Call, Victoria Abadi Therapies or call 0800 0029010.

Source: http://www.dailymail.co.uk

Filed under: Drug use-various effects,Effects of Drugs,Social Affairs,Treatment and Addiction :

After the Police Chief of Gloucester, Massachusetts announced the town will connect people with treatment when they come to the police station with illegal drugs and paraphernalia, instead of arresting them, 56 police departments in 17 states have started similar programs.

An additional 110 police departments are preparing to start programs that emphasize treatment over incarceration, The New York Timesreports. Two hundred treatment centers nationwide have agreed to be partners in these programs. In May 2015, Gloucester Police Chief Leonard Campanello posted on Facebook, “We will walk them through the system toward detox and recovery. We will assign them an ‘angel’ who will be their guide through the process. Not in hours or days, but on the spot.” Since then, Gloucester has developed a national network of centers that are willing to provide treatment beds and take referrals by police, whether or not a person has insurance.

Several local pharmacies have agreed to make the opioid overdose antidote naloxone available at a discount.

Most of the program’s costs are covered by the Police Assisted Addiction and Recovery Initiative, which Chief Campanello founded with Gloucester businessman John E. Rosenthal. The initiative has raised hundreds of thousands of dollars. It has also received millions of dollars in in-kind contributions, including placement in treatment centers.

The program has 55 volunteers in recovery or who are familiar with addiction, who listen and offer moral support. Local taxi companies provide free rides to treatment facilities or the airport, if the treatment facility is far away.

Since the program started, 391 people have turned themselves in at Gloucester’s police station. About 40 percent are from the local area. All have been placed in treatment, the article notes.

Source:  http://www.drugfree.org/join-together   26th Jan. 2016

Filed under: Legal Sector,Treatment and Addiction,USA :

Consumption of illegal drugs begins at the age of 10

The National Council Against Addictions (Conadic) has estimated that over 2.38 million Mexican youths are in need of some kind of rehabilitation treatment for abuse of substances, mainly marijuana and alcohol.

This is but one of the staggering figures presented in the 2014 National Survey on Drug Use Among Students, conducted in public and private schools in the 32 states, which also indicated that children are beginning to consume illegal drugs at 10 years old, two years younger than had been thought.

The survey also established that addiction among youths in secondary and preparatory schools – nearly 80,000 young men and 50,000 young women – requires immediate intervention.

A broader number of the same spectrum of students, about 311,000 men and 260,000 women, were found to need brief support interventions, which could consist of counselling sessions or a short rehabilitation internment period.

The course of action to take in the case of younger, elementary school students is still being assessed.

Conadic chief Manuel Mondragón wants to know the how and where of treatment: “713,963 secondary and preparatory school students need to be treated for use of drugs, and 1.674 million for abuse of alcohol. The question is, where are we going to treat them, and who will provide the treatment? What are our infrastructural capabilities?”

Mondragón said nearly 1.8 million children and teenagers – from elementary to preparatory – have tried illegal drugs, 152,000 of which are fifth and sixth-grade students, and whose first experience was with marijuana, followed by inhalants and cocaine.  Of that 1.8 million, over 108,000 have used marijuana between one and five times.

The abuse of alcohol is no less worrisome: 1.5 million secondary and preparatory school students have abused it, consuming over five drinks at a time and becoming drunk. Over 110,000 elementary school students have done the same.

The states with the most substance abuse among children are Chihuahua, Jalisco, State of México, the Federal District and San Luis Potosí.

Nine out of every 10 children in Michoacán, Campeche and Quintana Roo are experimenting with and abusing harder substances like cocaine.

Mondragón stated that immediate measures to deal with the issue could consist of shutting down all establishments that sell alcohol to minors, as well as signing agreements in every state to strengthen the use of breathalyzers and control the sale of legal and illegal drugs.  Mondragón also said the federal government is open to raising the limit of recreational drugs an individual can carry, currently set at five grams. This would permit the reinsertion into society of non-violent, first-offender youths who are currently in jail for possession of illegal substances.

Meanwhile, in Congress, the first round of discussions around the use of marijuana and its derivatives is taking place with the participation of representatives from the United Nations and parents’ associations.  The discussion is focusing on the legalization of medicinal cannabinoid-based products.

Source: http://mexiconewsdaily.com/news/study-finds-2-million-students-need-rehab/#sthash.yh7m6JYS.dpuf   26th Jan. 2016

Filed under: Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Health,Others (International News),Treatment and Addiction,Youth :

Abstract

BACKGROUND:

Cannabis use is decreasing in England and Wales, while demand for cannabis treatment in addiction services continues to rise. This could be partly due to an increased availability of high-potency cannabis.

METHOD:

Adults residing in the UK were questioned about their drug use, including three types of cannabis (high potency: skunk; low potency: other grass, resin). Cannabis types were profiled and examined for possible associations between frequency of use and (i) cannabis dependence, (ii) cannabis-related concerns.

RESULTS:

Frequent use of high-potency cannabis predicted a greater severity of dependence [days of skunk use per month: b = 0.254, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.161-0.357, p < 0.001] and this effect became stronger as age decreased (b = -0.006, 95% CI -0.010 to -0.002, p = 0.004). By contrast, use of low-potency cannabis was not associated with dependence (days of other grass use per month: b = 0.020, 95% CI -0.029 to 0.070, p = 0.436; days of resin use per month: b = 0.025, 95% CI -0.019 to 0.067, p = 0.245). Frequency of cannabis use (all types) did not predict severity of cannabis-related concerns. High-potency cannabis was clearly distinct from low-potency varieties by its marked effects on memory and paranoia. It also produced the best high, was preferred, and most available.

CONCLUSIONS:

High-potency cannabis use is associated with an increased severity of dependence, especially in young people. Its profile is strongly defined by negative effects (memory, paranoia), but also positive characteristics (best high, preferred type), which may be important when considering clinical or public health interventions focusing on cannabis potency.

Source:  http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/PMID: 26213314   July 27th 2015

Filed under: Addiction,Cannabis/Marijuana,Treatment and Addiction :

There’s a new drug in town.

It’s called Shatter and it looks like dark-amber toffee. It’s THC, the chemical that causes the high in marijuana, extracted from the plant and has highly addictive qualities, said Stratford police Insp. Sam Theocharis.

It’s been around for a while but it’s new to Stratford, Theocharis said.  Police have started to see the drug a bit more frequently and wanted to get the message out to the public.

“When you look at it, it just looks like goo but it’s a new form of marijuana drug,” he said.

Shatter is clear, smooth and solid. It can consist of more than 80% THC, according to the High Times website.

Police seized some Tuesday along with methamphetamine, cocaine, marijuana and prescription drugs after an investigation by the Street Crime Unit.  Two men in their 40s were arrested and face several charges including possession for the purpose of trafficking. The drugs seized are valued at more than $1,500. Cell phones, scales and baggies were also seized, police said.

Shatter sells for about $100 a gram on the streets. It’s dangerous and often leads to overdose, police said.  Whether it will overshadow crystal meth and oxycodone in popularity has yet to be seen.

“I can’t predict but anything that gives you a better high is going to be sought after,” Theocharis said.

Source: http://www.stratfordbeaconherald.com/

 

Filed under: Cannabis/Marijuana,Cocaine,Effects of Drugs,Methamphetamine/GHB/Hallucinogens/Oxycodone,Prevention and Intervention,Treatment and Addiction,USA :

Some good news, some not-so-good news about brain recovery from alcohol use disorders

According to a recent review article on recovery of behavior and brain function after abstinence from alcohol[1], individuals in recovery can rest assured that some brain functions fully recover; but others may require more work. In this article, authors looked at 22 separate studies of recovery after alcohol dependence, and drew some interesting conclusions.

First, the good news; studies show improvement or even complete recovery to the performance level of healthy participants who had never had an alcohol use disorder in many important areas, including short-term memory, long-term memory, verbal IQ, and verbal fluency. Even more promising, not only behavior, but the structure of the brain itself may recover; an increase in the volume of the hippocampus, a brain region involved in many memory functions, was associated with memory improvement.

Another study showed that after 6 months of abstinence, alcohol-dependent participants showed a reduction in a “contextual priming task” with alcohol cues; in day to day terms, this could mean that individuals in early recovery from alcohol dependence may be less likely to resume drinking when confronted with alcohol and alcohol-related cues in their natural environment because these alcohol-related triggers are eliciting less craving.- a good thing for someone seeking recovery!

Still other studies showed that sustained abstinence was associated with tissue gain in the brain; in other words, increases in the volumes of brain regions such as the insula and cingulate cortex, areas which are important in drug craving and decision-making, were seen in abstinent alcoholics. This increase is a good thing, because more tissue means more recovery from alcohol-induced damage. A greater volume of tissue in these areas may be related to a greater ability to make better decisions.

Now, the not-so-good news: these studies reported no improvement in visuospatial skills, divided attention (e.g. doing several tasks at once), semantic memory, sustained attention, impulsivity, emotional face recognition, or planning.  This means that even after abstinence from alcohol, people in recovery may still experience problems with these neurocognitive functions, which may be important for performing some jobs that require people to pay attention for long periods of time or remember long lists of requests. These functions may also be important for daily living (i.e. assessing emotions of a spouse, planning activities, etc.).

Importantly, there were many factors that influenced the degree of brain recovery; for example, the number of prior detoxifications. Those with less than two detoxifications showed greater recovery than those with more than two detoxifications.  A strong family history of alcohol use disorder was associated with less recovery. Finally, cigarette smoking may hinder recovery, as studies have shown that heavy smoking is associated with less recovery over time.

So what does all this mean? Recovery of brain function is certainly possible after abstinence, and will naturally occur in some domains, but complete recovery may be harder in other areas. Complete recovery of some kinds of behavior (e.g. sustained attention, or paying attention over long periods of time) may take more time and effort! New interventions, such as cognitive training or medication (e.g. modafinal, which improved neurocognitive function in patients with ADHD and schizophrenia, as well as in healthy groups), may be able to improve outcomes even more, but await further testing.

[1] Recovery of neurocognitive functions following sustained abstinence after substance dependence and implications for treatment

Source:  Mieke H.J. Schulte et al., Clinical Psychology Review 34 (2014) 531–550   October 2014

 

Filed under: Addiction,Addiction (Papers),Alcohol,Brain and Behaviour,Health,Prevention and Intervention,Treatment and Addiction,USA :

Several students and visitors from Wesleyan University were hospitalized on February 22 after taking the club drug MDMA. U.S. DEA/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS/REUTERS

At least 11 people from the Wesleyan University campus in Middletown, Connecticut, were hospitalized on Sunday with symptoms consistent with drug overdoses. School officials and emergency responders are blaming MDMA, also known as Molly, a form of the drug ecstasy that medical experts say has become increasingly popular on college campuses.

Though some reports said 11 people had received medical treatment, Wesleyan President Michael S. Roth put the number at 12 in an email to students on Monday. That includes 10 students and two visitors.

“I ask all students: Please, please stay away from illegal substances, the use of which can put you in extreme danger. One mistake can change your life forever,” Roth wrote. “And please keep those still hospitalized in your hearts and minds. Please join me in supporting their recovery with your prayers, thoughts and friendship.”

In a statement on Monday, a Middletown Police Department spokeswoman, Lieutenant Heather Desmond, wrote that her department would be involved in an investigation into “the origin of the drugs taken” and to “determine the extent of the criminal involvement in the case.”

A spokeswoman for Middlesex Hospital tells Newsweek it treated 11 people, three of whom are still there and four of whom were airlifted by helicopter to Hartford Hospital. She could not comment on the conditions of the three patients there. A spokeswoman for Hartford Hospital confirmed that four people were there. She too could not speak to their conditions. The police spokeswoman wrote that two individuals are in critical condition and two are in serious condition.

Middletown Fire Chief Robert Kronenberger tells Newsweek his department made seven runs to Wesleyan related to the incident on Sunday after receiving calls between 7:30 a.m. and 1:30 p.m. It rendered aid to eight individuals, including two people in a single dorm room. “We saw the trend and we worked with the university and the police department to notify them of the trend,” Kronenberger says. “We’ve never had anything to this extent,” he says, referring to health and safety issues at Wesleyan. “A couple of them were in some serious dire straits,” he says about the students, adding that they were cooperative. “As a parent of two college-age students, this definitely concerns me and hopefully something to this extent will open eyes,” he says.

Wesleyan’s student newspaper, The Wesleyan Argus, first reported about the incident on its website on Sunday after the school’s vice president for student affairs, Michael Whaley, sent a series of emails to students.

Medical experts say MDMA use on college campuses has grown in recent years, and while there have been reports of bad reactions to the drug, it appears the Wesleyan incident is the most widespread.

In 2013, a University of Virginia sophomore collapsed at a nightclub after taking MDMA and later died. Students at Syracuse University in Syracuse, New York; Plymouth State University in Plymouth, New Hampshire; and Texas State University in San Marcos, Texas have also died after taking the drug. In 2013, organizers of the Electric Zoo music festival in New York City cut the event short after two people died while taking MDMA, including a University of New Hampshire student.

“This age group is a risk-taking group that is willing to follow their friend wherever they go, and if the person next to them is popping a pill, then they’re going to do it too,” says Dr. Mark Neavyn, director of medical toxicology at Hartford Hospital, who treats patients there for MDMA overdoses.

“I think the popular culture engine kind of made it seem safer in some way,” Neavyn says, referring to references to the drug by the singers Miley Cyrus and Madonna that made headlines.

But when it comes to MDMA, people are rarely taking what they think they’re taking, the doctor says.

According to Neavyn, symptoms of an MDMA overdose include fast heart rate, high blood pressure, delirium, elevated body temperature and alterations in consciousness. Extreme cases could involve cardiac arrhythmia and seizures.

Wesleyan, which has about 2,900 full-time undergraduate students and 200 graduate students, also apparently dealt with MDMA-related issues last semester. As the Argus reported, the school’s Health Services Department emailed students on September 16 following a series of MDMA-related hospitalizations.

One former Wesleyan student from the class of 2011, who requested anonymity when discussing drug use, says the news is not surprising, given the prevalence of drugs on campus. “Anything you can imagine…would be readily available there,” the person says. “I don’t think at Wesleyan you need [a campus event] to take drugs. If it’s sunny, there’s probably a good percentage of people that are taking something.”

The campus activities calendar did not show any major events scheduled for Saturday or Sunday.

Another former Wesleyan student from the class of 2012, who also requested anonymity, says the drug culture at Wesleyan is comparable to that at similar schools. “It’s one of those things where, much like at those schools, you kind of have an understanding of where you can go to get it and who had it,” the person says. “If there’s a will there’s a way.”

www.newsweek.com weds Feb. 2015

Filed under: Drug use-various effects,Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Ecstasy,Education,Education Sector,Health,Legal Highs,Social Affairs,Treatment and Addiction,USA,Youth :

FROM TRAUMA TO TRANSFORMATIVE RECOVERY

Between 1986 and 2003, I served as the evaluator of an innovative approach to the treatment of addicted women with histories of neglect or abuse of their children.  Project SAFE eventually expanded from four pilot sites to more than 20 Illinois communities using a model that integrated addiction treatment, child welfare, mental health, and domestic violence services.  

This project garnered considerable professional and public attention, including being profiled within Bill Moyers’ PBS documentary,Moyers on Addiction:  Close to Home.  My subsequent writings on recovery management and recovery-oriented systems of care were profoundly influenced by the more than 15 years I spent interviewing the women served by Project SAFE and the Project SAFE outreach workers, therapists, parenting trainers, and child protection case workers.  This blog offers a few reflections on what was learned within this project about the role of trauma in addiction and addiction recovery.

Trauma, particularly physical/sexual abuse, was ever present in the lives of the women served by Project SAFE, but one must be cautious in over-interpreting trauma as the etiological agent in addiction and related problems.  After all, multitudes of women have experienced childhood and adult trauma without developing the severity, complexity, and chronicity of problems commonly experienced by the women in Project SAFE.  So an early challenge within Project SAFE was to understand what distinguished the trauma resilient from the trauma impaired.  Our collective experience with thousands of women across diverse community and cultural contexts led to the conclusion that the resilient and the impaired differed in two fundamental ways.  They differed in the nature of the trauma they had experienced, and they differed substantially in the recovery capital that influenced their capacities for resilience. 

What separated community populations of women and our clinical population of women was not the presence of trauma but the characteristics of such trauma.  A cluster of traumagenic factors distinguished the clinical group from the more resilient community group.  Trauma in the former was more likely to: 

1) begin at an earlier age (marking less developmental resources to cope with the trauma),

2) involve more physically and psychologically invasive forms of victimization,

3) take place over a longer period of time (e.g., multiple events over days, months, or years rather than a single point-in-time episode),

4) involve multiple perpetrators over time (confirming lack of safety, personal vulnerability, and suspicion that the cause lies within oneself),

5) involve perpetrators drawn from the family or social network (marking a greater violation of trust),

6) involve physical injury/disfigurement or threats of such if event(s) disclosed, and

7) generate environmental responses of disbelief or victim blaming when victimization disclosed.  

Women with histories of perpetration of violence against their children, partners, or others also had experienced three additional factors:  serial episodes of abandonment, desensitization to violence through prolonged horrification (witnessing violence against persons close to them in their developmental years), and violence coaching (transmission of a technology of violence and praise for violence from the family and social environment).  Combinations of these potent traumagenic factors dramatically increased the risk of a broad cluster of problems in personal and interpersonal functioning.

The second conclusion we drew was that women experiencing one or more of these traumagenic factors in community and clinical populations differed widely in the their level of adult functioning, with some exhibiting profound impairments and others exhibiting extraordinary levels of resilience and positive personal and social functioning.  While some of this difference could be accounted for by variations in the number and intensity of traumagenic factors, there was another quite influential force that often tipped the scales from pathology to resilience. Women exhibiting the greatest resilience had experienced trauma, but they also possessed high levels of recovery capital–internal and external assets that could be mobilized to initiate and sustain recovery from trauma and its potential progeny of related problems.  Such resources fell into three categories:  personal recovery capital, family recovery capital, and community recovery capital, with each arena constituting a potential focus of policy development and service programming.   

In contrast to this resilience profile, women served by Project SAFE were collectively marked by the combination of multiple traumagenic factors and low recovery capital.  That combination predictively produced distorted thinking about oneself and the world, emotional distress and volatility, migration from self-medication to addiction, assortative mating (recapitulation of developmental trauma in toxic adult intimate relationships), addiction to crisis, impaired parenting, and chronic self-defeating styles of interacting with professional helpers.

The first challenge in Project SAFE was for the outreach workers, therapists, case workers, parenting trainers, and others not to be personally paralyzed in response to the horror contained in the stories of the women they were serving.  The second challenge was not to be professionally paralyzed by the number, severity, complexity and chronicity of the problems presented by the women entering Project SAFE and the resulting multitude of community agencies involved in their lives.  Through training, skilled clinical supervision, and mutual professional support, those twin challenges were overcome, traditional models of clinical sense-making and intervention were cast aside, and new understandings and approaches were forged that have been described in a series of reports and training manuals.

So let me now share the rest of the story–the story of recovery.  As a long-tenured addiction professional and the evaluator on this project, what most intrigued me was that so many women who were given little chance of success achieved levels of health and functioning that no one, most importantly the women themselves, could have predicted. Equally intriguing were the processes involved in that achievement.  Here are just a few of the lessons of Project SAFE that still have salience today.

Hope, not pain or consequence, is the critical ingredient to successful treatment and recovery of traumatized women. Women with multiple traumagenic factors and low recovery capital don’t hit bottom, they live on the bottom.  They have incomprehensible capacities for physical and psychological pain.  What is catalytic is not pain, but the discovery of hope within relationships that are personally empowering–experienced sequentially within Project SAFE with outreach workers, SAFE clinical staff, a community of peers in recovery, and then within a larger community of recovering women.  In project SAFE, this process most often began through a process of assertive outreach during what I have called a stage of precovery (See Precovery:  “And then the Miracle Occurred”).   The move from precovery to recovery initiation was marked by exposure to women in recovery with whom they could identify and who made recovery contagious by the examples of their own survival and transformed lives.  

Life-limiting mottoes for living must be experientially disconfirmed for recovery to proceed. The mottoes that women brought to their involvement in Project SAFE included:  I am unlovable; I am bad; there is no safety; everybody’s on the make–no one can be trusted; if I get close to people, they will leave me or die; my body does not belong to me; and I am not worthy or capable of recovery. The triple challenges in providing effective addiction treatment to traumatized women are to: 1) avoid confirming these messages by recapitulating processes of victimization (e.g., problems rather than solutions focus, emotional battering via confrontation techniques, or emotional or sexual exploitation) and abandonment (e.g., acute care that provides brief stabilization without continued support or disciplinary discharge from treatment for regressive behavior), 2) experientially challenge these messages (e.g., providing enduring support within frequently tested relationships that unequivocally convey acceptance, regard, respect, safety, and security), and 3) forge new mottoes for living within the processes of story reconstruction and storytelling.

The most powerful catalyst for healing trauma is the experience of mutual identification and support within a community of recovering people.  Such an experience within Project SAFE marked the transition from toxic dependencies on drugs, people, and enabling institutions to healthy interdependence and mutual accountability within a community of recovering women and children.  This suggests that recovery outcomes in traumatized women may be as contingent on community recovery capital (welcoming recovery landscapes) as one’s personal vulnerabilities and resources.  Systematically increasing community recovery capital involves expanding beyond intrapersonal, clinically focused models of recovery support to encompass models for building strong cultures of recovery and models of recovery community building and recovery community mobilization.    

Effective parenting is contingent upon experiencing the essence of such parenting.  Parents cannot authentically give to their children what they have not personally experienced.   In Project SAFE, the journey to effective parenting involved an emotional/relational component (active resistance, emotional regression/dependence, reparenting of mothers by Project SAFE staff and volunteers; and a subsequent focus on selfhood and mutual help) and a skill component (parental modeling, training, and coaching with SAFE clients and their children).  

Effective parenting emerges in middle-to-late stage recovery.  While abuse and neglect of children often remit upon initial recovery stabilization, effective parenting and the larger arena of improved family health must be preceded by heightened recovery stabilization and maintenance and the subsequent transition to an enhanced focus on the quality of personal and family life in long-term recovery.  This suggests the need for structured supports for the developmental needs of children during early recovery (via indigenous peer and professional support) and the need for scaffolding (See Stephanie Brown’s discussion of scaffolding) for the whole family from these same supports during the early recovery process.

Project SAFE began with a focus on the psychopathology of the women it served but quickly shifted its emphasis to the creation of a healing community within which the potential and transformative power of recovery was nurtured and celebrated.  I remain in awe of the stories of these women and what they were able to achieve.

 Source: http://www.williamwhitepapers.com/ 28th February 2015

Filed under: Prevention and Intervention,Treatment and Addiction,USA :

Marijuana Use and Mania

 As the debate continues to rage over the possible risks or advantages of smoking marijuana, new research out of Britain’s Warwick University has found a “significant link” between marijuana use and mania, which can range from hyperactivity and difficulty sleeping to aggression, becoming delusional and hearing voices.

Published in the Journal of Affective Disorders, the study of more than 2,000 people suggested potentially alarming consequences for teenagers who smoke the herb. 

“Cannabis [marijuana] is the most prevalent drug used by the under-18s,” said lead researcher Dr Steven Marwaha. “During this critical period of development, services should be especially aware of and responsive to the problems cannabis use can cause for adolescent populations.”

Researchers examined the effect of marijuana on individuals who had experienced mania, a condition that can include feelings of persistent elation, heightened energy, hyperactivity and a reduced need for sleep. On the other side of the coin, mania can make people feel angry and aggressive with extreme symptoms including hearing voices or becoming delusional.

“Previously it has been unclear whether cannabis use predates manic episodes,” Dr Marwaha said. “We wanted to answer two questions:

1.      Does cannabis use lead to increased occurrence of mania symptoms or manic episodes in individuals with pre-existing bipolar disorder?

2.      “But also, does cannabis use increase the risk of onset of mania symptoms in those without pre-existing bipolar disorder?”

Dr Marwaha found that marijuana use tended to precede or coincide with episodes of mania. Representing what the lead researcher referred to as “a significant link,” there was a strong association with new symptoms of mania, suggesting that these are caused by marijuana use.

The researchers also found that marijuana significantly worsened mania symptoms in people who had previously been diagnosed with bipolar disorder. “There are limited studies addressing the association of cannabis use and manic symptoms which suggests this is a relatively neglected clinical issue,” Dr Marwaha said.

However, our review suggests cannabis use is a major clinical problem occurring early in the evolving course of bipolar disorder.   More research is needed to consider specific pathways from cannabis use to mania and how these may be effected by genetic vulnerability and environmental risk factors.”

These findings add to a body of previous studies that have linked marijuana to increased rates of mental health problems including anxiety, depression, psychosis and schizophrenia, and have suggested that the herb is addictive and opens the door to hard drugs.

A study which was published in the journal Neuroscience earlier this month nevertheless found that marijuana could be used to treat depression.

Scientists at the University of Buffalo’s Research Institute on Addictions said molecules present in marijuana could help relieve the depression resulting from long-term stress.

 Source: Journal of Affective Disorders Feb 2015

Filed under: Cannabis/Marijuana,Drug use-various effects,Europe,Health,Treatment and Addiction :

The information comes from the Indiana Youth Institute’s annual Kids Count report.

The data is worrisome to area health professionals, like Dr. Ahmed Elmaadawi, who says marijuana is mentally addictive. 

“Cannabis, in general, works in an area of the brain that’s responsible for judgment and well-being. We actually know if you use marijuana for a long period of time, it affects your judgment [and] self-esteem. And longtime use of cannabis can actually cause psychosis,” said Dr. Elmaadawi, a child and adolescent psychiatrist.

Dr. Elmaadawi is concerned mainly for teen use. He says there is proven research marijuana can be healing to cancer patients and others suffering from chronic pain, but use for teens is dangerous. He says those who try the drug before age 18 are 67% more likely to continue using. The number drops to 27% for adults who try it for the first time.

“The pleasurable response is there. They want to have more to get that same feeling from the first time they used marijuana,” said Dr. Elmaadawi.

While health professionals are standing strong in the dangers, there is an overwhelming support for legalization at the national level. According to a Pew Research Poll, millennials are setting aside partisan politics with 77% of Democrats between ages 18-34 and 63% of Republicans agreeing laws that prohibit pot are outdated.

But, not all young people agree, including one local teen who struggled with abuse at an early age. The teen, called “John” for the purpose of this story, went to rehab at age 16. He started using pot at 13. His legal trouble started when he was caught on camera stealing from parked cars with a friend. Both were high and had a history of theft.

“There was an adrenaline part that didn’t make me worry about it. The money part is what made me do it, but the thrill is what didn’t make me afraid of it,” said John.

After his first arrest, John went to the Juvenile Justice Center (JJC) for 10 days. After his release, he started using synthetic marijuana. His mom caught him sometime later, called his parole officer, and he was again arrested. This time, John went to JJC for a month and rehab for 6 months.

“I stopped mainly because it was hurting a lot of the relationships I had, and I wanted to do stuff for myself. I knew if I wanted to go as far as I wanted to, I was going to get backtracked all the time if I smoked weed,” said John.

An arrest record and rehab aren’t enough for everyone. The Indiana Youth Institute (IYI) says while overall substance abuse is declining in terms of alcohol and cigarettes, marijuana use is increasing in teens.

“A big key to being successful to keeping our kids away from any illicit substance is open communication with their parents and other caring adults in their lives,” said Bill Stanczykiewicz, the President and CEO at IYI.

Dr. Elmaadawi and Stanczykiewicz agree there are mixed messages about marijuana legalization and the longtime effects. They agree open communication and community resources are key in helping teens make tough choices. Dr. Elmaadawi says there needs to be more education in schools in addition to collaboration between the resources in the community. Stanczykiewicz says teens are most influenced in their personal decision making by people they know directly.

“Kids benefit when they hear consistent messages about right and wrong from all of the caring adults in their lives. There’s no 100% guarantee that kids are going to make good choices, but what we are trying to do is increase the odds,” said Stanczykiewicz.

To read the Kids Count Data, click here.

Source: www.wndu.com  9th March 2015

Filed under: Alcohol,Cannabis/Marijuana,Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Effects of Drugs,Social Affairs,Treatment and Addiction,USA :

It started with a wine cooler, said Paige Cederna, describing that first sweet, easy-to-down drink she experienced as a “magic elixir.” 

“I had no inhibitions with alcohol,” said Ms. Cederna, 24. “I could talk to guys and not worry about anyone judging me. I remember being really proud the day I learned to chug a beer. I couldn’t get that feeling fast enough.” But before long, to get over “that feeling,” she was taking Adderall to get through the days.

But it was now more than three years since she drank her last drop of alcohol and used a drug for nonmedical reasons. Her “sober date,” she told the group, many nodding their heads encouragingly, was July 8, 2011.

Ms. Cederna’s story of addiction and recovery, told in a clear, strong voice, was not being shared at a 12-step meeting or in a treatment center. Instead, it was presented on a cool autumn day, in a classroom on the campus of the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, to a group of 30 undergraduate students in their teens and early 20s.

On the panel with Ms. Cederna were two other Michigan graduate students. Hannah Miller, 27, declared her “sober date” as Oct. 5, 2010, while Ariel Britt, 29, announced hers as Nov. 6, 2011. Like Ms. Cederna’s, Ms. Britt’s problems with drugs and alcohol started in her freshman year at Michigan, while Ms. Miller’s began in high school. All three are participants in a university initiative, now two years old, called the Collegiate Recovery Program.

Staying sober in college is no easy feat. “Pregaming,” as it is called on campus (drinking before social or sporting events), is rampant, and at Michigan it can start as early as 8 a.m. on a football Saturday. The parties take place on the porches and lawns of fraternities, the roofs and balconies of student houses, and clandestinely in dormitories — everywhere but inside the academic buildings.

For this reason — because the culture of college and drinking are so synonymous — in September 2012 the University of Michigan joined what are now 135 Collegiate Recovery communities on campuses all over the country. While they vary in size from small student-run organizations to large embedded university programs, the aim is the same: to help students stay sober while also thriving in college.

“It shouldn’t be that a young person has to choose to either be sober or go to college,” said Mary Jo Desprez, who started Michigan’s Collegiate Recovery Program as the director of Michigan’s Wolverine Wellness department. “These kids, who have the courage to see their problem early on, have the right to an education, too, but need support,” she said, calling it a “social justice, diversity issue.” Matthew Statman, the full-time clinical social worker who has run Michigan’s program since it began in 2012, added, “We want them to feel proud, not embarrassed, by their recovery.”

At the panel presentation, Ms. Britt, who temporarily dropped out of Michigan as an undergraduate, shared with the students her anxiety when she finally sobered up and decided to return to campus. “I had so many memories of throwing up in bushes here,” she said. “I wanted to have fun, but I also had no idea how to perform without partying.”

Ms. Cederna also remembers what it felt like to return to Michigan sober her senior year. Not only did she lose most of her friends (“Everyone I knew on campus drank,” she said), but she also dropped out of her sorority (“I was only in it to drink,” she said). “I ended up alone in the library a lot watching Netflix,” she said. Molly Payton, 24 (now a senior who once fell off an eight-foot ledge, drunk and high at a party), said, “I read all the Harry Potter books alone in my room my first months clean.”

Everything changed, however, when these students learned there were other students facing the same issues. Ms. Cederna first found Students for Recovery, a small student-run organization that, until the Collegiate Recovery Program began, was the only available support group on Michigan’s campus besides local 12-step meetings, most of which tend toward an older demographic.

“Through S.F.R., I ended up having five new friends,” she said of the organization, which still exists but is now run by the 25 to 30 Collegiate Recovery Program students; both groups meet every other week in the health center. The main difference between the two is that students in the Collegiate Recovery Program have to already be sober and sign a “commitment contract” that they will stay clean throughout college through a well-outlined plan of structure. Students for Recovery is aimed at those who are still seeking recovery, may be further into their recovery or want to support others in recovery.

When a young student incredulously asked the panel, “How do you possibly socialize in college without alcohol?” Ms. Britt, Collegiate Recovery Program’s social chairwoman, rattled off a list of its activities — sober tailgates, a pumpkin-carving night, volleyball games, dance parties, study groups, community service projects and even a film screening of “The Anonymous People” that attracted some 600 students. “But we also just hang out together a lot,” she said.

Indeed, looking around the organization’s lounge just before the holidays (a small, cordoned-off corner on the fourth floor of the health center, minimally decorated with ratty couches, a table and a small bookshelf stocking titles like “Wishful Drinking” and “Smashed”), it was hard to believe some of these young adults were once heroin addicts who had spent time in jail. On the contrary, they looked like model students, socializing over soft drinks and snacks as they celebrated one student who had earned back his suspended license.

“By far the biggest benefit to our students in the recovery program is the social component,” said Mr. Statman, who is hoping a current development campaign may provide more funding. (The program is currently supported by a mandatory student health tuition fee.) “Let’s just say, we all wish we could be Texas Tech,” he said.

The Collegiate Recovery Program was established at Texas Tech decades ago, and it is now one of the largest, with 120 recovery students enrolled (along with Rutgers University and Augsburg College in Minneapolis). Thanks to a $3 million endowment, the Texas Tech program now offers scholarships as well as substance-free trips abroad. The students there have access to an exclusive lounge outfitted with flat-screen TVs, a pool table and a Ping-Pong table, kitchen, study carrels and a seminar room. Entering freshmen in recovery even have their own dormitory.

“We found that simply putting them on the substance-free halls didn’t work,” said Kitty Harris, who, until recently, was the director for more than a decade of Texas Tech’s program (she remains on the faculty). “Most of the kids on substance-free floors are just there to make their parents happy.” (The Michigan students in the recovery program mostly live off campus for the same reason; they do not have their own housing.)

“Most students begin experimenting innocently in college with drugs and alcohol,” said Mr. Statman, who just celebrated his 13th year in recovery. “Then there are the ones who react differently. They are not immoral, pleasure-seeking hedonists, they are simply vulnerable, and for their whole life.”

Rates of substance-use disorders triple from 5.2 percent in adolescence to 17.3 percent in early adulthood, according to 2013 data from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. It thus makes this developmental stage critical to young people’s future.

It is at the drop-in Students for Recovery meetings where one often sees nervous new faces. At the beginning of one meeting at Michigan last semester, a young woman introduced herself as, “One day sober.” Shortly afterward, a young man spoke up, “I am five days sober.” Danny (who asked that his last name not be published), a graduating recovery program senior applying to medical schools, later explained an important tenet all of them know from their various 12-step programs. “The most important person in the room is the new person,” he said, adding that after the Students for Recovery meetings, members try to approach any new participants, directing them to the C.R.P. website and to Mr. Statman, who is always on call for worried students.

“In the same way a diabetic might not always get their sugar levels right, part of addiction is relapsing, and we really don’t want our students to see that as a failure if it happens,” said Mr. Statman, adding that it is often the other students in the program who tell him if they suspect a student is using again.

Jake Goldberg, 22, now a junior, arrived at Michigan three years ago as a freshman already in recovery. “I did really well the first five months,” he said. “I was sober. I was loud and proud on panels, but I had internal reservations. I had few friends and felt like I wanted to be more a part of the school.” He recalled that in the spring of his freshman year, he suddenly found himself trying heroin for the first time. “I should have died,” he said, remembering how he woke up 14 hours later, dazed and bruised.

After straightening up, Mr. Goldberg relapsed again his sophomore year when he thought he might be able to have just one drink. “That drink led to drugs and to more drinking,” he said, remembering how Mr. Statman and Ms. Desprez called him into their office one day. “They told me this is not going to end well,” he said. Now sober two years, Mr. Goldberg said: “I now live recovery with all the structure, but I also am in a prelaw fraternity. When they drink a beer, I drink a Red Bull.”

Ms. Miller echoed Mr. Goldberg’s feelings over coffee one day on the Michigan campus. “Most of us did not get sober just to go to meetings all the time,” she said. “We want to live life too.” She also said that socializing with nonrecovery students is still challenging. “I went to a small party recently where everyone was eating pot edibles and drinking top-shelf liquor,” she said. “I got a bit squirrely in my head and had to leave.”

But now students in the Collegiate Recovery Program have a new place in Ann Arbor they can frequent: Brillig Dry Bar, a pop-up, alcohol-free spot that serves up spiced pear sodas and cranberry sours and features live jazz. And in March, four of the students in the program are joining dozens of recovery students from other colleges on a six-day, five-night, “Clean Break” in Florida, arranged by Blue Community, an organization that hosts events and vacations for young adults in recovery. (The vacation package includes music, guest speakers, beach sports and daily transport to local 12-step meetings.)

“My hope is that we continue to get more students who need a safe zone to our social events,” said Ms. Britt, who is about to publicize a “sober skating night” in March at the university ice rink. “They would see you can have a lot of fun in college without drinking.

“And honestly, we really do have fun.”

  source: http://mobile.nytimes.com/2015/03/01/style/not-the-usual-college-party-

Filed under: Alcohol,Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Education Sector,Treatment and Addiction,USA,Youth :

The largest recent US national survey of drink and drug problems shows that outside the addiction treatment clinic, remission is the norm and recovery common. After 14 years half the people at some time dependent on alcohol were in remission, a milestone reached for cannabis after six years, and for cocaine after just five.

SUMMARY Among the US general adult population, and for each of nicotine, alcohol, cannabis and cocaine (including crack), this study sought to estimate the time from onset of dependence to remission, the cumulative probability of remission in different racial/ethnic groups, and to identify factors related to the probability of remission.

It drew its data from the National Epidemiological Survey of Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC) conducted in 2000–2001, which focused on drinking disorders but also asked about other forms of drug use and psychological problems. The aim was to interview a representative sample of civilian, non-institutionalised adults aged 18 and over living in households and group residences such as college halls, boarding houses and non-transient hotels. About 8 in 10 of the sample responded to the survey yielding 43,093 respondents. The featured report investigated the subgroups who had some time in their lives been dependent on nicotine (of which there were 6937), alcohol (4781), cannabis (530) or cocaine (408).

Dependence was defined as meeting the dependence criteria of the applicable version of the American Psychiatric Association’s DSM manual, DSM-IV. ‘Lifetime’ dependence was diagnosed if the respondent reported having experienced at least three specific signs of this syndrome within the same 12-month period at some point in their life. The age this first happened for any particular substance was the onset year, while the remission year was based on the age when the respondent’s answers indicatedthey had last stopped meeting dependence criteria for the drug, and had continued to do so for at least a year until interviewed for the survey – essentially, the most recent (at least so far) lastinglysuccessful remission. It was on this basis that the study calculated remission rates for individual substances and related them to the time between the onset of dependence and remission.

Main findings

Proportion of dependent users in remission

Within a year of first becoming dependent, 3% each of smokers and drinkers were in remission and remained so until they were surveyed. For cannabis the figure was nearly 5% and for cocaine, nearly 9%. After ten years the proportions in remission had risen to 18% for nicotine, 37% for alcohol, 66% for cannabis and 76% for cocaine  chart. It could be estimated that by the end of their lives 84% of formerly dependent smokers would be in remission, 91% for alcohol, 97% for cannabis and 99% for cocaine. About 26 years after first becoming dependent, half the people at some time dependent on nicotine were in remission, a milestone reached for alcohol after 14 years, for cannabis six years, and for cocaine five years.

Once other factors had been taken in to account, for each of the substances, men who had been dependent at some time were significantly less likely than women to be in remission, especially in respect of the two illegal drugs, cannabis and cocaine; for every 10 women only about six men were in remission from dependence on these drugs. Black Americans once dependent on nicotine or cocaine were less likely to be in remission than white Americans – for cocaine, half as likely. After four years, about 50% of whites had sustained remission from dependence on cocaine; African Americans took nine years to reach the same milestone.

About 80% of people at some time dependent on nicotine or alcohol and almost all those once dependent on cannabis or cocaine had also at some time met diagnostic criteria for another psychiatric disorder, including conduct (antisocial behaviour in early life) and personality disorders. Once other factors had been taken in to account, people who had met criteria for conduct disorder were much more likely than others to have overcome their dependence on cannabis. In contrast, a diagnosis of a personality disorder was associated with a lower probability of remission from cannabis (and also alcohol) dependence. Having once experienced mood and anxiety disorders was unrelated to remission from dependence on any of the four substances.

The authors’ conclusions

The general picture is that the vast majority of people in the USA once dependent on nicotine, alcohol, cannabis or cocaine stop being dependent at some point in their lives, and this happens after fewer years for cannabis or cocaine than for nicotine or alcohol. Black Americans stay dependent longer on nicotine and cocaine than white Americans, and probabilities of remission are associated with social and psychological characteristics and dependence on other substances. However, the fact that that many people once dependent were no longer at the time of the survey should be interpreted with caution given the irregular course of addictions punctuated by remissions and relapses; their remission may have been temporary. Possible explanations for these findings are considered below.

More than two thirds of remissions from cannabis and cocaine dependence occurred within the first decade after onset of dependence, but only a fifth for nicotine and a third for alcohol. These differences may be explained in part by how quickly adverse physical, psychological and social consequences become apparent. For instance, the risk of early cardiovascular problems is much higher among individuals dependent on cocaine than among those dependent on nicotine or alcohol. Behavioural disturbances resulting from cannabis or cocaine dependence and their illegal status impose stronger social pressures to remit. The pervasive availability of alcohol and nicotine also means pervasive environmental prompts to using the drugs. Particularly for nicotine, perceived immediate benefits including anxiety and stress reduction, improved cognitive performance, and weight control, may initially outweigh perceived potential harms from long-term use.

Consistent with previous studies, black Americans once dependent on cocaine were less likely to remit than their white counterparts. Psychosocial factors that commonly affect black populations, including discrimination and lower levels of social capital, have been recognised as barriers to remission and triggers to use or relapse; genetic factors may also contribute.

Men were less likely than women to remit from dependence, perhaps because substance use is more damaging (physically, mentally and socially) for women, heightening motivation to stop using. Feelings of guilt and concerns about substance use during pregnancy and child-rearing may also play a particular part in prompting remission among women.

Individuals who met criteria for a personality disorder were less likely to remit from alcohol or cannabis dependence. This may be because characteristics of these disorders such as being impulsive, intolerant to stress, anxious, and craving new experiences, also predispose to substance use, and these characteristics tend to persist.

Among the limitations of the study were that it omitted institutionalised individuals including prisoners. People whose substance use led to their early death would also have been missed, as may some with severe but non-fatal consequences. These omissions may have caused an overestimation of the probability of remission across the entire population. The study also had no information on the number and duration of remission episodes over an individual’s lifetime; it could only relate other factors to the latest of these remissions.

 

 COMMENTARY The good news from this analysis is that, in the US context, rather than continued dependence, remission is the norm. Most people overcome or grow out of their dependence on the drugs analysed by the study – for cocaine and cannabis, after just five or six years, and for alcohol, after 14, and over their lives people continue to remit until nearly all are no longer dependent. But at least in respect of drinking, there are a set of multiply problematic drinkers who despite treatment, take many more years to stop being dependent. The findings on black versus white Americans suggest that remission rates depend on socioeconomic factors; sampled at another period in the USA’s economic cycles or in respect of drugs used predominantly by more or less advantaged sections of the population, remission rates too might differ, and look more or less like the chronic disease model.

The data presented in the featured article did not show whether the user ‘in remission’ had simply become dependent on another drug. Within the set of illegal drugs and medicines, this seemed uncommon, because the total remission rate was so high. But it seems more than possible that some who matured out of illegal drug use instead took up heavy drinking, in social and legal terms, a dependence easier to live with as an adult.

Remission rates looking forward

An acknowledged weakness of the featured report is that it asked respondents to recall changes which may have happened many years ago. However, the survey was repeated about three years later when 87% of the people who still qualified for the survey were re-interviewed. The follow-up offered an opportunity to see how many dependent at the time of the first survey had recovered three years later. These analyses seem only to have been done for drinking, for which they confirm that most people cease to be dependent though most too continue to experience drink-related problems and to sometimes drink heavily, and remain vulnerable to relapse. This average impression results from the pooling of dramatically different trajectories, from older multiply problematic alcoholics who usually do not remit despite treatment, to youngsters who generally quickly remit without formal help. Details below.

Among the re-interviewed sample were 1172 of the 1484 people who had been dependent on alcohol in the year before the first interview three years before. Nearly two thirds were longer dependent in the year before the follow-up interview. So complete was their recovery that a fifth of those previously dependent had in the past year experienced no indications of abuse or dependence; of these, three quarters were still drinking. About 11% not only had no symptoms, but were exclusively drinking within low-risk guidelines, evenly split between those drinking moderately and those not drinking at all.

But this broad-brush picture hid substantial variation in the fates of different types of dependent drinkers. At one extreme were the most severely affected drinkers with multiple psychological problems and on average about nine years of dependence behind them, two thirds of whom were still dependent at the second interview. At the other were young adults and older drinkers with few complicating psychological disorders and few years of dependent drinking. For most of these the dip in to dependence was a phase which (at least for time being) was over by the the second interview, when just under 30% were still dependent.

At least for the three years between the surveys, remission was very stable. Among the re-interviewed sample were 1772 of the 2109 who three years before had been in “full remission” from past dependence on alcohol, meaning that even though they may sometimes have drunk above low-risk guidelines, for the past 12 months they had reported no symptoms of alcohol abuse or dependence. Of these just 5% had slipped back to being dependent in the year before the second interview, though a third who had been drinking above low-risk guidelines had re-experienced some symptoms of alcohol abuse or dependence. Most stable in their recovery were the abstainers, of whom just 1 in 50 experienced such symptoms. The much greater stability of recovery in abstainers and low-risk drinkers was confirmed when other factors had been taken in to account, but was not apparent among the younger adults in the sample.

Treatment’s impact

Few dependent drug users recover through treatment and fewer still dependent on alcohol – in theNESARC survey on which the featured analysis was based, of those no longer dependent on alcohol,just 24% had at any time been in any kind of treatment for their drinking problems. Over two thirds of those who achieved more complete forms of recovery also did so without treatment.

While this shows that in the USA, treatment is generally not needed to recover from substance dependence, treatment may still make recovery more likely. In respect of dependence on alcohol, one analysis of data from the NESARC survey was consistent with formal treatment promoting recovery characterised by abstinence or low-risk drinking and no symptoms of abuse or dependence, but another and perhaps more reliable analysis found no such association.

Both however found that when treatment had been accompanied by attendance at 12-step mutual aid groups, recovery was more likely – especially abstinent recovery. These analyses could not however disentangle the possible effects of the motivation and conditions which drive someone to seek help, from the effect of actually receiving that help. Complicating the picture is the fact in this survey, the most severely affected and multiply comorbid drinkers with many years of dependence behind them were far more likely to seek treatment than less severely affected types of dependent drinkers. Despite seeking help, they were by a large margin the ones most likely to still be dependent when the survey was repeated three years later.

What about heroin and other opiates?

A notable omission from the illicit drugs included in the featured report was heroin and other opiates. Fortunately these were the subject of the greatest number of relevant studies in another review of follow-up studies of remission from dependence on amphetamine, cannabis, cocaine or opiate-type drugs. It included only studies of general populations or people who entered treatment in the normal way rather than enrolling in treatment trials.

Across the ten studies relevant to opiate-type drugs, every year on average between 22% and 9% of people were either abstinent or no longer dependent; the higher figure is the average of the proportions remitted among people who could be followed up, while the lower estimate includes cases who could not be followed and assumes they are still dependent. Generally the subjects were patients in treatment. Based mainly on patients in treatment, corresponding figures for cocaine were between 14% and 5%. The single study (from the USA) of a general population sample of cocaine-dependent people found that 39% had remitted four years after initially surveyed. For cannabis, the estimate was 17% per annum based on general population surveys and assuming people not followed up were still dependent.

In accordance with the featured article, such figures imply that within 10 years most dependent users of these drugs will no longer be dependent and may have entirely ceased use.

Racial differences reflect socioeconomic status

An analysis of data from the NESARC survey showed that taking alcohol and other drugs together, the longer dependence careers of black versus white Americans was associated with their having less social and socioeconomic resources, signified by fewer being married and fewer having completed their schooling. Once these were taken in to account, racial differences were no longer significant. The implication is that it is not race as such which makes the difference, but the position black people tend to occupy in US society. Given the same disadvantages, white Americans has dependence careers just as extended as black Americans.

Diagnostic system affects remission rate

Much in this analysis depends on the definitions used in the survey. Specifically, the probability of remission equates to the probability that someone will for at least the past 12 months have dropped below experiencing three or more dependence symptoms together in respect of the same drug. From the same survey, it is known for alcohol that many will still be consuming heavily, experiencing symptoms of dependence such as withdrawal and compulsive use, and suffering poor physical and mental health (1 2). They may be remitted from their dependence, but not according to most understandings, ‘recovered’.

Had the line been drawn elsewhere, the chances of remission might have been substantially lower – for example, as commonly in NESARC reports on drinking (1 2 3 4), if remission had been defined as non-problem moderate use or abstinence.

The latest version of the DSM manual (DSM-5) softens this binary system by diagnosing a substance use disorder when at least two symptoms are present in the same 12 months, and rating this as moderate if there were two or three, severe if four or more. ‘Abuse’ and ‘dependence’ are now subsumed within this continuum. The change seems likely to bring many more less severely affected people under the same substance use disorder umbrella as the three-symptom population investigated by the featured analysis. Their remission rates too may differ.

It is also theoretically possible that ‘remission’ may partly reflect the lack of noticeable change or struggle as with the years dependence becomes more deeply embedded and dominant in one’s life, and the change processes probed by some diagnostic questions cease to be live issues – not a sign of recovery, but of the lack such a prospect and the narrowing of life to substance use. For example, having plateaued in their use levels, long-term dependent users may no longer (or not for the past 12 months) have found themselves needing to take more of the drug to feel the desired effects, or taking more than they intended. Perhaps too in the past they had tried unsuccessfully to stop using, or had at least persistently wanted to, but now no longer tried or even wanted to. Ensuring a steady supply of drink or drugs they made no attempt to interrupt would minimise experience of withdrawal. They may also have no important interests and activities left to sacrifice to their dependence – all among the symptoms used to diagnose dependence.

Some findings from NESARC are consistent with this possibility. In the three years between the first interview and the re-interview, the alcohol dependence symptoms which fell away most often and most consistently across different types of drinkers were “taking alcohol often in larger amounts or over a longer period than was intended”, “a persistent desire or unsuccessful efforts to cut down or control use”, and withdrawal.

Similarly, young adult dependent drinkers tend not to endorse the dependence symptom relating to inability to stop drinking or cut back, presumably because they have yet to try.

Related analyses

This data from the featured report has been reanalysed to show that for each of these drugs, the probability that someone would have ceased being dependent remained the same no matter how long ago they had first become dependent. For the author this falsified theories which assume that the longer it lasts, the deeper dependence becomes embedded in neural circuits or lifestyles.

The survey on which the featured article was based and other US national surveys were among those included in a synthesisof hundreds of studies of remission and recovery from substance use problems. This too concluded that “Recovery is not an aberration achieved by a small and morally enlightened minority of addicted people. If there is a natural developmental momentum within the course of [these] problems, it is toward remission and recovery”.

Last revised 24 October 2013. First uploaded 19 October 2013

Source:  Probability and predictors of remission from life-time nicotine, alcohol, cannabis or cocaine dependence: results from the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions.

Lopez-Quintero C., Hasin D.S., Pérez de los Cobos J. et al.
Addiction: 2011, 106(3), p. 657–669.

Filed under: Alcohol,Cannabis/Marijuana,Cocaine,Effects of Drugs,Nicotine,Treatment and Addiction,USA :

In 1990s Britain a common reaction to allocating resources to treating cannabis users was, ‘Why bother? We have more than enough patients with problems with serious drugs like heroin.’ Calls for a treatment response were seen as pathologising what in many societies is both normal and in some ways desirable youth development: trying new experiences, challenging conventions, exposing the hypocrisy of alcohol-drinking adults. The typically calming use of the drug by adults was seen as preferable to the main alternative, alcohol and its associated violence and disorder. 

Those views retain some validity for the vast majority of cannabis users, but this has become, and/or become seen more clearly as, a drug with a problem tail which justifies therapeutic intervention. As heroin use and treatment numbers fall way, cannabis treatment numbers are on the rise – not, according to Public Health England, because more people are using the drug, but perhaps because services relieved of some of the recent pressure of opiate user numbers are giving more priority to cannabis, because they are making themselves more amenable to cannabis users, and because stronger strains of the drug are creating more problems.

Cannabis accounts for half of all new drug treatment patients

Whatever the causes, across the UK figures submitted to the European drug misuse monitoring centre show that the proportion of patients starting treatment for drug problems who did so primarily due to their cannabis use rose steadily from 11% in 2003/04 to 27% in 2013, that year amounting to about 27,270 individuals. Among first ever treatment presentations, the increase was more pronounced, from 19% to 49%, meaning that by 2013 their cannabis use had became the main prompt for half the patients who sought treatment for the first time  chart right. Showing that more users was not the reason for more starting treatment, over about the same period, in England and Wales the proportion of 16–59-year-olds who in a survey said that had used cannabis in the past year fell from about 11% to about 7% in 2013/14, having hovered at 6–7% since 2009/10.

The treatment figures largely reflect trends in England, where in 2013/14 the number of patients starting treatment due primarily to their cannabis use had continued to rise to 11,821, 17% of all treatment starters, up from around 7,500 and 9% just seven years before. The greater ‘stickiness’ of opiate use meant that in the total treatment population – new and continuing – the proportionate trends were less steep, cannabis numbers rising from around 11,000 in 2005/06 to 17,229 in 2013/14, and in proportion from 6% to 9%. Among younger adults, cannabis dominates; in 2013/14, far more 18–24s started treatment for cannabis than for opiate use problems – 5,039 versus 3,142 – and they constituted 43% of all treatment starters.

Further down the age range, among under-18s in treatment in England, cannabis is even more dominant. In 2013/14, of the 19,126 young people who received help for alcohol or drug problems, 13,659 or 71% did so mainly in relation to cannabis, continuing the generally upward trend since 2005/06.

Though the crime reduction justification for treating adult heroin and crack users is not so clear among young cannabis users, still immediate impacts plus the longer term benefits of forestalling further problems has been calculated to more than justify the costs of treating under-18 patients, among whom cannabis is the major player.

Cannabis users rarely stay in long-term treatment

Relative to the main legal drugs, at least in the USA dependence on cannabis is more quickly overcome. A survey of the US general adult population found that within a year of first becoming dependent, 3% each of smokers and drinkers were in remission and remained so until they were surveyed. For cannabis the figure was nearly 5% and for cocaine, nearly 9%. After ten years the proportions in remission had risen to 18% for nicotine, 37% for alcohol, 66% for cannabis and 76% for cocaine  chart right. About 26 years after first becoming dependent, half the people at some time dependent on nicotine were in remission, a milestone reached for alcohol after 14 years, for cannabis six years, and for cocaine, five.

Unlike heroin users, regular users of cannabis have been seen as sufficiently amenable to intervention to warrant trying brief interventions along the lines established for risky but not dependent drinkers, and sufficiently numerous in some countries to make routine screening in general medical and other settings a worthwhile way of identifying problem users. When the World Health Organization trialled its ASSIST substance use screening and brief advice programme in Australia, India, the United States and Brazil, just over half the identified patients (all had to be at moderate risk of harm but probably not dependent) were primarily problem cannabis users. Among these, risk reduction in relation to this drug was significantly greater among patients allocated to a brief advice session than among those placed on a three-month waiting list for advice. In each country too, risk reduction was greater among intervention patients, except for the USA, where the order was reversed. Suggesting that severity of use was not a barrier to reacting well to brief intervention, only patients at the higher end of the moderate risk spectrum further reduced their cannabis use/risk scores following intervention. The ASSIST study was confined to adults, but young people in secondary schools in the USA whose problem substance use focused mainly on cannabis also reacted well to brief advice.

In some studies brief interventions have been found to work just as well as more intensive treatment, but when the patients are heavily dependent, and the most difficult cases are not filtered out by the research, longer and more individualised therapies can have the advantage. These studies on adults might not translate to adolescents, for whom approaches which address family, school and other factors in the child’s environment are considered most appropriate for what are often multiply troubled youngsters.

The relative persistence of opiate use problems and transitory nature of those primarily related to cannabis seemed reflected in an analysis of treatment entrants in England from 1 April 2005 to the end of 2013/14. At the end of this period just 7% of primary cannabis users were still in or back in treatment compared to the 30% overall figure and 36% for primary opiate users. The figure peaked at 43% for users of opiates and crack. Over half – 53% – of primary cannabis users had left treatment as planned, apparently having overcome their cannabis problems, compared to 27% of primary opiate users and just 20% with dual opiates and crack use problems. Another 40% of cannabis users had left treatment in an unplanned manner not having overcome their dependence, a slightly higher proportion than among opiate users. The figures tell a tale of relatively high level of success which enables cannabis users to leave treatment, though even in the absence of recorded success, few stay long-term.

However, the forms patients in England complete with their keyworkers while in treatment seem to tell a different story. Compared to how they started treatment, around six months later 45% of primary cannabis users were assessed as using just as often (including a few using more), compared to 29% of opiate users and 38% whose main problem drugs were both opiates and crack, suggesting more rapid and/or more complete remission for opiate users than for cannabis users. One interpretation is that the widespread use of substitute drugs like methadone more reliably reduced the illegal opiate use of opiate users and also helped retain them in treatment, while cannabis users tended quickly to leave treatment, having done well or not. However, these figures relate only to patients who completed the forms at their six-month review, which in practice could have happened anywhere from about one to six months after their assessment for treatment. What proportion of primary cannabis users were still in treatment at that point and available to complete the forms is not clear, but they may have been the patients whose problems were deep seated enough to require extended treatment.

These are some of the issues thrown up by a set of patients and a set of interventions rather different from those associated with the drugs treatment in the UK has normally focused on. If current trends continue, understanding the findings of these and other studies will become yet more important to British treatment services.

Source:  www.findings.org.uk     03 March 2015

Filed under: Alcohol,Cannabis/Marijuana,Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Effects of Drugs,Europe,Treatment and Addiction :

More media stories of addiction being successfully treated would reduce stigma and ease social reintegration and recovery, suggests this innovative study. Reading just one such story made a national US sample more willing to work with former dependent users of illicit heroin or prescription painkillers and accept them into their families. 

SUMMARY Stigma toward people with mental illness and substance use problems is substantial and widespread. Enduring social stigma is linked to discrimination, under-treatment, and poor health and social outcomes, including difficulty finding and maintaining housing and employment. For example, studies have found that a third of the US public think people suffering from untreated major depression are likely to be violent toward others, as did 60% in respect schizophrenia and 65% and 87% in respect alcohol and cocaine dependence. Expectations that stressing a biological basis for mental illness would defuse stigma have not been realised.

Key points 

A nationally representative sample of the US public read short vignettes either neutrally portraying a woman, portraying the same woman as drug dependent or mentally ill, or as having had these disorders but now in remission through treatment.

Then they answered questions which assessed different dimensions of stigma to people with these disorders.

Vignettes of untreated, active heroin addiction or mental illness – but not untreated addiction to pain medication – heightened the desire be socially distant from addicted or mentally ill people.

In contrast, portraying the same person as in remission from addiction did not exacerbate any negative attitudes, and on some measures actually led to more positive attitudes than the neutral depiction.

For the researchers these results suggest that portraying people who have successfully been treated for mental illness or drug addiction may be a promising strategy for improving public attitudes toward these groups.

These findings are largely based on reactions to written vignettes portraying an addicted or mentally ill person. However, many for whom effective treatment has led to symptom control and recovery bear little resemblance to the untreated, symptomatic individuals portrayed in the vignettes. Such portrayals in the media may spread and intensify social stigma toward these groups. In contrast, portrayals of successfully treated patients may elicit more positive attitudes. Research on other stigmatised health conditions such as HIV infection suggests increased public recognition of their being treatable has reduced stigma and discrimination. 

The featured study was the first to examine whether levels of stigma are influenced by portrayals of untreated, symptomatic sufferers versus those who have successfully recovered through treatment. It did so for schizophrenia, major depression, addiction to prescribed painkillers, and heroin addiction, in each case portraying people whose symptoms met US diagnostic criteria. To eliminate the potentially confounding influences of race, gender, and education, each vignette ( samples) portrayed the same, college-educated, white woman – ‘Mary’. This account focuses on reactions to the addiction vignettes.

Selected from a national US panel, the 3,940 (70% of those asked to join the study) respondents were very similar to the overall US population. In 2013 they were randomly allocated to read either a neutral depiction of Mary, one of the depictions of her as actively suffering one of the untreated conditions, or one of her having recovered from a condition through treatment. Participants who had read about one of the addiction conditions were then asked a series of questions which tapped different dimensions of stigma to a “person with a drug addiction”. Participants who had read the mental illness vignettes were asked corresponding questions about a person with mental illness. Half those who had merely read the neutral depiction of Mary were asked the addiction questions, half the mental illness ones. This methodology made it possible to test the impact on stigma-related beliefs and attitudes of attributing untreated or successfully treated addiction or mental illness to Mary.

Sample vignettes

Neutral Mary is a white woman who has completed college. She has experienced the usual ups and downs of life, but managed to get through the challenges she has faced. Mary lives with her family and enjoys spending time outdoors and taking part in various activities in her community. She works at a local store.

Untreated heroin addiction Mary is a white woman who has completed college. A year after college, Mary went to a party and used heroin for the first time. After that, she started using heroin more regularly. At first she only used on weekends when she went to parties, but after a few weeks found that she increasingly felt the desire for more. Mary then began using heroin two or three times a week. She spent all of her savings and borrowed money from friends and family in order to buy more heroin. Each time she tried to cut down, she felt anxious and became sweaty and nauseated for hours on end and also could not sleep. These symptoms lasted until she resumed taking heroin. Her friends complained that she had become unreliable – making plans one day, and cancelling them the next. Her family said she had changed and that they could no longer count on her. She has been living this way for six months.

Treated heroin addiction [As above up to “…Her family said she had changed and that they could no longer count on her.”] She had been living this way for six months At that point, Mary’s family encouraged her to see a doctor. With her doctor’s help, she entered a detox program to address her problem. After completing detox, she started talking with a doctor regularly and began taking appropriate medication. After three months of treatment, she felt good enough to start searching for a job. Since then, Mary has received steady treatment and her symptoms have been under control for the past three years. She lives with her family and enjoys spending time outdoors and taking part in various activities in her community. Mary works at a local store.

The questions participants were asked were: 

• Desirability of social distance: how willing they would be to have a person with addiction or mental illness marry into their family or start working closely with them;
• Perceptions of treatment effectiveness: whether they saw the treatment options for that condition as being effective, and whether with treatment most can get well and return to productive lives;
• Willingness to discriminate: whether they agreed that discrimination against people with mental illness/drug addiction is a serious problem, that employers should be allowed to deny employment to these people, and landlords deny housing;
• Endorsement of supportive policies: whether for or against requiring insurance companies to offer benefits for treatment equivalent to those for other medical services, and whether they would support increased government spending on treatment, housing subsidies, and on programmes that help these groups find jobs and offer on-the-job support.

Main findings

Relative to the neutral depiction, vignettes of untreated, active heroin addiction or mental illness heightened the desire to be socially distant from such people, but this was not the case after reading about untreated addiction to pain medication charts. Other stigma dimensions (perceptions of treatment effectiveness; willingness to discriminate; endorsement of supportive policies) generally were not significantly affected. An exception was that respondents who read the untreated heroin addiction vignette were more willing to endorse discrimination against people with drug addiction.

 

In contrast, portraying Mary as having overcome her problems through treatment did not exacerbate any negative attitudes, and on some measures actually led to more positive attitudes than the neutral depiction. In particular, portrayals of successfully treated addiction to heroin or prescribed painkillers led fewer respondents to reject the prospect of working with someone with addiction or having them marry in to the family. Again relative to the neutral depiction, vignettes of successful treatment made respondents more likely to believe treatment can effectively control symptoms. However, in general these successful-treatment vignettes did not weaken preparedness to endorse discrimination or bolster enthusiasm for supportive policies.

Given these different and sometimes opposing effects relative to the neutral depiction, not surprisingly, the effects of portraying an untreated, active disorder differed from those of portraying the same disorder successfully treated. After reading the depiction of successful treatment, significantly fewer respondents wanted to maintain social distance ( charts), more believed in the effectiveness of treatment, and fewer were willing to endorse discrimination. However, beliefs that with treatment most sufferers can get well and return to productive lives were unaffected, as generally was endorsement of supportive polices. Of the two addictions, differences between reactions to treated and untreated vignettes were more consistent and larger after portrayal of heroin addiction than after portrayal of addiction to prescribed painkillers.

As other studies have found, even after reading a vignette portraying successful treatment, more people were willing to work with someone with addiction or mental illness than to welcome them in to the family, and respondents desired more social distance from people with drug addiction than from those with mental illness. For example, 34% and 42% of respondents who read the treated schizophrenia and depression vignettes were unwilling to work closely with a person with mental illness. In contrast, for the prescription painkiller and heroin vignettes, the corresponding figures were 70% and 64%.

The authors’ conclusions

As hypothesised, portrayals of untreated, symptomatic mental illness and drug addiction, characterised by abnormal behaviour including deterioration of personal hygiene and failure to fulfil work and family commitments, heightened desire for social distance from people with mental illness or drug addiction. In contrast, adding a paragraph depicting transition to successful treatment improved some attitudes, even relative to a neutral depiction which did not mention these conditions at all.

These results imply that portraying people who have successfully been treated for mental illness or drug addiction may be a promising strategy for improving public attitudes toward these groups. Exposure to a single, one- or two-paragraph vignette, led to significant movements in public attitudes, suggesting in turn that repeated such depictions presented through the news media, popular media, and other sources, are important influences on public attitudes. The implication is that a shift in emphasis away from portrayals of symptomatic, untreated individuals, and toward portrayals of those who have successfully been treated, could reduce public stigma and discrimination toward people with these conditions.

Rather than seeking directly to influence the media, national stigma-reduction campaigns may be a more feasible route to widespread dissemination of portrayals of successful treatment. In addition, expanding access to effective treatments and encouraging treatment entry is likely be a critical way to reduce public stigma and discrimination. Longstanding social stigma has led current and former sufferers to conceal these conditions; even family members sometimes don’t know that a loved one is an exemplar of successful treatment. Driven by stigma, concealment probably also perpetuates stigma by preventing family members, friends, and acquaintances becoming aware of the possibility of successful treatment.

The findings may help explain why emphasising an inherent biological basis for mental illness and addiction does not reduce stigma. Seeing these conditions as inherent flaws (moral or biological) is not, however, cemented into the public psyche. Portrayals of successful treatment lead to improved public attitudes, suggesting many Americans are receptive to the idea that mental illness and drug addiction are treatable conditions.

Despite other positive changes, the vignettes portraying successful treatment did not increase support for public policies which benefit people with mental illness and drug addiction. Support for increased government spending is in the USA strongly related to political ideology and party identification, affiliations which may have overpowered the influence of portrayals of successful treatment. It is also possible that the vignettes led respondents to believe that supportive policies are not needed.

The results of this study should be interpreted in the context of several limitations. Among these are that exposure to a single, one- or two-paragraph vignette portraying a person with mental illness or drug addiction is not how the public typically experience these conditions, either personally or through the media. Personal experience probably elicits a stronger emotional response, and rather than a single vignette, the news media exposes Americans to multiple, competing portrayals. The effects of the vignettes were assessed immediately after exposure; it is unclear whether these effects persisted. Results may have been different if the portrayed individual had different demographic characteristics.

Source:  Portraying mental illness and drug addiction as treatable health conditions: Effects of a randomized experiment on stigma and discrimination.

McGinty E.E., Goldman H.H., Pescosolido B. et al.
Social Science and Medicine: 2015, 126, p. 73–85.

Filed under: Education Sector,Health,Treatment and Addiction,USA :

Though many young people seem to perceive marijuana as harmless, its use may pose serious risk for adverse behaviors and health consequences.

An extensive research review published June 5 in the New England Journal of Medicineconcluded that marijuana use is linked to multiple adverse effects—particularly in youth.

“Despite some contentious discussions regarding the addictiveness of marijuana, the evidence clearly indicates that long-term marijuana use can lead to addiction,” said lead author Nora Volkow, M.D., director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA), and three of NIDA’s top officials.

Stanimir G.Stoev/Shutterstock

According to the 2012 National Survey on Drug Use and Health, marijuana is the most commonly used “illicit” drug in the United States, with an estimated 12 percent of people aged 12 or older reporting its use in the prior year. The 2013 Monitoring the Future Survey—supported by NIDA—found that 6.5 percent of 12th graders report daily or near-daily marijuana use, with 60 percent perceiving regular use of marijuana not to be harmful (Psychiatric News, February 6). Volkow and colleagues suggested that as more states move toward policies that legalize cannabis for medical or recreational purposes, rates for marijuana use among teenagers and young adults will increase, as will the negative health consequences associated with its use.

“The regular use of marijuana during adolescence is of particular concern, since use by this age group is associated with an increased likelihood of deleterious consequences,” Volkow and colleagues cautioned.

The review, “Adverse Health Effects of Marijuana Use,” provided science-based reasoning to explain the onset of marijuana addiction and gave an overview of the adverse health consequences associated with marijuana use from data of 77 studies and literature reviews.

From animal studies, the authors concluded that exposure to tetrahydrocannabinol (THC)—the primary psychoactive chemical in cannabis—in early life can recalibrate the dopaminergic system, the reward system of the brain, to become more sensitive to stimulation with drugs. The authors speculated that the findings may help to explain the increased vulnerability to abuse of marijuana and other substances in later life, which have been reported by adults who initiated cannabis use during adolescence.

The review also highlighted studies showing an association between marijuana use and impaired regions of the human brain, including the precuneas, a key node that is involved in alertness and self-conscious awareness, and the hippocampus, which is important in learning and memory. Other adverse consequences of cannabis use included impaired driving, lowered IQ scores into adulthood, and a potential risk to exacerbate psychotic symptoms in those with mental disorders. The review suggested that risks for adverse effects increase when the drug is used along with alcohol.

“Some physicians continue to prescribe marijuana for medicinal purposes despite limited evidence of a benefit,” noted Volkow and colleagues. “Because older studies are based on the effects of marijuana containing lower levels of THC, stronger adverse health effects may occur with the use of today’s more-potent marijuana.”

The authors emphasized that more research must be done on the potential health consequences of second hand marijuana smoke, the long-term impact of prenatal cannabis exposure, and the effects of marijuana legalization policies on public health.

“It is important to alert the public that using marijuana in the teen years brings health, social, and academic risk,” said Volkow. “Physicians in particular can play a role in conveying to families that early marijuana use can interfere with crucial social and developmental milestones and can impair cognitive development.”

Source: http://psychnews.psychiatryonline.org/ June 26, 2014

Filed under: Cannabis/Marijuana,Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Effects of Drugs,Health,Legal Sector,Social Affairs,Treatment and Addiction,USA :

An ITV documentary will take a look at the impact of drinking alcohol in pregnancy as one in 100 babies are born in Britain each year brain-damaged with Foetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder (FASD).

These babies will go through life with a range of developmental, social and learning difficulties. A few will have tell-tale facial features which will make it easier to get a diagnosis and access support, but the majority will battle with an invisible disability.

What is FASD?

Foetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder is a series of preventable birth defects caused entirely by a woman drinking alcohol at any time during her pregnancy, often even before she knows that she is pregnant.

The term ‘spectrum’ is used because each individual with FASD may have some or all of a spectrum of mental and physical challenges. In addition each individual with FASD may have these challenges to a degree or ‘spectrum’ from mild to very severe.

These defects of both the brain and the body exist only because of prenatal exposure to alcohol.

What are the guidelines?

The Government’s current guidelines advise that those who are pregnant or trying to get pregnant should avoid alcohol altogether – but then adds: “If women do choose to drink, to minimise the risk to the baby, we recommend they should not drink more than one to two units once or twice a week and they should not get drunk.”

The Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists had taken a similar view, although they referred to one or two units a week as a safe amount.

Spokesman Dr Pat O’Brien said: “If nobody drank any alcohol in pregnancy there would be no Foetal Alcohol Syndrome and no Foetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder. But on the other hand if you look at all of the evidence there appears to be a safe level of alcohol intake in pregnancy.”

However earlier this month they updated their advice, recommending that pregnant women do not drink alcohol during the first three months of pregnancy. The advice does say that drinking small amounts of alcohol after this time does not appear to be harmful for the unborn baby, but that pregnant women should not drink more than one or two units, and then not more than once or twice a week.

Professor Sir Al Aynsley-Green, former Children’s Commissioner for England, said: “Exposure to alcohol before birth is the single most important preventable cause of incurable brain damage. And it’s an issue which affects all of us in society.”

Source: http://www.liverpoolecho.co.uk/ 3rd March 2015

Filed under: Alcohol,Drug use-various effects,Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Environment,Europe,Health,Treatment and Addiction :

Seeking professional help for addiction is usually overwhelming. In this professional’s opinion, AA and NA (along with your primary care physician) are better starting points, but if you’re going to add a trained clinician, please consider starting with counseling and not therapy.

There’s an important difference between the two. Therapy is about the past and how it continues to affect us today. Counseling is about dealing with today forward. We’re putting the cart before the horse when we consider how and why everything went to hell. It’s infinitely better to concretely plan and be accountable for taking the steps to get out of hell.

You can deal with the past when your ass is no longer on fire.

Go see your doctor and make sure you’re medically safe. Go to a meeting and ask for help. See a counselor if you want additional support but interview them to ensure that they have a thorough understanding of how to treat addiction (your health insurance company will pay virtually any clinician with a masters degree whether they know what they’re doing or not).

How to Pick the Right One:

One of my biggest criticisms of counselors and therapists alike is that a lot of us talk pretty but don’t get down to the nitty gritty of what (specifically) folks need to do in order to change. When you meet with a counselor ask them what their experience is in treating addiction and to what extent they are willing to offer you specific steps toward recovery.

These are the basics that I recommend after a person’s medical well being is assured:

Keep it simple and be willing to make an honest effort. Are you willing to not drink today? Just for today, are you willing to do whatever it takes to not drink? Stop thinking about the rest of your life and focus on not drinking for the next 24 hours. I am totally, unapologetically biased in favor of 12 step programs and so I offer the adage:

Don’t think. Don’t drink. Go to meetings.

If that’s all we do, we’re well on our way.

People often ask me how to not drink. I annoy them by starting with common sense: Get the alcohol out of your home, office, garage, etc. Stay out of bars. Stay away from people you drink with. Do not go to the liquor store. Do not buy alcohol. Then we move on to what they’re really asking, which is what are they supposed to do instead of drinking:

Next step: embrace responsibility and accountability. If you’re doing treatment and a 12 step program you can have at least two folks assisting you with this – your counselor and a temporary sponsor. You don’t need to make huge commitments. You need someone to call and lean on (especially when you crave a drink), guidance for when you’re not sure what to do next, and you need a relapse prevention plan because:

There are few things more dangerous than a person in early recovery with too much time on their hands. AND because the worst possible time to make a plan is when we’re already scared/squirrelly/antsy. There’s a balance to be struck here: We can’t over commit ourselves to the point of going 100 mph but we have to structure our day to incorporate people and meaningful activities that do not include alcohol/drugs.

Personalize Your Plan/Get Specific:

I spoke recently with an active alcoholic who told me he can’t stop drinking screwdrivers (vodka and orange juice). I’m suggesting he brush his teeth once per hour because orange juice and toothpaste are one of the most disgusting combinations I can think of. Put it under the category of “whatever works.”

I note the habits and routines that are part of a person’s life – everything that gets associated with drinking or using. Example: You put on ESPN and crack open a beer. Ok, how about we temporarily ban Sports Center in order to reduce temptation. Instead, let’s change things up and consciously choose what to do instead. Example – put on loud music and drink huge quantities of water (vital in early recovery as your body seeks to right itself).

The same individual was able to share with me how their drinking has had a negative impact on their loved ones. I’m suggesting that conversations with the family are a great starting point. Generally this is poorly received. Folks get concerned about “burdening”, “imposing” or “getting their hopes up.” I ask if this was a concern when they were drinking/using? Whether we tried to hide it or not it’s almost always had some effect. Talk with them. Let them support you and be part of the solution if they’re willing.

Again we’ll deal with the past after the storm has past. Be clear about this and marshal all the support you can. Getting clean/sober is one of the most bad ass things a human being can do and the road to recovery is long and winding. First things first.

Source: recoveryrocks.bangordailynews.com 27th Feb. 2015

Filed under: Alcohol,Treatment and Addiction :

Putnam County Circuit Court Judge Joeseph K. Reeder and Putnam County Adult Drug Court Probation Officer LaKeisha Barron-Brown applaud the accomplishment/graduation of Stacy Casto Wednesday at the Putnam County Judicial Building in Winfield. Casto was quoted by Judge Reeder as she was being introduced saying, “Judge, I’m gonna graduate and I want my picture in the paper with you.”

  

Putnam County Drug Court Graduates Lindsey Eddy and Stacy Casto sit relieved and all smiles at their accomplishemnt Wednesday at the Putnam County Judicail Building in Winfield. Bob Wojcieszak/Daily

 

With a picture of his mug shot on the screen before him, Putnam County Drug Court Graduate Craig Owens goes through the circumstances in his life that forced him to take a long look at where he was going and what made him seek out Putnam County Circuit Judge Joeseph K. Reeder to sign up for drug court and change. Having been arrested twenty one times in his past, Owens used the Putnam County Drug Court to change his life. Behind him is Judge Reeder. Bob Wojcieszak/Daily Mail

 

Having been involved with drugs since the age of twelve, twenty-year-old Putnam County Drug Court Graduate Lindsey Eddy looks at a composity picture of who she was when she was arrested and what she looks like clean and sober during Putnam County Drug Court Graduation ceremonies Wednesday at the Putnam County Judicial Building.

A drug addict of more than 30 years, Stacy Casto was facing felony drug charges when she was given a second chance in Putnam County’s new adult drug court program.

Putnam Circuit Court Judge Joseph K. Reeder met with the first class of offenders more than a year ago to explain how intensive drug court would be; constant drug testing, home visits, counselling and curfews.

“(Casto) was the first person who spoke up, and when she did, she said ‘Judge, I’m going to graduate and when I do I want my picture in the paper with you,’” Reeder said.

Casto, of Hometown, was among the first five graduates of Putnam County’s adult drug court program. Casto, Lori Hodges, Craig Owens, Lindsey Eddy and Jacob Pauley were honored during a graduation ceremony Wednesday at the Putnam County Courthouse in Winfield.

Family and friends packed a courtroom as Reeder spoke about each graduate’s transformation. Many admitted they believed they would have been dead today if it weren’t for drug court.

Lindsey Eddy, 21, of Hurricane, starting using heroin when she was 12 years old. She had been through the juvenile court system and was most recently arrested for violating her probation order from felony drug charges she received when she was 18 years old.

As of Wednesday, Eddy had been drug-free for 221 days.

“Before, my life was hectic,” Eddy said. “I was always worried about my next high or what I was going to do for my next high. I never really imagined life without drugs. I tried rehabs and regular probation and I failed at that, and until I was entered into the drug court problem, this was the only thing that’s worked for me and it’s helped me out tremendously. I’m responsible now and I have a full time job, and I’ve been sober.”

Putnam adult drug court probation officer Lakeside Barron-Brown said Putnam’s program began in November 2013. She said candidates for the program have had drug-related charges or convictions, and must be willing to work toward a drug-free life.

“Once accepted into our program, they then come into a very intensive, therapeutic setting within our court system,” Barron-Brown said. “They are placed on home confinement, and the judge determines when they should be released.”

Offenders go through three phases, each lasting at least four months. During the first phase, they’re subjected to multiple drug tests and home visits a week. They attend group and individual counselling, put in community service hours and abide by a curfew.

During the second phase, drug court offenders receive help looking for and obtaining a job. In the third phase, Barron-Brown said offenders are given “a little more room” to become stabilized for society.

Barron-Brown said all five graduates had obtained jobs during the program and are still working those jobs to this day.

“We have five graduates here that when they first started, they were apprehensive about not knowing what to expect — the same as when you go into a college class and the professor says ‘Here’s a syllabus, you have a test’ and not knowing what the test is like until you’ve taken the test,” Barron-Brown said. “I think that’s what drug court has been for our clients. It’s a test of seeing how confident they can become and seeing how much self-esteem and self-worth they can gain. Obviously, all of them have shown they can be successful and they can be drug-free.”

West Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals Justice Brent D. Benjamin congratulated the five men and women for turning their lives around. He pointed out that West Virginia’s adult drug court system is celebrating its 10th anniversary this year, and that 1,000 adults and juveniles have successfully completed drug court programs in West Virginia.

“What you’ve done is something a lot of people can’t do or haven’t done,” Benjamin told the graduates during the ceremony. “Thankfully we have a state in which you have an opportunity to do this.

“You’re in control of your lives now, and you weren’t before. And now you have the opportunity that not many people have; to turn around to the next drug court class and help them,” Benjamin said.

Reeder said offenders can get into the drug court by either entering a hybrid or conditional plea that allows for their charges to be lessened or dropped upon successful completion of the program, or by accepting drug court as a sentence in lieu of prison time. He said drug court is a good alternative to prison, but it takes a lot of work and responsibility for those who go through the program.

“I think it’s very important not just for the graduates involved, but it’s also important for Putnam County and our community because drugs have become such a problem in our society,” Reeder said. “It’s good that a program like this does give these folks a chance to rehabilitate and to get back on track.”

Casto said drug court “completely saved my life” because it gave her the ability to get help to fight her addiction ­— something she says prison time wouldn’t have done. Now that she’s sober, Casto said she would like to help juveniles who are battling addiction problems.

“I knew I had to have something in my life in order to change my life,” Casto said. “They offered counseling, they offered classes on drug prevention, they offered all these different things that I knew prison wouldn’t do for me. I’ve been a drug addict for 30 years, but during this time, I’ve started going to church, I’ve given my heart to the Lord and my whole entire life has changed.

Barron-Brown said the graduates will go through six more months of “supervised release” from the drug court program until they are completely finished with the program. She said there are 19 people in Putnam’s adult drug court program, including the graduates.

There are 24 adult drug court programs in West Virginia serving 40 counties, and 16 juvenile drug court programs serving 20 counties with 581 people actively participating in the programs, the Daily Mail reported earlier this month. As part of the Justice Reinvestment Act, which was passed last year, adult drug courts will be in all of West Virginia’s counties by July 1 of next year.

Contact writer Marcus Constantino at 304-348-1796 or marcus.c@dailymailwv.com. Follow him at www.twitter.com/amtino.

Source: http://www.charlestondailymail.com/article/20150226/DM01/150229485/1276#sthash.TzJh3TEA.dpuf 26th Feb. 2015

Filed under: Education Sector,Education Sector (Papers),Social Affairs (Papers),Treatment and Addiction :

By Neil McKeganey Posted 8th November 2014 

The UK Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs has given the UK’s national methadone programme a bullish seal of approval – it’s not less methadone we need – prescribed to addicts for less time – but more methadone prescribed without time limit. That in a nutshell is the latest recommendation from the ACMD’s Recovery Committee.

To those who have expressed legitimate concern about the UK methadone programme, this report betrays a regrettable reluctance to subject the programme to much needed critical scrutiny. Even within its own report the ACMD acknowledges that 15 per cent of heroin addicts had been prescribed the drug for more at least five years – a finding which once acknowledged is then set aside never to be referred to again.

Within some parts of the UK, methadone is associated with more deaths than the heroin for which it was prescribed as a treatment. An inconvenient fact that does not even get a mention in the report.

Nor does the report give any mention of the finding from research led by one of the UK’s most ardent supporters of methadone (Dr Roy Robertson) who found that addicts prescribed the drug remained drug dependent for decades longer than those who were not prescribed the drug. That finding led those leading the team undertaking this research to conclude that whatever the positive benefits of methadone in reducing drug-related deaths, the drug was inversely related to recovery – in other words those drug users who were prescribed the drug stood less chance of recovering than those who were not prescribed the drug. If ever there was an inconvenient truth for a Recovery Committee looking at the impact of methadone on treating addiction that must surely be it, but this finding does not even get a mention in the report.

The key question in relation to the UK methadone programme is not really about whether addicts should be on the drug for one year or two years, but how to ensure that for however long they are on the drug they are continuing to derive some positive benefit from it.  The case for methadone, including the case for how long it should be prescribed, has to be tied to regular, authoritative and penetrating assessment aimed at answering the question of whether this addict or that addict is continuing to derive benefit from the drug. If they are, then continue to prescribe it to them; but if they are not, then the prescription should cease.

Here of course one runs into the difference between the evidence on the impact of methadone derived from research studies and the evidence of its effectiveness at an individual clinical level. The Council refers to research from the US on the benefits of uninterrupted methadone and the dangers of premature cessation of methadone prescribing. That evidence, however, is a long way from determining the benefit of the drug for individual patients and determining how long individual patients should continue to be prescribed the drug. It also goes without saying that prescribing of methadone in the US is a very different beast to methadone prescribing in the UK. Within the US, drug testing and supportive counselling are integral parts of the methadone programme – within the UK drug testing is a relative rarity, while prescribing methadone in the absence of supportive counselling is  commonplace.

The Council’s report seems to be infused with a belief that individuals should be prescribed methadone for as long as they want it, or for as long as prescribers are happy to prescribe it. The mindset of unlimited methadone prescribing hardly seems congruent with the reality of scarce health resources and economic austerity. Surely we should be undertaking rigorous cost effectiveness assessments of methadone, identifying the length of time over which it remains cost effective to prescribe the drug and ensuring that those analyses contribute to clinical decision-making. The kind of superficial recommendation of limitless prescribing should have no place in a report from the ACMD, which exists to advise ministers on the best available evidence, and to ensure that where the evidence is lacking ministers are charged with the responsibility of ensuring its collection.

Source:  ConservativeWoman.uk   8th November 2014

Filed under: Health,Social Affairs,Treatment and Addiction,USA :

Michael Botticelli was seated on a tattered purple couch in an old Victorian here, just outside of Boston. Above his head was a photo of Al Pacino as a drug kingpin in “Scarface,” and gathered around was a group of addicts who live together in the house for help and support. On one door hangs a black mailbox labeled “urine,” where residents must drop samples for drug tests. Botticelli is listening to their stories of addiction and then offered this:   “I have my own criminal record,” he said. 

 “Woo-hoo!” one man yelled after Botticelli’s declaration. The crowd burst into applause.  

The nation’s acting drug czar has a substance abuse problem. Botticelli, 56, is an alcoholic who has been sober for a quarter century. He quit drinking after a series of events including a drunken-driving accident, waking up handcuffed to a hospital bed and a financial collapse that left him facing eviction.  Decades later, Botticelli is tasked with spearheading the Obama administration’s drug policy, which is largely predicated around the idea of shifting people with addiction into treatment and support programs and away from the criminal justice system. Botticelli’s life story is the embodiment of the policy choice and one that he credits with saving his own life.

 The approach at the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy has been, Botticelli said, a “very clear pivot to, kind of, really dealing with this as a public health-related issue of looking at prevention and treatment.” He now heads an office that has shifted away from a “war on drugs” footing to expanding treatment to those already addicted and preventing drug use through education.  

Botticelli became the acting director of drug-control policy earlier this year, about a year and a half after he came to Washington to be former drug czar Gil Kerlikowske’s deputy. The White House has not formally nominated him to take over the job permanently. It is a job that has previously been held by law enforcement officials, a military general and physicians. But for now, it is occupied by a recovering addict.

The nation is in the midst of an epidemic of prescription drug and heroin abuse. The number of drug overdose deaths increased by 118 percent nationwide from 1999 to 2011, most of it driven by powerful prescription opioids and a recent shift that many users are making away from prescription drugs to heroin, which can be cheaper and more accessible.  

Drug trends and issues tend to vary geographically, making a sustained national effort difficult. Insurance companies often do not cover inpatient treatment and an obscure federal rule restricts the expansion of addiction treatment under the Affordable Care Act. The White House is also grappling with the legal, financial and political implications of medical and legalized marijuana. Botticelli’s office has taken the administration’s toughest stance against legalization.  

“Part of this is, ‘How do we look at solutions that work for the entirety of the drug issue?’” he asked. “And not just the entirety of the drug issue, but the entirety of the population?” Botticelli is trying to expand on some of the programs he used at the Massachusetts Department of Public Health, where he was director of the state’s bureau of substance abuse services. They include allowing police to carry naloxone — a drug commonly known as Narcan that can reverse a heroin overdose — and helping people who have completed treatment find stable housing and jobs. 

Botticelli spends much of his time on the road, meeting with state and local officials. He visits treatment programs where he is, by all accounts, treated like a rock star by people with substance-abuse issues, a group he calls “my peeps.” While Botticelli easily shares his struggles, those who worked with him said that he doesn’t let it dictate policy. “He was very good at separating his story from the work, which I think allowed him a little more objectivity,” said Kevin Norton, chief executive of Lahey Health Behavioral Services in Massachusetts. 

The bar scene 

Botticelli drank in high school and college, and he once got fired from a bartending job after repeatedly telling the manager he couldn’t work, only to show up as a patron. In the 1980s he moved to Boston, where he spent most of his time outside of work at the Club Café, a legendary Boston gay bar. Along with a group of regulars, Botticelli would stay well into the next morning, knocking back drinks and ridiculing people who were heading into the gym below the bar for an early workout.  “A lot of the center of gay life, particularly in urban areas, focused on bars,” Botticelli said. “And so that’s where you went to socialize, to meet people.”

In May 1988, Botticelli was drunk when he left a Boston bar and drove west on the Massachusetts Turnpike. What happened next is hazy: He may have been reaching for a cigarette in the console of the car. Botticelli’s car collided with a disabled truck. He remembers being placed on a stretcher and put in an ambulance. Hours later he woke up in the hospital, handcuffed to a bed. A state trooper stood sentry in his room. Botticelli was lucky: His injuries consisted mainly of bumps and bruises. He was taken to the state police barracks, booked and had his license suspended. 

“At some level I knew I had a problem,” Botticelli said. “But at another level, because my license was taken away, I thought that my problems were solved. Because I wasn’t drinking and driving anymore, so how could it really be an issue?”  The case was continued without a finding after Botticelli paid the fines and restitution associated with the case. It is no longer a matter of public record. Botticelli had to ask his brother for the money to make the payments, but his downward spiral continued that summer. He ended a relationship and drank heavily, despite going to a court-ordered course on the dangers of drinking and driving and a 12-step recovery group. 

“I felt that because I wore a suit to work and a lot of the other people in the class came from more blue collar jobs, that somehow I was better and I didn’t have a problem. There was a sense of arrogance about me,” he said. “I finally said, ‘Yes’ ” 

Botticelli’s path to recovery began in, of all places, a bar. He met a man who acknowledged that he was an alcoholic. The two swapped stories and went on a date. The romance didn’t materialize, but they remained friends. Botticelli was soon after served an eviction notice and called his brother, who asked if Botticelli was an alcoholic. Botticelli talks with his hands, one of them often nursing an iced coffee. “I finally said, ‘Yes,’ ” he said. “I remember distinctly thinking to myself, ‘If I say I’m an alcoholic, there’s no going back.’” 

Botticelli’s friend took him to a 12-step meeting in downtown Boston. The following night Botticelli stepped into the Church of the Covenant in Boston, a neo-gothic sanctuary with Tiffany glass windows. In the basement there was a 12-step recovery program for gays and lesbians.   “That’s the first time that I raised my hand and said that my name was Michael, and I was an alcoholic, and that I needed help,” he said. “At that point people kind of rally around you.”

Botticelli stuck close to that group, attending meeting after meeting and avoiding his old haunts, going so far as to cross the street when walking past the Club Café. He said he learned something then that has guided him since: Identify with people who have a problem, but don’t compare yourself. 

Botticelli had worked in higher education since finishing graduate school but pivoted toward a career in public health. He started working on AIDS issues and then turned toward helping others with addiction issues. He eventually felt comfortable going to bars and not drinking. He met his husband, David Wells, at one in 1995. They got married in 2009.

The power of recovery 

One of Botticelli’s recent trips took him back to Boston earlier this month. Soon after arriving, he was smoking a cigarette outside a Starbucks when a woman had a question: Why are there burly agents standing around? (He gets a protective detail). They chatted; she told Botticelli she was addicted to prescription painkillers, progressed to heroin and became homeless. She began recovery months earlier and started working at Starbucks the week before.

“And that was like ‘Oh my God, our work is done here,’ ” Botticelli said in the back of a black SUV that weaved through the streets of Boston. “Anything else was going to pale in comparison to just listening to people’s stories.”

Botticelli’s day was packed with meetings on what he called his home turf. There was a roundtable with more than a dozen doctors, nurses, law enforcement agents, elected officials and others. He met with Boston Mayor Marty Walsh, who is also an alcoholic. Botticelli had sandwiches with law enforcement agents who spoke about the massive spike in heroin addiction. Here in Lynn, a city of 91,000 people, there were 188 opiate overdoses and 18 deaths in 2013; as of July 31 there were 163 overdoses and 20 deaths.  

Botticelli hugged and shook hands people at the home here, and spoke to the men about the struggles of addiction and finding what he called a bridge job — something that you do while getting better to make money and get back into the workforce. “Don’t be ashamed to work at Dunkin’ Donuts,” one of the men, Pat Falzarano, said.  Botticelli nodded. Hours later, Botticelli stood outside of the church where his recovery started and marveled at how he got from there to the White House. 

“When I first came here was, all I wanted to do was not drink and have my problems go away,” he said, choking up. “I’m standing here 25 years later, working at the White House. And if you had asked me 25 years ago when I came to my first meeting here if that was a possibility, I would’ve said you’re crazy. But I think it just demonstrates what the power of recovery is.”

Source:  http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/drug-czar-approaches-challenge-from-a-different-angle-   26th August 2014

Filed under: Prevention and Intervention,Social Affairs,Treatment and Addiction,USA :

A daily dose of powerful anti-HIV medicine helped cut the risk of infection with the AIDS virus by 49 percent in intravenous drug users in a Bangkok study that showed for the first time such a preventive step can work in this high-risk population.

“This is a significant step forward for HIV prevention,” said Dr. Jonathan Mermin, director of the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which helped conduct the clinical trial along with the Thailand Ministry of Health.

The study, published on Wednesday in the journal Lancet, looked at the treatment approach known as pre-exposure prophylaxis, or PrEP, in which HIV treatments are given to uninfected people who are at high-risk for HIV infection.

The drug used in the study was Gilead’s older and relatively cheap generic HIV drug tenofovir. The study was launched in 2005.

Prior studies of this approach showed it cut infection rates by 44 percent in men who have sex with men, by 62 percent in heterosexual men and women and by 75 percent in couples in which one partner is infected with HIV and the other is not. The new results showed that it also protects intravenous drug users.

“We now know that PrEP can work for all populations at increased risk for HIV,” Mermin said in a statement.  Based on the results, the CDC plans to recommend that U.S. doctors who wish to prescribe this treatment for their patients follow the same interim guidelines issued last year to prevent sexual transmission among other high-risk individuals.

Intravenous use of drugs like heroin accounts for about 8 percent of all new HIV infections in the United States and about 10 percent of new HIV infections worldwide. In some regions, such as Eastern Europe and Central Asia, injection drug abuse accounts for about 80 percent of all new infections.

The new findings involved more than 2,400 intravenous drug users in Bangkok who were not infected with the human immunodeficiency virus, which causes AIDS, and were being treated at the city’s drug treatment clinics.  Half took tenofovir and half took a placebo. All participants were given HIV prevention counseling, risk-reduction strategies such as condoms and methadone treatment, and monthly HIV testing.

At the end of the study, there were 17 HIV infections among people taking the HIV medication, compared with 33 infections among those not taking the drugs, the researchers found.  The researchers also looked to see what factors influenced infection rates among those taking the HIV medication. They found that people who took their medication at least 71 percent of the time had a 74 percent lower risk of becoming infected with HIV.

Although it was not clear how the preventive drug treatment worked – by stopping infections caused by sharing dirty needles or by unprotected sex among drug users – the study produced a reduction in infection rates, said Dr. Salim Abdook Karim of the University of KwaZulu-Natal in Durban, South Africa and of Columbia University in New York.

“The introduction of PrEP for HIV prevention in injecting drug users should be considered as an additional component to accompany other proven prevention strategies like needle exchange programs, methadone programs, promotion of safer sex and injecting practices, condoms, and HIV counseling and testing,” Karim, who was not involved in the study, wrote in a commentary accompanying the study in the Lancet.

“PrEP as part of combination prevention in injecting drug users could make a useful contribution to the quest for an AIDS-free generation,” Karim added.
Source: http://www.foxnews.com/health/   13th June 2013

Filed under: Health,HIV/Injecting-Drug-Users,Treatment and Addiction :

Ask Dr. K: Some who use drugs ‘almost addicted’ 

Q) I think I may have a drug problem. But how can I tell if I’m truly addicted?

A) The world is not divided neatly into those who are “addicts” and those who are not. More and more, doctors are viewing substance use as a spectrum.

Imagine that spectrum as a straight, horizontal line. At the left end are people who do not use potentially addicting substances.

Just in from the left end is a group that uses a potentially addicting substance regularly but only in small amounts — and never feels pressure to use that substance.

At the extreme right end are people who need to use a potentially addicting substance every day, and do. They do whatever it takes to get that substance. They are addicted to it, and they:

– Need ever-increasing amounts of the drug in order to get high.

– Experience unpleasant physical and emotional symptoms when the drug is leaving the body.

– Use more of a drug or use it for a longer period of time than intended.

– Are unable to stop using the drug, having repeated, failed attempts to stop or cut down.

– Spend a lot of time obtaining, thinking about or using the drug.

Just in from the right end are those with substance abuse. This is milder than addiction; it describes those who have experienced significant impairment or distress because of their need to use a potentially addicting substance. One or more of the following is also true:

– They are failing to fulfill major obligations at home, school or work.

– They have repeatedly used substances when doing so may be physically dangerous.

– They have recurrent legal problems as a result of substance use.

– They just can’t stop using the substance despite the problems it is causing them.

There’s also the “almost addicted.” They’re to the right of those who regularly use addicting substances without a problem. And they’re to the left of those with substance abuse. For the almost addicted, substance use:

– Falls outside normal behavior, but is short of meeting the criteria for addiction or abuse.

– Causes problems for the person using drugs or for loved ones or other bystanders.

If you think you might have a problem, one place to start is with your doctor. He or she can help you find the resources you need to help you quit.

Source: ERIE TIMES-NEWS, –  NOVEMBER 06. 2012

Filed under: Treatment and Addiction :

Dr. Robert DuPont, President, Institute for Behavior and Health   |   March 28, 2014

In a recent National Public Radio interview, Dr. Lance Dodes, co-author of a new book that attacks the efficacy of Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) and the many 12-step groups it has inspired, declared that AA — which he repeatedly misidentified as a “treatment” — probably has “the worst success rate in all of medicine,” and is “harmful” to those who do not do well within its program.

He told NPR that AA’s success rate was “between 5 and 10 percent,” and that AA harms people because “everyone believes that AA is the right treatment. AA is never wrong … If you fail in AA, it’s you that’s failed,” he said.

Moreover, Dodes criticized AA and Narcotics Anonymous’ (NA) “tally” system, which recognizes incremental periods of continued sobriety by awarding chips. “The dark side is, if you have a beer after six months of sobriety, you’re back to zero in AA,” Dodes said. “That makes no sense. It’s unscientific. It’s simply crazy. If you have only a beer in six months, you’re doing beautifully.”

I couldn’t disagree more. His message is not only inaccurate and distorted, but also dangerous. No one should be discouraged from participating in these fellowships. They save lives every day.

When people ask me the percentage of success of AA and NA, the 12-step fellowships, I say it is 100 percent — for those who follow the programs as they’re intended to be followed. This means not just going to an occasional meeting, but to many meetings every week, having a sponsor — who is similar to a sober companion — “working” each of the 12 steps in depth, specifically as they apply to the recovering addict, and making recovery the No. 1 priority.  This group of related fellowships is a modern miracle. There are many reasons to be proud of America, but none is more personally important to me — or more unique — than the founding of Alcoholics Anonymous in 1935 in Akron, Ohio.

AA is not “treatment,” and it cannot be meaningfully compared to any treatment. When can anyone find a treatment program located in virtually every part of the world? A treatment program where someone calls you daily? A treatment program where you can call someone at 3 a.m.? And a “treatment” that not only is free to the suffering addict and alcoholic, but that requires no insurance, government funding or a license, and is not subject to any regulation?

No one makes money from it. Rich folks cannot even give money to it, because it needs none, other than the few dollars for administrative costs that its members donate during the meetings themselves. No one writes books about it. The groups actually seek no publicity; in fact, publicity goes against its principles. The word “anonymous” is part of its name for a reason; members respect the anonymity of those who participate, as well as their personal stories.

Moreover, unlike what Dodes apparently believes, no one judges you if you relapse. No one makes you feel as if you’ve failed. Rather, you receive unconditional support. I know of no other programs like these. They are not treatment, nor are they religion. The only requirement is a desire to stop drinking and using drugs.

But to say, as Dodes seems to be suggesting, that AA merely is a supportive social organization completely misses what this miracle is: AA and NA are well-established, sophisticated and effective paths to “recovery,” a term adopted by these fellowships to make clear that AA does not offer to help members get back to their “premorbid” state, but rather to reach an entirely new and better state of living. Its members are not “reformed,” which has a negative connotation, but “recovering,” which is — and must be — a lifelong process.

Those in recovery serve as an inspiration, not only to drug addicts and alcoholics, but to everyone they encounter — a striking and remarkable contrast to the response they would receive if they were still using alcohol and drugs.

The bright line drawn by AA and NA — the sobriety date that marks the last time a recovering addict used alcohol or other drugs — is essential. It differs radically from the academic and professional standard for drug and alcohol addiction , which tolerates slips and relapses. The bright line of the sobriety date is a matter of importance and of huge pride for fellowship members — it is a core marker of identity in the fellowships, and a fundamental defining part of the disease of addiction. One of the true joys of this fellowship is attending a group celebration that commemorates a recovering addict’s “clean time” anniversary.

The all too common academic, professional views on addiction, well represented by Dodes, run counter to the AA and NA goal of sobriety. Many professionals and academics see continued alcohol and drug use as OK but “problem-generating use” as not quite as acceptable. They encourage controlled, responsible alcohol and drug use. They encourage cutting down, but not stopping. They view drug and alcohol use by addicts as a lifestyle alternative that, like sexual orientation, should not be “stigmatized.”

That is a reckless view. An addict who has one beer after six months of sobriety is not doing “beautifully.” Instead, he or she is courting catastrophe, and likely to easily fall back into active addiction. An addict cannot just have one beer, or one cigarette, or one pill. True lifelong recovery does not happen that way, and anyone who believes that it does is heading for a major relapse.

There are endless examples of skeptics like Dodes who seek alternatives to AA, or approaches that attack AA. I suggest to my patients who reject AA that they find one of these alternatives, and see what they think of it. They tell me that such programs are hard to find. I ask them, “Why do you think that is the case? Doesn’t that tell you something?” When they go to these alternative meetings and hear little beyond AA-bashing, I ask them, “How will this help keep you sober?”

AA and NA do not replace treatment; they enhance it. I see this daily in my own practice. Some addicts do get well without AA or NA, but far more of them fail. I encourage my patients to join the fellowships, and I rejoice with them when they do, confident that they have a better chance at lifelong recovery.

When patients tell me they have attended AA or NA meetings but they haven’t helped, it doesn’t take long to discover that their attendance was brief. I urge them to find a sponsor and speak to their sponsor daily. I tell them to work the steps with a life-or-death intensity, and to do what is known as “90/90” — attend 90 meetings in 90 days. Those who follow these suggestions almost always end up with a new outlook on life and the potential for long-term sobriety. [Most Alcoholics in ‘Serious Denial’ About Treatment ]

Clinicians like me all have come to believe that these fellowships are a blessing — not just for our patients, but for all of us.

The wisdom of the 12-step fellowships does not come simply from Bill Wilson or Bob Smith, AA’s founders. It is wisdom distilled from the experiences of millions of suffering addicts and alcoholics. That source makes it utterly different from the academic studies of addiction. With the 12 steps, what works sticks, and what doesn’t disappears. The leaders don’t abandon the latter; the entire community does.

The 12-step approach is ever-changing and growing. It also is endlessly diverse, fitting in with every culture and subculture in the world. It is adaptable and sensitive to vast diversity. It is unlicensed and uncensored. Anyone can start an AA or NA meeting anywhere he or she chooses. Those groups that meet real needs of real people will thrive and grow.

To be sure, attacking AA probably sells books. Sadly, Dodes’ view of the 12-step fellowships, while misguided and ill-informed, is held by many otherwise sensible and well-informed individuals. I never have understood their skepticism. Think about it. Why have these programs endured so long and become so widespread?

The answer: It works if you work it.

Source:  www. livescience.com 28th March 2014

Filed under: Addiction,Alcohol,Treatment and Addiction :

Abstract

This article discusses addiction and formation of the Addiction Memory. Addiction has been described as a brain disorder involving brain structures and neural circuits. Addiction impacts long term associative memory including multiple memory systems. Addiction has pathological associations with learning, memory, attention, reasoning, and impulse control. People with addictions suffer from high levels of early maladaptive schemas. The Addiction Memory (AM) plays a crucial role in relapse occurrence and maintaining the addictive behavior. Healing the addiction memory is imperative in treating addictions. Pharmacological and psychological methods are being used to treat addictions. Among the psychological interventions Cognitive Behavior Therapy, Eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR) and Schema-Focused Therapy (SFT) can be used to heal the addiction memory.

Drug addiction has become an increased phenomenon in the modern civilization. Addiction habits have impacted individuals, families and the society. Addiction has been regarded as an individual disease as well as a social condition. Addictions cause structural changes in cultural, social, political, and economic system in society (Ajami et al., 2014). Addiction is almost universally held to be characterized by a loss of control over drug-seeking and consuming behavior (Levy, 2014).

Addiction is defined as compulsive drug use despite negative consequences (Hyman, 2005). Addiction is a multifactorial phenomenon (Shaghaghy et al., 2011). McLellan and colleagues (2000) conceptualize addiction as a brain disease. Leshner (1997) views addiction as a chronic, relapsing brain disorder that involves complex interactions between biological and environmental variables. According to Mate (2014) addictions are experience based and it has close links with pain, distress, negative emotions, loss of meaning and often connected with adverse early childhood experiences.  Drug addiction leads to profound disturbances in an individual’s behavior that affect his/her immediate environment, usually resulting in isolation, marginalization, or incarceration (Volkow et al., 2004).

 Addictions and Brain Structures

There are numerous brain structures and neural circuits involved in the addiction process. Several studies using a whole brain analysis approach have demonstrated how sensorimotor brain networks contribute to addiction (Yalachkov et al., 2010). Drug addiction causes important derangements in many areas, including pathways affecting reward and cognition (Fowler et al., 2007). Tomkins & Sellers (2001) specify that multiple neurotransmitter systems may play a key role in the development and expression of drug dependence.

Studies indicate that The ventral striatum, a region implicated in reward, motivation, and craving, and the inferior frontal gyrus and orbitofrontal cortex, regions involved in inhibitory control and goal-directed behavior become affected in addictions (Konova et al., 2013). A central concept in drug abuse research is that increased dopamine (DA) in limbic brain regions is associated with the reinforcing effects of drugs (Di Chiara andImperato, 1988; Koob &Bloom, 1988; Volkow et al., 2004). Pharmacological and behavioral studies have indicated that modulation of locus coeruleus (LC) (which is the largest noradrenergic nucleus in brain, located bilaterally on the floor of the fourth ventricle in the anterior pons) neuronal firing rates contributes to physical aspects of opiate addiction, namely, physical dependence and withdrawal, in several mammalian species, including primates (Redmond and Krystal, 1984; Rasmussen et al.,1990;Nestler, 1992).

Memory and Addiction

Inter connection between human memory process and addiction has been speculated by numerous researchers in the past few decades. Theories of addiction have mainly been developed from neurobiologic evidence and data from studies of learning behavior and memory mechanisms (Cami & Farre, 2003). Wang and colleagues (2003) hypothesized that addiction can be resulted by the abnormal engagement of long term associative memory. Volkow et al. (2003) highlight that multiple memory systems have been proposed in drug addiction, including conditioned-incentive learning (mediated in part by the NAc and the amygdala), habit learning (mediated in part by the caudate and the putamen), and declarative memory (mediated in part by the hippocampus). According to Hyman(2005)addiction represents a pathological usurpation of the neural mechanisms of learning and memory that under normal circumstances serve to shape survival behaviors related to the pursuit of rewards and the cues that predict them.

The Process of Learning and Memory in Addiction

The process of learning and memory in addiction has been proposed to involve strengthening of specific brain circuits when a drug is paired with a context or environment (Klenowski et al., 2014). Addiction has pathological associations with learning, memory, attention, reasoning, and impulse control. Addiction related behaviors arise as a result of maladaptive learning process. Following learning pathways individuals with addictions become sensitive and strongly respond to drug cues (Robinson & Berridge, 2000). Drug use in the addicted individual is controlled by automatized action schemata (Tiffany, 1990).

Robbins and colleagues (2002) point out that pathological subversion of normal brain learning and memory processes in drug addiction. They further emphasize that drug related habits evolve through a cascade of complex associative processes with Pavlovian and instrumental components that may depend on the integration and coordination of output from several somewhat independent neural systems of learning and memory, each contributing to behavioral performance.

Tiffany (1990) concluded that drug urges and drug use result from distinct cognitive processes. Some experts believe that addiction related behaviors can be explained via the Feeling-State Theory. According to the Feeling-State Theory positive feelings and behavior are fixated in the body during an intense experience such as drug ingestion creating the feeling-state (Miller, 2005).

A considerable number of researchers point out that subcortical brain region plays a key role in formation of normal as well as drug related behavioral habits. Chronic drug exposure causes stable changes in the brain at the molecular and cellular levels (Nestler, 2001). Drug abusing habits can change the structure and function of the synaptic connections allowing synaptic plasticity for long periods even for a lifetime. Synaptic plasticity may play key roles in the addiction process (Winder et al., 2002). Kelley (2004) states that the process of drug addiction shares striking commonalities with neural plasticity associated with natural reward learning and memory.

 Addictions and Maladaptive Schemas

Segal (1988) viewed schemas as the residue of past reactions and experience that often effect subsequent perception and appraisals. Bakhshi Bojed and Nikmanesh,   (2013) pointed out that drug users suffer from some early maladaptive schemas which can be the potential for drugs abuse. A study done by Shaghaghy and colleagues (2011) indicated that people with addictions suffer from high levels of early maladaptive schemas and they had a more pessimistic attributional style. Maladaptive schemas and inefficient ways the patient learns to adapt with others often lead to chronic symptoms of anxiety, depression and substance abuse (Kirsch, 2009: Shaghaghy et al., 2011).

 Memory and Craving

Craving is often depicted as the subjective experience; craving tends to be highly situationally specific, readily triggered by stimuli previously associated with drug use. Secondly, craving can persist well beyond the cessation of addicted substance (Tiffany & Conklin, 2000). Volkow and colleagues (2004) point out that drugs trigger a series of adaptations in neuronal circuits involved in saliency/reward, motivation/drive, memory/conditioning, and control/disinhibition, resulting in an enhanced (and long lasting) saliency value for the drug and its associated cues at the expense of decreased sensitivity for salient events of everyday life (including natural reinforces).

 The Addiction Memory

The Addiction Memory (AM) plays a crucial role in relapse occurrence and maintaining the addictive behavior. The drug-associated cues are highly connected with Addiction Memory and it helps to maintain drug seeking craving. Boening (2001) views the personal Addiction Memory as an individual acquired software disturbance in relation to selectively integrating “feedback loops” and “comparator systems” of neuronal information processing. The Addiction Memory becomes part of the personality represented on the molecular level via the neuronal level and the neuropsychological level, especially in the episodic memory (Boening, 2001).

 Working with the Addiction Memory

Böning (2009) discusses the difficulties in treating Addiction Memory since it is embedded above all in the episodic memory, from the molecular carrier level via the neuronal pattern level through to the psychological meaning level, and has thus meanwhile become a component of personality. Therefore healing the Addiction Memory is challenging and time consuming.

According to Leshner (1997) in addictions the most effective treatment approaches include biological, behavioral, and social-context components. Among the pharmaco-therapeutic methods Sittambalam, Vij, and Ferguson (2014) highlight Suboxone as an effective treatment method for heroin addiction and as a viable outpatient therapy option. In addition they recommend individualized treatment plans and counseling for maximum benefits.

Carroll & Onken (2005) argued that Cognitive behavior therapy, contingency management, couples and family therapy, and a variety of other types of behavioral treatment have been shown to be potent interventions for several forms of drug addiction. Kauer & Malenka (2007) suggest that reversing or preventing drug-induced synaptic modifications such as mesolimbic dopamine system is one of the key ways to treat addictions.

Gould (2010) stated that from a psychological and neurological perspective, addiction is a disorder of altered cognition. Restoration of altered cognition would be essential in working with the addiction memory. von der Goltz and colleagues (2009) conjectured   that disruption of drug-related memories may help to prevent relapses. Growing evidence from preclinical and clinical studies concur that specific treatments such as extinction training and cue-exposure therapy are effective (von der Goltz & Kiefer, 2008).

Recent researches suggest that EMDR is a potent therapeutic method to treat addictions. Addiction memory could be considered as a form of an unprocessed memory. Unprocessed memories stored in networks that govern explicit and implicit memories. EMDR helps to process unprocessed memories stored in networks. EMDR involves the transmutation of dysfunctionally stored experiences into an adaptive resolution (Solomon et al., 2008).

EMDR reprocessing sessions promote an associative process that clearly reveals the intricate connections of memories that are triggered by current life experiences (Shapiro, 2014). EMDR may be used to ameliorate the effects of earlier memories that contribute to the dysfunction, potential relapse triggers, and physical cravings. In addition, EMDR is used to incorporate new coping skills and assist in learning more adaptive behaviors (Shapiro et al. 1994).

Wide arrays of experimental studies are supportive of a working memory explanation for the effects of eye movements in EMDR therapy (de Jongh et al., 2013). EMDR therapy is guided by the adaptive information processing (AIP) model (Shapiro, 2014). Levin, Lazrov & van der Kol,k (1999) found increased activation of the anterior cingulated gyrus and of the left frontal lobe after 3 sessions of EMDR treatment. Brain scans have clearly demonstrated pre-post changes after EMDR therapy, including increases in hippocampal volume, which have implications for memory storage (Shapiro, 2012).

As reviewed by Andrade and colleagues (1997) EMDR reduces the vividness of distressing images by disrupting the function of the visuospatial sketchpad (VSSP) of working memory. Cecero& Carroll (2000) considered drug cravings as a form of disturbing thoughts and they used EMDR to reduce cocaine cravings.

Young, Zangwill,   and Behary,   (2002) proposed combination of Schema-Focused Therapy (SFT) and Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing (EMDR) would give effectual results processing dysfunctional memories. According to Young , Klosko & Weishaar (2003) Schema-Focused Therapy is an integrative form of psychotherapy combining cognitive, behavioral, psychodynamic object relations, and existential/humanistic approaches. Schema-Focused Therapy helps to modify individual’s maladaptive thoughts about self and others and process the emotions connected with schemas, teach coping skills and break maladaptive behavioral patterns (Young et al., 2003).

 Conclusion

Addiction is a chronic, relapsing brain disorder. Addiction related behaviors are complex and these behaviors are strongly connected with the memory system. Formation Addiction Memory helps to maintain the addictive behavior and drug seeking craving. It becomes a component of personality. Therefore working with addiction memory could be challenging. Reduction in maladaptive schema, restoration of drug related altered cognitions help to combat addictions. Pharmacological and Psychological interventions proved to be effective in working with addiction memory. Among the psychological interventions Cognitive Behavior Therapy (CBT) Eye movement desensitization and Focused Therapy (SFT) seem to be useful in treating addiction memory.

Source:  www.lankaweb.com   4th May 2014

Filed under: Addiction,Brain and Behaviour,Treatment and Addiction :

Many people who undergo treatment for addiction will relapse and begin using drugs again soon after their therapy ends, but a new study suggests that meditation techniques may help prevent such relapses. In the study, 286 people who had been treated for substance abuse were assigned to receive one of three therapies after their initial treatment: a program that involved only group discussions, a “relapse- prevention” therapy that involved learning to avoid situations where they might be tempted to use drugs, and a mindfulness-based program that involved meditation sessions to improve self-awareness.

Six months later, participants in the both the relapse prevention and mindfulness group had a reduced risk of relapsing to using drugs or heavy drinking compared with participants in the group discussions group.

And after one year, participants in the mindfulness group reported fewer days of drug use, and were at reduced risk of heavy drinking compared with those in the relapse prevention group. This result suggests that the mindfulness-based program may have a more enduring effect, the researchers said. [Mind Games: 7 Reasons You Should Meditate]

The researchers emphasized that mindfulness-based programs are not intended to replace standard programs for preventing drug relapse.

“We need to consider many different approaches to addiction treatment. It’s a tough problem,” said study researcher Sarah Bowen, an assistant professor at the University of Washington’s department of psychiatry and behavioral sciences. Mindfulness therapy is “another possibility for people to explore,” she said.  More research is needed to identify which groups of people benefit most from the approach, Bowen said.

Meditation for addiction About 40 to 60 percent of people who undergo addiction treatment relapse within one year after their treatment ends, the researchers said.

Although 12-step and traditional relapse-prevention programs have value in preventing relapse, “we still have a lot of work to do,” Bowen said. Mindfulness-based relapse prevention, a program developed by Bowen and colleagues, is essentially a “training in awareness,” Bowen said.

In this program, each session is about two hours, with 30 minutes of guided meditation followed by discussions about what people experienced during meditation and how it relates to addiction or relapse, Bowen said. The meditation sessions are intended to bring heightened attention to things that patients usually ignore, such as how it feels to eat a bite of food, or other bodily sensations, as well as thoughts and feelings. The mindfulness program may work to prevent relapse in part because it makes people more aware of what happens when they have cravings.

“If you’re not aware of what’s going on, you don’t have a choice, you just react,” Bowen said.

The program also teaches people how to “be with” or accept uncomfortable feelings, such as cravings, rather than fight them, Bowen said. In this way, people learn skills that they can apply to their everyday lives, and not just situations in which they feel tempted, which is usually the focus of other prevention programs, she said.

Addiction and emotions

Dr. Scott Krakower, assistant unit chief of psychiatry at Zucker Hillside Hospital in Glen Oaks, N.Y., who was not involved in the study, said people with addiction often suffer from other conditions that involve problems regulating emotions, such as depression, anxiety or self-harm. Emotional problems, such as feelings of numbness with depression, can be a reason people turn to drugs, he said.

The mindfulness program helps teach people to “tolerate feelings of emotional distress, so when they feel like they’re going to use [drugs], they don’t,” Krakowe said. Krakower noted that mindfulness meditation programs have already been shown to be useful for depression.

Future studies are needed to examine the effectiveness of the therapy for substance abuse over longer periods, Krakower said. But at the very least, it seems that the program can be helpful for people with emotional dysregulation, which is the majority of the substance abuse population, Krakower said.

Source: JAMA Psychiatry. March 19 2014

Filed under: Addiction,Brain and Behaviour,Treatment and Addiction :

On the basis of three innovative US programmes for offenders or doctors with substance use problems, this analysis concludes that many seriously dependent individuals stop using if non-use is enforced through intensive monitoring and swift, certain but not necessarily severe consequences.

Summary Typical US substance use treatment amounts to a few weeks of outpatient counselling. Given that these disorders are characterised by lifelong risk of relapse, it is not surprising that many treatments yield suboptimal outcomes for many patients. Interventions that work:

• last months or years rather than weeks; • carefully monitor use of alcohol or other drugs of abuse; • impose swift, certain, and meaningful consequences for use and non-use of substances.

This article profiles three innovative care management programmes with these characteristics: physician health programmes, and two therapeutic jurisprudence programmes – South Dakota’s 24/7 Sobriety Project and HOPE probation. These actively and intensively manage the environments in which people with substance use disorders make decisions to use or not to use.

Physician health programmes

Physician health programmes offer drug- and alcohol-using physicians the opportunity, motivation, and support to achieve long-term recovery, using all three strategies in the new paradigm: monitoring, treatment, and 12-step programmes. In return, physicians sign contracts, typically for five years, to adhere to the programme, including completing treatment and submitting to frequent random drug testing to ensure abstinence. Each working day physicians phone or log-in to find out if they must report for testing. All are expected to be active in 12-step or similar community support programmes. Substance use or any other evidence of non-compliance typically results in immediate removal from medical practice to arrange extended treatment followed by more intensive monitoring. A chart review study of a single episode of physician health programme care involving 904 physicians showed that only 0.5% of tests on this high risk, substance abusing population were positive for alcohol or other drugs of abuse.

Hawaii Opportunity Probation with Enforcement

The Hawaii Opportunity Probation with Enforcement (HOPE) programme manages convicted offenders, most of whom are identified as likely to violate community supervision requirements. Their most common drug problem is smoked crystal methamphetamine. A judge tells offenders about the rules, including that they are subject to intensive random testing similar to that used by physician health programmes. Violations of probation, including any drug or alcohol use, missed drug tests, or missed appointments, are met with certain, swift but brief imprisonment.

When asked at the start of the programme, only a few HOPE probationers choose treatment to help them meet the abstinence requirement. The remainder are simply monitored unless they violate probation; most are then referred to treatment. About 85% complete the programme (which can last up to six years) without treatment.

In a 12-month period, 61% of HOPE offenders had no positive drug tests and fewer than 5% had four or more. A study compared probationers randomly assigned to HOPE or to standard probation. After a year, HOPE probationers were 55% less likely to be arrested for a new crime, 72% less likely to use drugs, 61% less likely to miss supervisory appointments, 53% less likely to have their probation revoked, and were sentenced to 48% fewer days of prison.

South Dakota’s 24/7 Sobriety project South Dakota’s 24/7 Sobriety programme serves drink-driving offenders, nearly half of whom have three or more drink-driving convictions. Participants must undergo twice-daily alcohol breath tests at a local police station or wear continuous transdermal alcohol monitoring bracelets and are also subject to regular drug urinalyses or must wear drug detection patches. Positive tests result in immediate brief imprisonment and missed appointments in immediate issuance of arrest warrants. Results are impressive: over 90% of all types of tests are negative, for alcohol breath tests, virtually all. Post-programme recidivism among twice-daily tested offenders is considerably lower than among comparison offenders.

Conclusions

A distinctive feature of these three interventions is the strong leverage used to sanction substance use and to reward abstinence: in physician health programmes, removal from practice and ultimately the loss of medical license versus continuing to practice in a prestigious and well paid profession; in HOPE and 24/7 Sobriety, immediate brief imprisonment versus freedom.

Mandatory abstinence in this new paradigm contrasts sharply with programmes which mandate treatment but do not impose meaningful consequences for substance use. The two offender programmes contrast with common approaches where consequences for non-compliance, including substance use, are delayed, uncertain, and, when applied often after many violations, draconian. This new way of managing substance use patients challenges the view that relapse is an essential feature of their disorder, shifts the focus away from finding new biological treatments, and shows that the key to long-term success lies in sustained changes in the environment in which decisions to use and not use are made. If this passively or actively rewards substance use, use is likely to continue, but the drinking and drug use of many – not all – seriously dependent individuals stops if the environment not only prohibits use, but enforces this with intensive monitoring and swift, certain but not necessarily severe consequences.

Source:   Findings.org.uk  March 2014

Filed under: Alcohol,Treatment and Addiction :

Abstract

Objective: To promote wider recognition and further understanding of cannabinoid hyperemesis (CH).

Patients and Methods:

We constructed a case series, the largest to date, of patients diagnosed with CH at our

institution. Inclusion criteria were determined by reviewing all PubMed indexed journals with case reports and case series on CH. The institution’s electronic medical record was searched from January 1, 2005, through June 15, 2010.

Patients were included if there was a history of recurrent vomiting with no other explanation for symptoms and if cannabis use preceded symptom onset. Of 1571 patients identified, 98 patients (6%) met inclusion criteria.

Results:

All 98 patients were younger than 50 years of age. Among the 37 patients in whom duration of cannabis use was available, most (25 [68%]) reported using cannabis for more than 2 years before symptom onset, and 71 of 75 patients (95%) in whom frequency of use was available used cannabis more than once weekly. Eighty-four patients (86%) reported abdominal pain.

The effect of hot water bathing was documented in 57 patients (58%), and 52 (91%)

of these patients reported relief of symptoms with hot showers or baths. Follow-up was available in only 10 patients (10%). Of those 10, 7 (70%) stopped using cannabis and 6 of these 7 (86%) noted complete resolution of theirsymptoms.

Conclusion:

Cannabinoid hyperemesis should be considered in younger patients with long-term cannabis use and recurrent nausea, vomiting, and abdominal pain. On the basis of our findings in this large series of patients, we propose major and supportive criteria for the diagnosis of CH.

 

Source:  www.mayoclinicproceedings.org   Feb 2012: 87(2)

Filed under: Cannabis/Marijuana,Drug use-various effects,Health,Treatment and Addiction :

As in Australia, an alcohol harm reduction curriculum adapted for secondary schools in Northern Ireland curbed the growth in alcohol-related problems and also meant pupils drank less. Results suggest this approach might offer a more fruitful focus for education about commonly used substances than simply promoting non-use.

Summary

Alcohol harm reduction approaches aim to decrease the harmful consequences of drinking without requiring abstinence. School-based substance use education programmes in the United Kingdom have mainly tried to delay the onset of use, though more recent programmes have included harm reduction components. Advantages of harm reduction approaches for adolescent pupils may include not stigmatising younger drinkers, not presenting drinking as a moral issue, and being able to tailor education to the specific risk factors of the particular pupil population. Such approaches seem most relevant at the ages when young people are first drinking unsupervised by adults and experiencing intoxication.

Developed and first evaluated in Australia, the School Health and Alcohol Harm Reduction Project (SHAHRP) is an example of harm reduction education, featuring skills training, information and activities designed to encourage behavioural change which reduces harms experienced as a result of drinking. Just such an effect was found in the original evaluation, in which the number of harms experienced by pupils in SHAHRP schools was substantially and significantly less than among pupils in schools not running the lessons, and remained so at the last follow-up 17 months after lessons had ended.

Given the prevalence of underage drinking in Northern Ireland and the associated problems, it was decided to adapt SHAHRP for Northern Irish secondary (or ‘high’) schools. As in the original study, the adapted version was delivered over two school years in two phases. The six lessons of phase one took place when pupils were in year 10 (age 13–14), and the four in phase two the following school year. A pilot study had found pupils and teachers felt the programme was easy to deliver, project materials helpful and easy to follow, and activities and discussions relevant and appropriate.

Having established its feasibility, to test the programme’s effectiveness a new study starting in 2005 recruited 29 secondary schools in the Belfast area. Nine carried on with the normal alcohol education curriculum (the control schools), the remainder also implemented SHAHRP. In eight SHAHRP schools it was delivered by the schools’ own teachers after being trained, in 12 by local voluntary-sector drug and alcohol educators. Rather than being assigned at random, schools were assigned to the three alcohol education options so that they would be comparable in terms of gender, socio-economic profile and location.

2349 pupils were surveyed at the start of the study; about 60% were girls, 17% had not drunk alcohol, and around half had already drunk without adult supervision. Surveys were repeated the following two years after the first and second phases of SHAHRP, and finally in March 2008 when lessons had ended at least 11 months before, at which time 2048 of the 2349 pupils (who now averaged 16½ year of age) could be re-surveyed. Though surveys were anonymous and confidential, identifiers could be used to track changes in each individual pupil across the three years.

Main findings

Generally the trends in how pupils drank and the harms they experienced were most favourable when SHAHRP lessons had been delivered by external specialists, next most favourable when they had delivered by the schools’ own teachers, and least favourable when SHAHRP had not been implemented at all. Selected more detailed findings below.

Each survey asked pupils who had drunk at some time during the study about any resulting harms over the past year, such as drinking more than they had planned, being sick after drinking, having hangover symptoms, being unable to remember what had happened while drunk, becoming verbally and/or physically abusive, and trouble with parents or police. Pupils divided in to four characteristic trajectories over the years of the study. Compared to those in control schools, pupils offered the SHAHRP lessons were more likely to have experienced virtually no harms during the study or a relatively low and stable level, rather than increasing and high levels of harm. When SHAHRP lessons had been delivered by external specialists, pupils were more likely to have experienced virtually no harms than when delivered by the schools’ own teachers. However, both types of SHAHRP delivery significantly improved on usual lessons only.

The drinkers among the pupils were also asked how much they had drunk last time. On this measure pupils again divided in to four characteristic trajectories. Compared to those in control schools, at each follow-up pupils offered the SHAHRP lessons were more likely say they had drunk very little than to have reported increasing and by the end of the study relatively high levels of drinking. When the lessons had been delivered by external specialists, pupils were more likely to consistently have drunk relatively little than when delivered by the schools’ own teachers.

Each survey also included questions about the harms pupils had experienced over the past year arising from someone else’s drinking, such as verbal or physical abuse, sexual harassment, or damage to personal property. Compared to those in control schools, pupils offered the SHAHRP lessons were least likely to have experienced a steep rise in such harms ending in relatively high levels. Whether SHAHRP lessons had been delivered by external specialists or the schools’ own teachers did not significantly affect the trends.

Pupils offered SHAHRP lessons were more likely than those in control schools to have become more knowledgeable about alcohol over the study and to end with relatively high levels of knowledge, more so when the lessons had been delivered by external specialists. However, both SHAHRP delivery options significantly improved on usual lessons only. Results were similar in respect of developing safer attitudes to drinking.

The authors’ conclusions A research review associated with guidance on alcohol education from the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence remarked that the Australian SHAHRP evaluation offered evidence that programmes focusing on harm reduction through skills-based activities can produce medium to long term reductions in alcohol use and in particular, risky drinking behaviours. However, the review queried the transferability of these programmes and their results to the UK. The featured study shows that in the UK too, classroom-based harm reduction education can have a significant impact on the harm adolescents experienced from

drinking. The research also suggests these lessons need to incorporate interactive learning, start just prior to and during the times when pupils first try drinking, be culturally sensitive, and provide realistic scenarios and deal with realistic issues.

Compared to control schools, pupils in SHAHRP schools were significantly more likely to be among groups characterised by better growth in knowledge about alcohol and its effects, safer alcohol-related attitudes, fewer harms from one’ own and other’s drinking, and less alcohol consumption. These differences were maintained over the 11 months after lessons had ended, though in some cases with diminished strength. External facilitation of the lessons was associated with the best outcomes, particularly with respect to knowledge and attitudes, harms from one’ own drinking, and alcohol consumption.

SHAHRP offers abstainers, novice drinkers and more experienced drinkers alike the opportunity to reflect on use, harm and personal safety, including the importance of trusted friends, basic first aid techniques, group transport home, mobile phone availability, not to make decisions while drunk, identify friends becoming drunk, drink-spiking, mixing substances, and arguments and aggressive behaviour. The results show that young people are capable of processing such messages developed and presented within the reality of their drinking experiences. SHAHRP addresses harms without causing any increase in drinking (in fact, the reverse) or decreasing rates of abstinence.

It was unfortunate that two of the schools allocated to the control group withdrew from the study, partially upsetting the attempt to ensure comparability of the schools operating the three alcohol education options. However, differences were adjusted for statistically. Also, no systematic record was kept on the alcohol education delivered to control subjects. In Northern Ireland this typically is embedded in the curriculum as part of science or citizenship lessons, so would be identical to that received by intervention students.

Together with the original Australian evaluation, this UK study represents fairly strong evidence that if it focuses on this task, a school curriculum can reduce drink-related problems. In Australia harm-reduction effects were greatest among the higher risk pupils who had already drunk without adult supervision; at each follow-up point they experienced about 20% fewer harms than control pupils.

In that study too, though still very much in the minority, by the last follow up there were a third more abstainers among SHAHRP than control pupils. By the end of the featured study about 6% of control pupils had never drank alcohol compared to 6% of SHAHRP pupils taught by external staff and 3.5% taught by their teachers. These findings offer little support to concerns that safer drinking lessons will encourage more pupils to drink.

In the featured study it seems SHAHRP lessons were additional to usual alcohol education, meaning that impacts might have been due to simply having more time devoted to this topic rather than or as well as the content. In Australia SHAHRP replaced usual alcohol education, thought there too it occupied two years rather than one and occupied more classroom time overall.

In the more restrictive youth drinking environment of the USA, a programme forefronting alcohol problem reduction among its aims has produced similar findings to that in Australia. It retarded growth in alcohol problems (such as getting drunk or sick or complaints from parents and friends), but only among pupils who had already drunk without adult supervision,

and only if the lessons did not occur too early to coincide with the development of this drinking pattern. After disappointing initial results, another US substance use education programme including alcohol adopted harm reduction objectives. The revised programme resulted in a significant reduction in risky or harmful drinking. Parallel and consistent findings in different countries with different curricula suggests that harm reduction education on drinking has a real and transferable impact in Western drinking cultures. Such findings contrast with unconvincing evidence from trials of substance use education in general and alcohol education in particular. For the UK the most important guidance on alcohol education was issued in 2007 by the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence. It said this “should aim to encourage children not to drink, delay the age at which young people start drinking and reduce the harm it can cause among those who do drink”. Recommendations included ensuring alcohol education is an integral part of the science and PSHE curricula. The committee stressed that education should be adapted to its cultural context, in particular that in the UK “alcohol use is considered normal for a large proportion of the population [and] a ‘harm reduction’ approach is favoured for young people”. Inspections in 2012 of PSHE lessons suggest English schools are far from adequately implementing NICE’s recommendations, in particular in respect of education aimed at reducing alcohol-related harm. In just under half the inspected schools had pupils learnt how to keep themselves safe in a variety of situations, and the deficits were particularly noticeable in respect of drinking. Inspectors found that although pupils understood the dangers to health of tobacco and illegal drugs, they were far less aware of the physical and social damage associated with risky drinking. Some did not know the strength of different alcoholic drinks or make the links between excessive drinking and issues such as heart and liver disease and personal safety. The report attributed these deficiencies in part to inadequacies in subject-specific training and support for PSHE teachers, particularly in teaching sensitive and controversial topics.

Last revised 18 June 2013. First uploaded 12 June 2013

Source: McKay M.T., McBride N.T., Sumnall H.R. et al.  Journal of Substance Use: 2012, 17(2), p. 98–121.

Filed under: Alcohol,Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Treatment and Addiction :

By Matthew Hill BBC health correspondent

Some analysts suggest that lessons can be learned from Portugal’s drug laws. So how are things done differently there?

As she waited calmly with fellow drug users queuing for their weekly treatment in Lisbon’s main detox centre, Anna was happy to talk about the addiction that has blighted her for the past 15 years.

The 53-year-old drug user, who preferred not to give her surname, said she was now able to lead a normal life because of Portugal’s enlightened approach that favours public health over the criminalisation of drug users.

Anna visits Lisbon’s ‘Centro das Taipas’ each week to receive the heroin substitute methadone.

She explained: “I had a good life, and when I started taking drugs I spoilt my life and now I am drug-free again and I am well. When I feel ok I will stop methadone, if necessary on an in-patient basis.”

The change in law that led to this treatment was a response to a growing drug problem in the late 1990s.

‘No problem’

Portugal had developed a reputation as a gateway for drug trafficking, with more than three quarters of drugs seized destined for other European countries.

By 1999, it had the highest rate of drug-related Aids cases in the EU and there was a growing perception that the criminalisation of drug use was increasingly part of the problem.

So in 2001, the socialist government changed the law to turn possession of drugs into an “administrative offence”, sending those caught with drugs for personal use to a “dissuasion board” rather than face prosecution.

At one of these hearings was a 32-year-old man who had been caught in possession of  hashish.

Paulo showed no regret as he explained his case to a social worker and psychologist, saying: “I don’t feel I have a problem with drugs, so I don’t feel I need to be here”.

As this was his first appearance before the board he was just given a warning. If he is caught again, sanctions will be applied.

But far more drug users are taking up treatment as a result of the change in law, an independent study by Dr Alex Stevens from theUniversity of Kentfound.

It said the overall numbers of drug users in treatment expanded in Portugal from 23,654 to 38,532 between 1998 and 2008. While between 2000 and 2008 the number of case of HIV reduced among drug users from 907 to 267.

“This is a highly significant trend which as been attributed primarily to the expansion of harm reduction services,” it concluded.

Radical change

The advisor of the management board of the Instituto of Drugs in Portugal, Dr Fatima Trigeiros, said its partners had feared decriminalisation would make people flock to Portugal to take drugs, but that did not happen.

“Before the law changed people with drug consumption would fear to come into the treatment structures because they were afraid they would be taken to court,” she said.

Continue reading the main story

“Start Quote

We have a government that on paper at last is a dream ticket for actually putting in place substantive reforms”

End Quote Danny Kushlick Transform

“Also we were not tackling first-time users, those who were experimenting, because the time between being caught and the time they were taken to court was too long. Now they are being taken to the dissuasion boards in 72 hours.”

Would the British government ever entertain such a radical change? The Home Office says decriminalisation is not the answer; instead it wants to reduce drug use and drug-related crime and help addicts kick their habit.

But there is evidence the prime minister thought differently when he was in opposition. Eight years ago, David Cameron wrote in the Daily Telegraph, that “politicians need to get up from behind their barricades and look at what works, rather than what sounds good”.

He called for a declassification of some drugs so cannabis would move from class B to class C and ecstasy from A to B, even allowing some severe heroin users access to injecting rooms.

As a backbench MP, Mr Cameron called on the government to raise a debate at the United Nations on legalisation and regulation. It was the clearest indication ever given by a future British prime minister of a desire to rethink drugs policy.

The charitable think tank “Transform”, which is lobbying for a change in the law, is hoping the prime minister’s past views will prevail.

Its head of external affairs, Danny Kushlick said: “We have a government that on paper at last is a dream ticket for actually putting in place substantive reforms that are going to shift resources from criminal justice and towards public health.”

With difficult public sector cuts looming, drug reform may not be the first priority of the British government, but it is now consulting on the UK Drugs Strategy.

Reformers say if they want to reduce spending on drugs they could do worse than to look to Portugal.

Source  bbc.co.uk/news 3rd Oct.2010

Filed under: Drug use-various effects,Europe,Legal Sector,Treatment and Addiction :

Australians are the world’s highest ecstasy users in the world.
 (Source: U N Office of Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report June 2009).
 
Ecstasy is the second most commonly used illicit drug in Australia.
 (Source: Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2008)
 
A third of all ecstasy seized globally in 2008 was destined for Australia.
 (Source: International Narcotics Control Board annual report 2010)
 
DRUG ADVISORY COUNCIL COMMENTS-
 
Australia has a culture of illicit drug use which is attracting supply.
 
This culture is supported by policies of syringe distribution, drug maintenance  and drug substitution. Celebrities because of their high public profile highlight this drug culture and the effects on them and their families.
 
Whilst public debate on the effects of illicit drugs is useful, these drugs are
illegal because they are PROVEN dangerous. The violence, mental illness, psychosis and chaos of all illicit drugs are well documented and scientifically proven.
 
The drug culture can only be changed with policies that REDUCE demand and
divert illicit drug users into rehabilitation that produce abstinence from
future use.
 
Court ordered and supervised illicit drug orders should be used to divert all
identified illicit drug users into rehabilitation. Only reduced demand by rehabilitation will starve international criminals of  funds from illicit drugs.
 
THE DRUG ADVISORY COUNCIL OF AUSTRALIA SUPPORTS:

More detoxification & rehabilitation that gets illicit drug user’s drug free.
Court ordered and supervised detoxification & rehabilitation.
Less illicit drug users, drug pushers and drug related crimes.

 
Source:  Drug Advisory Council of Australia  (DACA) August 2010

Filed under: Australia,Treatment and Addiction :

“It’s extraordinarily simplistic for the Global Commission to advocate that decriminalising drugs will lead to reduced addiction rates and less crime.  The idea that drug abuse is a victimless crime is also hugely over-simplifying things.

In Scotland there is a huge problem with drug addiction and this has become dramatically worse over recent decades. Such is the scale of the problem now that we have a detection rate of just 1 per cent of all the heroin that’s consumed in Scotland.

That’s a figure we should be hugely discomforted by and it gives us an idea of the scale of the problem we’re facing. The Global Commission’s recommendations seem to have given up on the idea of getting addicts off drugs and seem to be accepting it’s a problem that’s here to stay.

As things stand, we are already leaving too many addicts for too long on methadone, for example. We need to have a policy of supporting people to move from increased stability to abstinence. Legalising drugs would open the floodgates to more drugs problems and would be a catastrophe for the country.

There are areas in Scotland where drug use is already rife, such as some estates in the cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow. If drugs were no longer illegal this would spread rapidly and get out of all control very quickly, we would end up with a drug problem that’s of a similar scale to the one we currently have with alcohol.

The policy advocated by the Global Commission would also lead to higher levels of crime and would corrupt the economy, and there would be huge economic power left with these businesses selling drugs. The power of the drugs gangs would remain in place, but they would now be legitimate in the eyes of the law and would be more likely to diversify into other areas of crime.

We would also see some companies that are currently legitimate corrupted by their involvement in the drugs trade. This has already happened in Columbia, where the gangs have become more powerful and have influence over more parts of society.

Drug dealers and organised crime would all of a sudden have so much more influence and this would be hugely damaging to Scottish society as a whole. We have to look at how to solve the problems with drugs in a much more measured way and that means having joined up strategies in place to treat addicts, as well as an effective criminal justice system.

One of the biggest problems of all though is that we have become too accustomed to having a drug problem in Scotland over the past 20 years and have allowed the problem to get worse and worse. The last thing we want is any sort of knee-jerk reaction or a rushed decision that has come up with all the wrong sorts of ideas. Prevention of drug addiction through education and early intervention have got to be at the heart of any anti-drugs strategy.

But we need to be very clear that a 1 per cent detection rate for all the heroin use in Scotland is just not acceptable and needs to be dramatically improved.  The approach put forward by the Global Commission is certainly not the route to go down, as it would just escalate our problems with crime and addiction.

If we imagine just how bad things have become in Scotland with drug addiction and crime, we should stop to think how much worse they could be if these proposals to decriminalise drugs are introduced.  The crisis could get much worse unless we have a sensible approach that gets to the heart of the problem”.

lNeil McKeganey is a professor of drug misuse research at the University of Glasgow

Source: Scotsman.com 2nd June 2011

Filed under: Education Sector,Legal Sector,Others (International News),Social Affairs,Treatment and Addiction :

A United Nations panel today agreed on a set of measures to prevent the use of illicit drugs and strengthen national and regional responses, including using treatment instead of incarceration to stem a worrying global trend in the abuse of narcotics.

Wrapping up its week-long 55th session in Vienna, the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND), adopted 12 resolutions, including on the treatment, rehabilitation and social reintegration of drug-dependent prisoners; treatment as an alternative to incarceration; and preventing death from overdose.

The commission, which is made up of 53 member States, underlined the need for gender-specific interventions and called for the promotion of drug prevention, treatment and care for female drug addicts. It also called for more evidence-based strategies to prevent the use of illicit drugs, especially among young people.

Yury Fedotov, the Executive Director of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), hailed the fundamental role of existing international drugs conventions in safeguarding public health.

“It is only by acknowledging the drug conventions as the foundation for our shared responsibility that we can make successive generations safe from illicit drugs,” he said.

The commission acknowledged the role played by developing countries in sharing best practices, including through continental and inter-regional cooperation to promote alternative development programmes in poor rural communities dependent on the cultivation of illicit drug crops.

One of the new issues that emerged during the current session is the increasing diversion of chemicals to manufacture illicit amphetamine-type stimulants, a group of synthetic drugs that includes ecstasy and methamphetamine.

The commission called for international cooperation to curb the manufacture of new psychoactive substances. It also recommended the development of an international electronic authorization system for the trade in controlled substances.

This year’s session drew some 1,200 participants from 120 countries, observers, international organizations and non-governmental organizations.

Source:www.un.org 16th March

Filed under: Effects of Drugs,Others (International News),Social Affairs,Treatment and Addiction :

When it comes to prevention of substance use in our “tween” population, turning kids on to ‘thought control’ may just be the answer to getting them to say no, Medical News Today reports.

New research published in the Journal of Studies on Alcohol and Drugs, co-led by professors Roisin O’Connor of Concordia University and Craig Colder of State University of New York at Buffalo, has found that around the” tween-age” years, youth are decidedly ambivalent toward cigarettes and alcohol. It seems that the youngsters have both positive and negative associations with these harmful substances and have yet to decide one way or the other. Because they are especially susceptible to social influences, media portrayals of drug use and peer pressure become strong allies of substance use around these formative years.

“Initiation and escalation of alcohol and cigarette use occurring during late childhood and adolescence makes this an important developmental period to examine precursors of substance use,” O’Connor said. “We conducted this study to have a better understanding of what puts this group at risk for initiating substance use so we can be more proactive with prevention.”

The study showed that at the impulsive, automatic level, these kids thought these substances were bad but they were easily able to overcome these biases and think of them as good when asked to place them with positive words. O’Connor explains that “this suggests that this age group may be somewhat ambivalent about drinking and smoking. We need to be concerned when kids are ambivalent because this is when they may be more easily swayed by social influences.”

According to O’Connor, drinking and smoking among this age group is influenced by both impulsive (acting without thinking), and controlled (weighing the pros against the cons) decisional processes. With this study, both processes were therefore examined to best understand the risk for initiating substance use.

To do this, close to 400 children between the ages of 10 and 12 participated in a computer-based test that involved targeted tasks. The tweens were asked to place pictures of cigarettes and alcohol with negative or positive words. The correct categorization of some trials, for example, involved placing pictures of alcohol with a positive word in one category and placing pictures of alcohol with negative words in another category.

The next step in the study is to look at kids over a longer period of time. The hypothesis from the research is that as tweens begin to use these substances there will be an apparent weakening in their negative biases toward drinking and smoking. The desire will eventually outweigh the costs. It is also expected that they will continue to easily outweigh the pros relative to the cons related to substance use.

O’Connor said researchers would like to continue to track the youth, who, he said, know that drugs are inherently bad.

“The problem is the likelihood of external pressures that are pushing them past their ambivalence so that they use. In a school curriculum format I see helping kids deal with their ambivalence in the moment when faced with the choice to use or not use substances,” O’Connor concluded.

Source:www.cadca.org 15th March 2012

Filed under: Addiction,Alcohol,Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Education,Treatment and Addiction,Youth :

Adolescents’ use of marijuana may increase the risk of heroin addiction later in life, a new study suggests. Researchers say the work adds to “overwhelming” evidence that people under 21 should not use marijuana because of the risk of damaging the developing brain.

The idea that smoking cannabis increases the user’s chance of going on to take harder drugs such as heroin is highly contentious. Some dub cannabis a “gateway” drug, arguing that peer pressure and exposure to drug dealers will tempt users to escalate their drug use. Others insist that smoking cannabis is unrelated to further drug use.

Now research in rats suggests that using marijuana reduces future sensitivity to opioids, which makes people more vulnerable to heroin addiction later in life. It does so by altering the brain chemistry of marijuana users, say the researchers.

“Adolescents in particular should never take cannabis – it’s far too risky because the brain areas essential for behaviour and cognitive functioning are still developing and are very sensitive to drug exposure,” says Jasmin Hurd, who led the study at the Karolinska Institute in Sweden.
But Hurd acknowledges that most people who use cannabis begin in their teens. A recent survey reported that as many as 20% of 16-year-olds in the US and Europe had illegally used cannabis in the previous month.

“Teenage” rats

In order to explore how the adolescent use of cannabis affects later drug use, Hurd and colleagues set up an experiment in rats aimed to mirror human use as closely as possible.

In the first part of the trial, six “teenage” rats were given a small dose of THC – the active chemical in cannabis – every three days between the ages of 28 and 49 days, which is the equivalent of human ages 12 to 18. The amount of THC given was roughly equivalent to a human smoking one joint every three days, Hurd explains. A control group of six rats did not receive THC.

One week after the first part was completed, catheters were inserted in all 12 of the adult rats and they were able to self-administer heroin by pushing a lever.
“At first, all the rats behaved the same and began to self-administer heroin frequently,” says Hurd. “But after a while, they stabilised their daily intake at a certain level. We saw that the ones that had been on THC as teenagers stabilised their intake at a much higher level than the others – they appeared to be less sensitive to the effects of heroin. And this continued throughout their lives.”

Hurd says reduced sensitivity to the heroin means the rats take larger doses, which has been shown to increase the risk of addiction.

Drug memory

The researchers then examined specific brain cells in the rats, including the opioid and cannabinoid receptors. They found that the rats that had been given THC during adolescence had a significantly altered opioid system in the area associated with reward and positive emotions. This is also the area linked to addiction.

“These are very specific changes and they are long-lasting, so the brain may ‘remember’ past cannabis experimentation and be vulnerable to harder drugs later in life,” Hurd says.
Neurologist Jim van Os, a cannabis expert at the University of Maastricht in the Netherlands told New Scientist the research was a welcome addition to our understanding of how cannabis affects the adolescent brain.

“The issue of cross-sensitisation of cannabis/opioid receptors has been a controversial one, but these findings show the drug’s damaging effects on the reward structures of the brain,” van Oshe says. “There is now overwhelming evidence that nobody in the brain’s developmental stage – under the age of 21 – should use cannabis.”

Source: On line edition of Neuropsychopharmacology. Reported in NewScientist.com July 2006

Filed under: Addiction,Cannabis/Marijuana,Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Treatment and Addiction,Youth :

• Young people in the UK have by far the most positive expectations of alcohol in Europe and are least likely to feel that it might cause them harm.
• Exposure to alcohol marketing increases the likelihood that young people will start to use alcohol and the amount they consume.
• The alcohol industry spends £800 million on marketing in the UK annually
• A spends £153 encouraging drinking per £1 contributed to Drinkaware – the industry led alcohol information organisation charged with promoting sensible drinking.
• Underage drinkers consume approximately the equivalent of 6.9 million pints of beer or 1.7 million bottles each week
• 630,000 11- to 17-year-olds drink twice or more each week.
• Between 2002 and 2009 – 92,220 under-18s were admitted to hospital in England for alcohol-related conditions- over 36 children or young people each day.
• Under-18s alcohol-related hospital admissions increased by 32% between 2002 and 2007.
• The latest European School Survey Project on Alcohol and Other Drugs reported that in the UK 26% of 11-15 year-olds reported suffering an accident or injury because of their drinking, the highest percentage in Europe.
• Although cases of dependence amongst underage drinkers are rare, in 2008/9 – 8,799 younger people accessed treatment for alcohol up from 4,886 in 2005/6.

Source:www.alcoholconcern.org.uk Nov.2011

Filed under: Addiction,Alcohol,Drug use-various effects on foetus, babies, children and youth,Health,Treatment and Addiction,Youth :

Position Statement – December 2011

The flawed proposition of drug legalisation

Various well funded pressure groups have mounted campaigns to overturn the United Nations Conventions on drugs. These groups claim that society should accept the fact of drugs as a problem that will remain and, therefore, should be managed in a way that would enable millions of people to take advantage of an alleged ‘legal right’ to use drugs of their choice.

It is important to note that international law makes a distinction between “hard law” and “soft law.” Hard law is legally binding upon the States. Soft law is not binding. UN Conventions, such as the Conventions on Drugs, are considered hard law and must be upheld by the countries that have ratified the UN Drug Conventions.

International narcotics legislation is mainly made up of the three UN Conventions from 1961 (Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs), 1971 (Convention on Psychotropic Substances), and 1988 (Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances):

• The 1961 Convention sets out that “the possession, use, trade in, distribution,import, export, manufacture and the production of drugs is exclusively limited to medical and scientific purposes”. Penal cooperation is to be established so as to ensure that drugs are only used licitly (for prescribed medical purposes).

• The 1971 Convention resembles closely the 1961 Convention, whilst
establishing an international control system for Psychotropic Substances.

• The 1988 Convention reflects the response of the international community to increasing illicit cultivation, production, manufacture, and trafficking activities. International narcotics legislation draws a line between licit (medical) and illicit (non-medical) use, and sets out measures for prevention of illicit use, including penal measures. The preamble to the 1961 Convention states that the parties to the Convention are “Recognizing that addiction to narcotic drugs constitutes a serious evil for the individual and is fraught with social and economic danger to mankind”. The Conventions are reviewed every ten years and have consistently been upheld.

The UN system of drug control includes the Office of Drugs and Crime, the International Narcotics Control Board, and the Commission on Narcotic Drugs. The works of these bodies are positive and essential in international drug demand and supply reduction. They are also attacked by those seeking to legalise drugs.

It is frequently and falsely asserted that the so-called “War on Drugs” is inappropriate and has become a very costly and demonstrable failure. It is declared by some that vast resources have been poured into the prevention of drug use and the suppression of illicit manufacturing, trafficking, and supply. It is further claimed that what is essentially a chronic medical problem has been turned into a criminal justice issue with inappropriate remedies that make “innocent” people criminals. In short, the flawed argument is that “prohibition” monies have been wasted and the immeasurable financial resources applied to this activity would be better spent for the general benefit of the community.

The groups supporting legalisation are: people who use drugs, those who believe that the present system of control does more harm than good, and those who are keen to make significant profits from marketing newly authorised addictive substances. In addition to pernicious distribution of drugs, dealers circulate specious and misleading information. They foster the erroneous belief that drugs are harmless, thus adding to even more confused thinking.

Superficially crafted, yet pseudo-persuasive arguments are put forward that can be accepted by many concerned, well intentioned people who have neither the time nor the knowledge to research the matter thoroughly, but accept them in good faith. Frequently high profile people claim that legalisation is the best way of addressing a major social problem without cogent supporting evidence. This too influences others, especially the ill informed who accept statements as being accurate and well informed. Through this ill-informed propaganda, people are asked to believe that such action would defeat the traffickers, take the profit out of the drug trade and solve the drug problem completely.

The total case for legalisation seems to be based on the assertion that the government assault on alleged civil liberties has been disastrously and expensively ineffective and counter-productive. In short, it is alleged, in contradiction to evidence, that prohibition has produced more costs than benefits and, therefore, the use of drugs on a personal basis should be permitted. Advocates claim that legalisation would eliminate the massive expenditure incurred by prohibition and would take the profit out of crime for suppliers and dealers. They further claim that it would decriminalise what they consider “understandable” human behaviour and thus prevent the overburdening of the criminal justice system that is manifestly failing to cope. It is further argued irrationally that police time would not be wasted on minor drug offences, the courts would be freed from the backlog of trivial cases and the prisons would not be used as warehouses for those who choose to use drugs, and the saved resources could be used more effectively.

Types of drug legalisation

The term “legalisation” can have any one of the following meanings:

1. Total Legalisation – All illicit drugs such as heroin, cocaine, methamphetamine, and marijuana would be legal and treated as commercial products. No government regulation would be required to oversee production, marketing, or distribution.

2. Regulated Legalisation – The production and distribution of drugs would be regulated by the government with limits on amounts that can be purchased and the age of purchasers. There would be no criminal or civil sanctions for possessing, manufacturing, or distributing drugs unless these actions violated the regulatory system. Drug sales could be taxed.

3. Decriminalisation – Decriminalisation eliminates criminal sanctions for drug use and provides civil sanctions for possession of drugs. To achieve the agenda of drug legalisation, advocates argue for:

• legalising drugs by lowering or ending penalties for drug possession and use – particularly marijuana;

• legalising marijuana and other illicit drugs as a so-called medicine;
• harm reduction programmes such as needle exchange programmes, drug injection sites, heroin distribution to addicts, and facilitation of so-called safe use of drugs that normalize drug use, create the illusion that drugs can be used safely if one just knows how, and eliminates a goal of abstinence from drugs;

• legalised growing of industrial hemp;
• an inclusion of drug users as equal partners in establishing and enforcing drug policy; and

• protection for drug users at the expense and to the detriment of non-users under the pretence of “human rights.”

The problem is with the drugs and not the drug policies

Legalisation of current illicit drugs, including marijuana, is not a viable solution to the global drug problem and would actually exacerbate the problem. The UN Drug Conventions were adopted because of the recognition by the international community that drugs are an enormous social problem and that the trade adversely affects the global economy and the viability of some countries that have become transit routes.

The huge sums of illegal money generated by the drug trade encourage money laundering and have become inextricably linked with other international organised criminal activities such as terrorism, human trafficking, prostitution and the arms trade. Drug Lords have subverted the democratic governments of some countries to the great detriment of law abiding citizens.

Drug abuse has had a major adverse effect on global health and the spread of communicable diseases such as AIDS/HIV. Control is vitally important for the protection of communities against these problems. There is international agreement in the UN Conventions that drugs should be produced legally under strict supervision to ensure adequate supplies only for medical and research purposes. The cumulative effects of prohibition and interdiction combined with education and treatment during 100 years of international drug control have had a significant impact in stemming the drug problem. Control is working and one can only imagine how much worse the problem would have become without it. For instance:

• In 2007, drug control had reduced the global opium supply to one-third the level in 1907 and even though current reports indicate recent increased cultivation in Afghanistan and production in Southeast Asia, overall production has not increased.

• During the last decade, world output of cocaine and amphetamines has stabilized; cannabis output has declined since 2004; and opium production has declined since 2008. We, therefore, strongly urge nations to uphold and enhance current efforts to prevent the use, cultivation, production, traffic, and sale of illegal drugs. We further urge our leaders to reject the legalisation of currently illicit drugs as an acceptable solution to the world’s drug problem because of the following reasons:

• Only 6.1% of people globally between the ages of 15 and 64 use drugs (World Drug Report 2011 UNODC) and there is little public support for the legalisation of highly dangerous substances. Prohibition has ensured that the total number of users is low because legal sanctions do influence people’s behaviour.

• There is a specific obligation to protect children from the harms of drugs, as is
evidenced through the ratification by the majority of United Nations Member States of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Article 33 states that Member States “shall take all appropriate measures, including legislative, administrative, social and educational measures, to protect children from the illicit use of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances as defined in the relevant international treaties, and to prevent the use of children in the illicit production and trafficking of such substances”.

• Legalisation sends the dangerous tacit message of approval, that drug use is
acceptable and cannot be very harmful.

• Permissibility, availability and accessibility of dangerous drugs will result in
increased consumption by many who otherwise would not consider using them.

• Enforcement of laws creates risks that discourage drug use. Laws clearly define what is legal and illegal and emphasise the boundaries.

• Legalisation would increase the risks to individuals, families, communities and world regions without any compensating benefits.

• Legalisation would remove the social sanctions normally supported by a legal system and expose people to additional risk, especially the young and vulnerable.

• The legalisation of drugs would lead inevitably to a greater number of dependencies and addictions likely to match the levels of licit addictive substances. In turn, this would lead to increasing related morbidity and mortality, the spread of communicable diseases such as AIDS/HIV and the other blood borne viruses exacerbated by the sharing of needles and drugs paraphernalia, and an increased burden on the health and social services.

• There would be no diminution in criminal justice costs as, contrary to the view held by those who support legalisation, crime would not be eliminated or reduced. Dependency often brings with it dysfunctional families together with increased domestic child abuse.

• There will be increases in drugged driving and industrial accidents.

• Drug Control is a safeguard protecting millions from the effects of drug abuse and addiction particularly, but not exclusively, in developing countries.

• Statements about taxation offsetting any additional costs are demonstrably flawed and this has been shown in the case of alcohol and tobacco taxes. Short of governments distributing free drugs, those who commit crime now to obtain them would continue to do so if they became legal.

• Legalisation would not take the profit out of the drug trade as criminals will always find ways of countering legislation. They would continue their dangerous activities including cutting drugs with harmful substances to maximise sales and profits. Aggressive marketing techniques, designed to promote increased sales and use, would be applied rigorously to devastating effect.

• Other ‘legal’ drugs – alcohol and tobacco, are regularly traded on the black market and are an international smuggling problem; an estimated 600 billion cigarettes are smuggled annually (World Drug report 2009). Taxation monies raised from these products go nowhere near addressing consequential costs.

• Many prisons have become incubators for infection and the spread of drug related diseases at great risk to individual prisoners, prison staff and the general public. Failure to eliminate drug use in these institutions exacerbates the problem.

• The prisons are not full of people who have been convicted for mere possession of drugs for personal use. This sanction is usually reserved for dealers and those who commit crime in the furtherance of their possession.

• The claim that alcohol and tobacco may cause more harm than some drugs is not a pharmacokinetics of psychotropic substances suggest that more, not less, control of their access is warranted.

• Research regularly and increasingly demonstrates the harms associated with drug use and misuse. There is uncertainty, yet growing evidence, about the long-term detrimental effects of drug use on the physical, psychological and emotional health of substance users.

• It is inaccurate to suggest that the personal use of drugs has no consequential and damaging effects. Apart from the harm to the individual users, drugs affect others by addiction, violence, criminal behaviour and road accidents. Some drugs remain in the body for long periods and adversely affect performance and behaviour beyond the time of so-called ‘private’ use. Legalisation would not diminish the adverse effects associated with drug misuse such as criminal, irrational and violent behaviour and the mental and physical harm that occurs in many users.

• All drugs can be dangerous including prescription and over the counter medicines if they are taken without attention to medical guidance. Recent research has confirmed just how harmful drug use can be and there is now overwhelming evidence (certainly in the case of cannabis) to make consideration of legalisation irresponsible.

• The toxicity of drugs is not a matter for debate or a vote. People are entitled to their own opinions but not their own facts. Those who advocate freedom of choice cannot create freedom from adverse consequences.

• Drug production causes huge ecological damage and crop erosion in drug producing areas.

• Nearly every nation has signed the UN Conventions on drug control. Any government of signatory countries contemplating legalisation would be in breach of agreements under the UN Conventions which recognise that unity is the best approach to combating the global drug problem. The administrative burden associated with legalisation would become enormous and probably unaffordable to most governments. Legalisation would require a massive government commitment to production, supply, security and a bureaucracy that would necessarily increase the need for the employment at great and unaffordable cost for all of the staff necessary to facilitate that development.

• Any government policy must be motivated by the consideration that it must first do no harm. There is an obligation to protect citizens and the compassionate and sensible method must be to do everything possible to reduce drug dependency and misuse, not to encourage or facilitate it. Any failures in a common approach to a problem would result in a complete breakdown in effectiveness. Differing and fragmented responses to a common predicament are unacceptable for the wellbeing of the international community. It is incumbent on national governments to cooperate in securing the greatest good for the greatest number.

ISSUED this 21st day of December, 2011 by the following groups:
Drug Prevention Network of the Americas (DPNA)
Institute on Global Drug Policy
International Scientific and Medical Forum on Drug Abuse
International Task Force on Strategic Drug Policy
People Against Drug Dependence & Ignorance (PADDI), Nigeria
Europe Against Drugs (EURAD)
World Federation Against Drugs (WFAD)
Peoples Recovery, Empowerment and Development Assistance (PREDA)
Drug Free Scotland

Filed under: Alcohol,Crime/Violence/Prison,Drug Specifics,Drugs and Accidents,Education Sector,Effects of Drugs,Global Drug Legalisation Efforts,Legal Sector,Others (International News),Prevention and Intervention,Social Affairs,Treatment and Addiction,Youth :

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